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B1^4D1NG U9T ^^^ 

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H. E. FiKLD Marshal the Viscount Allenby G.C.B., G.C.M.G 
H. E. THE Right Honourable Sie Herbert Sajviuel G.B.E. 

Hojinl of Directors: 

Prof. J. Gaestang 

Le Eev. Pere Dhorme 

Dr. W. F. Albright 

The Rev. Herbert Danbt 

Dr. Nahum Slousch 

Le Rev. Pere Gaudens Orfali 

Mr. Ronald Storrs 

Mr. Eleezer Ben Yehudah 

Editorial Board: 

The Rev. H. Danbt 
Le Rev. Pere Dhorme 
Mr. David Yellin 


















Introductory Notice 1 

Constitution . 3 

Reports of Meetings v . . 5 

Abel, F.-M., 0. P. La maison d'Abraham a Hebron 138 

Albright, W. F. A Revision of Early Hebrew Chronology 49 

A Colony of Cretan Mercenaries on the Coast of the Negeb . . 187 

Ben Yehudah, Eliezer. The Edomite Language 113 ' 

Canaan, T. Haunted Springs and Water Demons in Palestine 153 

Clay, A. T. The Amorite Name Jerusalem 28 

Decloedt, a. Note sur une monnaie de bronze de Bar Coclilia .... 25 

EiTAN,' Israel. Contribution a I'histoire du verbe hebreu 42 

La repetition de la racine en hebreu 171 

Garstano, J. The Year's Work 145 

Haddad, E. N. Blood Revenge among the Arabs 103 

Political parties in Syria and Palestine 209 

Idelson, a. Z. Hebrew Music with Special Reference to the Musical 

Intonations in the Recital of the Pentateuch 80 

Lagrange, Rev. Pere. Inaugural Address 7 

Mackay, E. J. H. Observation on a Megalithic Building at Bet Sawir 

(Palestine) . 95 

McCowN, C. C. Solomon and the Shulamite 116 

Peters, John P. A Jerusalem Processional 36 

Notes of Locality in the Psalter 122 

Rapfaeli, Samuel. Two Ancient Hebrew Weights 22 

A Recently Discovered Samaritan Charm 143 

Classification of Jewish Coins 202 

Slodsch, Nahdm. Quelques observations relatives a I'inscription juive 

decouverte a Ain Douk 33 

Tolkowsky, S. Metheg ha-Ammah l'^'^ 

Worrell, W. H. Noun Classes and Polarity in Hamitic and their Bearing 

upon the Origin of the Semites 15 

Yellin, David. Some Fresh Meanings of Hebrew Roots 10 

The Use of Ellipsis in "Second Isaiah." 132 

Notes and Communications 215 

Reports of Meetings -'I' 

Report of the Treasurer of the Palestine Oriental Society 221 

Members of the Palestine Oriental Society 222 




Vol. I No. I. 


6, line 25, read nDNH JDD instead of nsxn JDS 

13, 7 from below ly, Hebrew, not Coptic 




yi ? 





)) )) 















from below 

p hz 2'C:h 

















from below 














before "sans", 

read r. 

37, after "comme", read nimmol nimmdlu. 
39, after i read ntzzon niddon nillosh, au lieu 

de nazon nadon nalosh. 
last line read "au lieu de n\kapper n'wass'ru nous 

avons obtenu nikappe? niwass'ru." 
46, line 4, read "done n'kapper n'wass'rti'nikapfer 

niwass ru-nikkapper nhvwass'rtir 
6 from below read D22n twice. 
2 Soph. 






Vol. I. 

OCTOBER, 1920 

No. I. 


"Tlie Palestine Oriental Society" owes its origin to the 
American Assyriologist, Dr. Albert T. Clay. During a year's 
residence in Palestine in the capacity of "Annual Professor of the 
American Scliool of Archaeological Research in Palestine," it 
occurred to him that such a Society was not only possible and 
desirable, but might even play a useful part in the new epoch in 
the study of the antiquities of the Holy Land which was to be 
expected under a new and enlightened administration. Accord- 
ingly he called together in Jerusalem a representative gathering 
for the purpose of inaugurating a society which should have as its 
object the cultivation and publication of researches on the 
Ancient East. 

At this preliminary meeting 

following were present : 

Le Rev. Pere Abel, Profes.seur a I'Eoole 
Biblinue de St. Etienne, Jenisaleiii. 

Dr. VV. F. Albright, Fellow .nnd In- 
structor ill Semitic Languages, .John 
Hopkins University, Baltimore ; Fel- 
low of the American School of 
Archivological Research in Palestine. 

Mr. Eliezer Ben Yeliudah. Editor of the 
ThfSdurvs- 7'<>fiN,-i F[phri(it(itif: cf Veterix 
et h'eccntiuri.i. 

Dr. A. T. Clay, Professor of Assyriology 
in Vale ruiversity; Annual Professor 
of ilie American School of Archaolog- 
ical llesearch in Palestine. 

The Archdeacon Cleophas, Greek 
Ortliodox Patriarchate, .Jerusalem. 

Le Rev. Fere Cre, des Missionnaires 

il'Afrii [ue, .Jerusalem. 

Capt. K.E.C. Cresswell, Late Inspector 
of Antiquities to *he I^ritish Army of 
Occupation in Palestine. 

The Rev. Herbert Danby. Senior Ken- 
nicott Hebrew Scholar in the Univer- 
sity of Oxford; attached to St. George's 
Cathedral, Jerusalem. 

Le Rv. Pere Decloedt, des Mission- 
naires d'Afrique. Jerusalem. 

held on January 9th 1920 the 

Capt. E. T. H. Mackay, Inspector of 
Antiquities in tlie P)riti>h Army of 
Occupation in Palestine. 

Le Rev. Pere Meistermanii. des 

Frauciscains de Terre-Sainte. 

Major L. Nott, Jlilitary Governor of 
Tul-Jvarim. Palestine. 

LeRev. Pere Or fall, des Franciscains 

de Terre-Sainte. 

The Rev. Dr. J. P. Peters, Professor 
in the University of the South. Lec- 
turer in the American School of 
.Archnsoiogical Jle-^eareh in Palestine. 

Monsieur Rais, Consul Gen^-ral. Delegue 
du Haut Commissariat de France. 

Le Rev. Pere Savignac, Professeur h 
I'Ecole Biblique de St. Etienne, 

Dr. Nahum Slousch, Professor of Ncm- 
Hebrew I>iterature, the Sorbonue. 
Paris; Contributor to the Corfnix In- 
.^(riptioxuiti Scniiticartnit; Secretary 
nf the He!-)rcw Archaeological Society. 

Col. Ronald Storrs, C. M. G., C. B E., 

llilitary Governor of Jerusalem. 

l.r Rtv P^te Dliorme. Prifur dii 

loiivciii lies Oxminioain* ; I'rolVHsenr 

,1 IKcule 15il)lique ile St. Ktienne, 

Le R^v Pere Leopold Dressaire, Sup6- 

rieur <le^ Pevps Assoraptionistes, Notre 

Dame ile FraTioo, .Tonisalem. 
Dom Gregoiie Fournier, Bnp^rienr 

(ifs Bc'nAlic'tiiis ilu Mont Sion, 

The Rev. Dr. O.A. Glazebrook, United 

States Consul in Jerusalem. 
T,e Rev. Pore Carriere, Profesiseur a 

lEcole Pihiiiine de St. Etienne. 

Le Rev. Pere Lagrange, Pirecteur 

lie I'Rcolc P.ibliquc de St. Etienne, 

Jerusalem; Correspondant He I'lnstitut 

de France. 

Le Rev. Pere Vincent, Profess'nir a 
I'Ei'ole P)ibli(|ii(' dc> St. Etienne. 

Maj. the Rev. P.N. Waggett, S. S. J. E. 
Political Office.-, Palestine. 

Dr. P D'Erf Wheeler, Jerusalem Rep" 

resentative of the Palestine Exploration 

Dr. W. H. Worrell, Professor ol 
Phonetics and Instrnctor in Ar,ibic 
and other Oriental Languages in the 
Kennedy School of Missions; Director 
of the American School of Archrenlog- 
ical Research in Jerusalem. 

Mr. David Yellin. M.B.E Director of the 
Hebrew Teachers" Seminary- in Jeiusa- 
lem; President of the Gonncil of 
.lernsalcm Jews. 

The need, the attractiveness, and the importance of such a 
Society were convincingly urged by Dr. Clay. Although there had 
been for a long time, in Jerusalem and other parts of Palestine, 
learned representatives of various countries, societies and religious 
bodies, there had as yet existed no means whereby they could 
meet together for mutual criticism and stimulus. The results of 
their individual labours were normally unknown to fellow-workers 
in the same or kindred fields until published in isolated European 
and American periodicals. And, furthermore, nothing but good 
could follow from an increased facility of personal intercourse 
between scholars themselves, to say nothing of the opportunity 
offered to that very large number of people in Palestine and Syria 
(who, though not themselves professional students, always follow- 
ed with keen interest the results of the various researches which 
were going on around them) of seeing and hearing men whose 
work had earned them in many cases a world-wide reputation. 

The present moment seemed to be opportune and to hold out 
tiie best hopes for the success of such a venture. During Turkish 
rule Palestine was scarcely an open field for the archaeologist ; 
those who tried to carry on such work were not many in number 
and usually laboured under rnany and tiresome disabilities. But 
now there was every prospect of the removal of most of these 
dif^culties, and a large influx of scholars of various nationalities, 
with a common interest in archaeological investigations of all kinds, 
as well as a still larger number of those possessed of a very living 
interest in the results of such work. 


Un certain nombre d'orientalistes reunis a Jerusalem sur 
I'initiative de M. le Dr. A. T. Clay, I'assyriolooue americain bien 
connu, ont decide de fonder une societe dont le but est de favoriser 
Id culture et la publication des recherches sur I'ancien Orient. 

A celte reunion (|ui a eu lieu le 9 Janvier ont pris part 28 savants 
representants de divers pays. 

IVl. Clay a expose avec force et conviction les raisons qui plaid- 
ent en faveur de la fondation d'une pareille societe dont le besoin 
et I'importance sont evidents. Car bien que Ton rencontre a 
Jerusalem et dans les autres centres de la Palestine des personnes 
originaires de divers pays, ainsi que des societes et des etablisse- 
ments confessionnels qui portent un vif interet aux etudes orientales, 
il n'a cependant ete cree jusqu'ici aucun organe qui puisse servir 
de trait d'union entre les savants. L'absence d'un pareil organe a 
eu pour resultat qu'aucune occasion ne leur a ete offerte jusqu'a 
present d'entrer en contact personnel les uns avec les autres. Un 
echanga continuel entre eux d'observations utiles eiit pu cependant 
stimuler les efforts individuels de chacun, efforts qui jusqu'ici restent 
d'une {agon generale inconnus de differents savants qui travaillent 
dans le meme domaine en Palestine et qui, le plus souvent. n'eii 
prennent connaissance que par Tintermediaire des revues speciales 
qui paraissent en Europe et en Amerique. 

Or. rien ne saurait etre plus utile que la creation d'un centre 
qui favoriserait les relations personnelles entre les savants de toute 
origine, sans parler de I'occasion qui serait ainsi donnee k un grand 
nombre de personnes qui resident en Palestine, et qui s'interessent 
a nos etudes, de rencontrer et d'entendre des personnalites scienti- 
tiques qui, tres '^ouvent, jouissent d'une renommee mondiale. 

Le moment actuel nous parait etre tres propice et du meilleur 
augure pour la reussite d'une pareille entreprise. Sous la domina- 
tion turque la Palestine etait demeuree un champ fort pen accessible 
a I'archeologie. Les rares savants qui ont persevere dans leur 
tache se sont trouves aux prises avec des difficultes extraordinaires. 
Aujourd'hui, ces difficultes semblent devoir disparaitre ; si bien 
qu'il faut s'attendre a ce que des savants de toute nationalite, 
entraines par un zele louable pour les recherches archeologiques, 
affluent tres nombreux eti ces pays et a ce que le nombre de ceux 
qui s'interessent aux resultats de ces travaux aille en augmentant 
sans cesse. 


ART. I. The name of the Society shall be "The Palestine Oriental 

ART. II. The Object of the Society shall be the cultivation and 
publication of researches on the ancient Orient. 

AKl III riie members of the Society shall be distinguished as 
active and hoiioiary. All candidates for membership shall be 
proposed by the Board of Directors at a stated Meeting of the 
Society. The votes of three quarters of the members present 
shall be required for an election. 

\Rr. lY. The Officers of the Society shall consist of a President, 
two Vice-Presidents, Secretary, Treasurer, and three Directors. 
These shall be elected by ballot at the Annual Meeting, and 
shall serve one year, except the three Directors who shall 
serve three years, one to be elected each year. 

ART. V. The Board of Directors shall consist of the olificers named 
in ART. IV. They shall propose all new candidates for election 
to membership, regulate the financial matters of the Society, 
superintend its publications, and carry into effect the resolu- 
tions of the Society. Four members of the Board shall constitute 
a (|Uorum. 

ART. VI. The Meetings of the Society shall be held in January, 
March, May and November. The November Meeting shall be 
regarded as the Annual Meeting when the yearly reports of 
the Officers shall be read, and the Annual Elections held. 

ART. VII. This constitution may be amended on the recommenda- 
tion of the Boards of Directors, by a vote of three quarters of 
the members present at a stated Meeting. 


I. Each active Member shall pay into the treasury an annual 
subscription of lOO piastres. The payment of 1,000 piastres at 
any one time will constitute membership for life. 

II. Active and Honorary Members shall be entitled to a copy of 
all publications issued by the Society during their membership. 

III. Candidates for membership, who have been elected by the 
Society, shall qualify as members by the payment of the annual 
subscription within three months of the time notice of such 
election is posted to them. A failure so to qualify shall be 
construed as a refusal to become a member. If any corporate 
member shall for two years fail to pay the subscription, his 
name may, at the discretion of the Board of Directors, be 
dropped from the list of members. 

IV. The President at the .Annual Meeting shall appoint a Commit- 
tee of Arrangements, a Committee of Nominations, and a 
Committee of Auditors for the following year. 

V. The Official Languages of the Society shall be French and 


The First General Meeting of the Society took place in 
Jerusalem, on March 22nd 1920, and was held at the Military*Gover- 
norate by permission of Colonel R. Storrs, the Military Governor of 
Jerusalem. The afternoon session commenced at 2.30 p m. with 
the President, Pere Lagrange, in the Chair. After the President's 
Inaugural Address, the following papers were read : 

Rev. Dr. T.P. PETERS : Influence of topography in the Psalms. 

Pere VINCENT : L'inscription d'Arak el-Emir. 

Professor W. H. WORRELL : Noun classes and polarity in 
Hamitic, and their bearing upon the origin of the Semites. 

Mr. Samuel RAFAEL! : Early Hebrew Weights. 

Mr. David YELLIN : Some fresh meanings for Hebrew roots 

Mr, Israel EITAN : Contribution a I'histoire du verbe hebreu. 

Rev. Timotheos THEMELIS : The Bethlehem Mosaics. 

Pere DHORME : L'emploi metaphorique des noms de parties 
du corps en Akkadien et en Hebreu. 

Dr. Nahum SLOUSCH : A Palestinian Hebrew Inscription. 

The evening session was open to the general public, and before 
proceeding with the reading of papers contributed by members of 
the Society, speeches were delivered by Dr. Glazebrook, the 
American Consul ; Mons. Louis Rais, the French Delegue ; Dr. Mac- 
Innes, the Anglican Bishop of Jerusalem ; Mr. G. K. Chesterton, 
and Mr. David Yellin. 

The following papers were then submitted : 

Captain E.T.H. MACKAY : Egyptian Friezes (with drawings). 

Mr. A.Z. IDELSON : Hebrew music, with special reference to 
the musical intonations in the reading of the Pentateuch. 

Dr. Aaron MAZIE : Diseases of Palestine in the Bible and the 

Pere DRESSAIRE : Jerusalem a I'epoque juive et les fouilles 
des Peres Assomptionistes sur le Mont Sion. 

Lack of time prevented the reading pf four other papers 
by Pere LAGRANGE, Mr. E. BEN YEHUDAH, Dr. W. F. AL- 

The Second General Meeting was held on May 2Sth 1920, at 
the Military Governorate in Jerusalem. After new members had 
been elected, it was announced that His Excellency Field Marshal 
the Viscount AUenby had accepted the position of Patron of the 
Society. The following well-known scholars, after being nomina- 
ted by the Board of Directors, were unanimously elected to 


honoiarv iiienil)eislii|) : Sir George Adam SMITH and Professor 
GA COOKE of Great Britain; Mens. CLERMONT-GANNEAU 
and Pere SCHEIL of France ; Prof. C.C. TORREY and Prof. Morris 
J ASTROW of America ; and Prof. GUIDI of Italy. 

The following contributions were then read : 

Prof. A. T. CL.AY. The Amorite origin of the name of 

Le Rev. Pere LAGRANGE. Les noms geographiques 
de Palestine dans I'ancienne version syriaque des Evangiles. 

Mr. W. J. PHYFHIAN-ADAMS. An early race of Palestine. 

Mr. .A. Z. IDELSON. A Comparison of some ecclesiastical 
modes with traditional synagogual melodies. 

Le Rev. Pere DHORME. L'assyrien au secours du Livre de 

Dr. VV. F. ALBRIGHT. Mesopotamian influence in the 
remple of Solomon. 

Le Rev. Pere DECLOEDT. Note sur une monnaie de bronze 
de Bar Cochba. 

Mr. H. E. CL.ARK. The evolution of flint instruments from 
the early palaeolithic to the neolithic age. 

Mr. EliezerBen YEHUDAH. The Language of the Edomites. 

Mr. Samuel RAFAELI. Recent coin discoveries in Palestine. 

Dr. J. P. PETERS. Notes of locality in the Psalter. 

Dr. J. D. WHITING. The Samaritan Pentateuch. 

.Mr. S. TOLKOWSKY. A new translation of HDNH ;n 
(2 Samuel 8 : l). 

Le Rev. Pere ORFALI. Un Sanctuaire Cananeen a Siar el 
Ganem (pres Bethleem). 

.Mr. Israel EITAN. Quelques racines inconnues dans le 
Livre de Job." 

Dr. Nahum SLOUSCH. Nouvelle interpretation d'une in- 
scription phenicienne. 

^^"^^ <J\Jii!'CkL:<^ <^ 

Le Rev. Pete LAGRANGE, Jerusalem. 

Mesdames et Messieurs, 

Que faisons-nous ? Nous offrons vraiment un spectacle etrange, 
L'Europe, I'Asie, le monde entier, vient d'etre en proie a la plus 
effroyable tourmente que I'histoire ait connue. Le sol tremble encore. 
A la guerre entre les nations succede le malaise, sinon partout la 
lutte ouverte entre les classes. II se forme des comites pour assurer 
le bon ordre, pour essayer de pourvoir au pain quotidien. On se 
demande si I'liumanite pourra vivre dans des conditions economi- 
ques nouvelles. Tons les regards se portent anxieux vers I'avenir. 
Et nous voila reunis pour trailer de menus problemes qui ont a peine 
interesse le passe, pour discuter du sens des mots et des regies de 
la grammaire, nous occuper de la geographie ancienne, des fleurs 
des champs, des vieilles melop6es, des lettres gravees sur les rochers 
de la Palestine ! 

En verite, je crains qu'on ne nous reproche de jouer a la pou- 
pee dans un monde adulte, inquiet de ses destinees etque des proble- 
mes plus urgents preoccupent. 

Mais d'abord, Messieurs, nous travaillons, et c'est un excellent 
exemple que nous donnons dans un temps ou les bras qui ont tenu 
I'ep^erepugnent areprendre lesoutilsoula charrue. Nous travaillons, 
et la journee de huit heures nous parait trop courte pour assouvir 
notre curiosite- Autant que la crise du petrole le permet, vous prolon- 
gez vos veilles studieuses bien avant dans la nuit, et si Tinsecurit^ 
du pays n'y fais^it obstacle, on vous verrait reprendre I'exploration 
du sol pour lui arracher ses secrets. Travailler, c'est la vieille loi, 
opportune si Ton ne veut pas que notre humus palestinien se 
recouvre de nouveau de ronces et d'epines, et le travail de I'esprit 
n'est pas moins pdnible parfois qne celui de defricher la steppe. 
Nous proclamons a notre maniere qu'il est bon que chacun reprenne 
son posteet s'emploie au bien general. 

11 est vrai que nous portons nos efforts aiileurs que les utiles 
ouvriers qui nous fournissent le pain, maisj'ose dire qu'a eux-memes 
nous ne sommes pas inutiles. Car I'homme d'aujourd'hui, si tier 
qu'il soit des progres de son industrie, si haut qu'il eleve son vol, n'est 
point un titan quivienne desortir du sein dela terre. C'est I'heritierde 
generations nombreuses, et il est soumis, quoiqu'il en pense peut- 
etre, aux obscures influences de son heredite et a des lois 6ternel- 
les ; un poids de plus de quarante siecle le courbe vers la terre, un 
appel non moins ancien I'invite aux choses d'en haut. Si quelque 
jour pouvait percer les t^nebres de I'avenir, si quelque chose d'hu- 
main pent eclairer le present, nous guider dans notre route, nous 
fortifier dans I'epreuve, raviver nos plus nobles esperances, c'est la 
legon du passe, c'est la lumiere de I'histoire. Seulement nous ne 
voulons plus de cette histoire, fille de I'imagination, qui brosse de 
grands tableaux et range dans un bel ordre des faits eclatants dont 
elle n'a pas controle {'exactitude. Notre methode exige des don- 

nces precises, fussent dies de mediocre apparence. C est par une 
etude attentive, patieiite, a la suite d'une enquete poursuivie dans 
tous les milieux, que se fait aujourd'hui I'liistoire. Les forces d'un 
homme n'y suffiseiit plus. Nous ne sommes plus au temps d'Hero- 
dote. ni meme de Bossuet ou de Macaulay- 

Et voila pourquoi, Messieurs, nous nous sommes groupes. 11 
serait assurement ditficile de rencontrer ailleurs qu'a Jerusalem des 
competences aussi diverses, sur un sol plus profoiidement trans- 
torme par les civilisations les plus varices. Nous y rencontrons I'em- 
preinte de I'aiitique Babylone, mere du droit, des sciences exactes, 
de I'astroiiomie, d'un art realiste et vigoureux. Pour lire les plus 
antiques aiinales de la Palestine, il faut etre assyrioiogue. Mais 
ces aiinales ont ete exhumees des sables de I'Egypte, parce que 
I'Egvpte elle aussi avait foule les plaines du pays de Canaan, 
I'Egypte d'ou est venu Moise avec les fils d'Israel. Et deja la Grece 
avait aborde a nos rivages, representee par des ancetres qu'elle avait 
oublies depuis, les Philistins, fils de la Crete aux cent villes, chantee 
par Homere, et la premiere maltresse des eaux orientales de la 
Mediterranee. Alexandre poussa jusqu'a Tyr et a Gaza sa course 
triomphale, et les Romains voulurent associer ce fleuron a la cou- 
ronne d'empires que baignait leur mer. Eiifin I'lslam vint, 
puis les Tartares, immense debordement de I'Asie qui provoqua 
le reflux europeen. 

Car vous le savez, Messieurs, et tous, Palestiniens d'origine ou 
d'adoption, nous en sommes fiers, cette contree desheritee avec ses 
collines arides du haut desquelles Jerusalem regarde vers le desert 
et vers la mer, ce pays aux dimensions etroites. mais si grand dans 
I'liistoire, surtou. religieuse, est au confluent des grandes civilisa- 
tions antiques et bien des races humaines, nourries sur ce sol, 
s'y sont endormies du sommeil de la terre. II en est d'elles comme 
de ces couches de sediment qui se forment au fond des mers, et qui 
revelent aux geologues la flore et la faune disparues des temps 
ecoules. Mais s'il arrive dans ce domaine paisible de la nature que 
des couches plus basses se soulevent tout a coup et remontent a la 
surface, que penser de ces stratification humaines, toujours vivantes 
dans leurs descendants ? Aussi, avouons-le, Jerusalem et la Palestine 
ont dans lemonde entier la reputation d'un sol remue par I'ardeur 
des passions nationales et religieuses. et plus il appelle le concours 
des specinlistes les plus divers, plus il semble fait pour provoquer 
la mesintelligence et la discorde. 

Eh bien. Messieurs, c'est a nous a faire a notre pays une meil- 
leure reputation. Plus precieux encore que I'encouragement au 
travail, plus utile que les legons de I'histoire, vous donnerez 
I'exemple de la Concorde. Ou plutot vous montrerez par I'histoire 
que la haine est sterile et destructrice. tandis que la concorde 
edifie, feconde, assure le bonheur de tous. 

Sans doute cependant, et quelle que soit la bonne volonte gene- 
rale, sera-t-il opportun de prendre des assurances. Nous ne 
parlerons pas de ce qui pourrait nous diviser. J'ose dire que par 
ma robe meme on pent voir a qui appartiennent ma vie, mon coeur 

et mon ame, mais je n'ai pas prononce le mot de religion, Les etudes 
religieuses, les plus graves de toutes, et comme je pense les seules 
definitivement necessaires, ne font point partie de notre programme. 
On ne devra les aborder que comme les abeilles 'font les fleurs, 
d'une touche delicate et ailee, et afin de composer du miel. Et quant 
a la politique, le mieux sera d'ignorer qu'elle existe et que quelques 
personnes puissent s'y interesser. 

II ne me reste plus, Mesdames et Messieurs, qu'a vous exprimer ma 
gratitude pour I'honneur qui m'a ete fait de presider cette premiere 
seance, a ren^ercier iMonsieur le gouverneur-militaire qui a bien 
voulu nous accueillir ici, et a declarer fondee la Societe Orientale 
de Palestine, en vous souhaitant une cordiale bienvenue. 



David Yellin 


rhere are certain roots in Hebrew wliich, besides the custom- 
ary sense in wiiich they occur in the Bible, have another sense as 
well. Only it so happens that they have this sense in only a small 
minority of the passages where they are used. So long as the 
language was living, the different meanings of tlje roots of the 
language were understood regardless of the frequency or infrequen- 
cy of their occurrence ; but once it ceased to be a spoken language 
and was confined to the limits of a book, the large portion of the 
language's vocabulary and radical significances not contained 
within that book began to be forgotten : and the same fate befell 
the secondary meanings of the roots we have in mind. Because 
they occurred in the majority of instances in one particular mean- 
ing, this meaning was keptin the reader's mind ; and in course of 
time applied also in those instances where the second meaning 
siiould be applied, though this v,/as only accomplished at times 
with difficulty. Consequent on this forced exegesis there sprang 
up diverse and bizarre renderings, where context was ignored, and 
the whole passage rendered meaningless owing to ignorance of 
this other meaning inherent in the root. 

A comparison with the vocabularies of the other Semitic 
languages enables us to rediscover these forgotten meanings, and to 
explain words in the Bible which seemed incomprehensible, or 
comprehensible only with difficulty, owing to the commoner sig- 
nificance being wrongly thrust on them. To illustrate this,' we 
propose to bring forward a selection of such roots drawn from a 
large list in the present writer's possession. 

Besides the meaning "to be lost," this root had among the 
.Hebrews the same meaning which it has in Arabic (a, j) , the sense 
of unending time, whose further limit "is lost" to us, withheld from 
our attainment eternity. We find a case-exactly like this in the 
root dS", from which we get the word D'jiy a time whose end is 
"concealed" from us, [cf. oS:;j, nif. "be hidden"]. 

We find the root in this sense in the oracles of Balaam, and 
in verses from the Book of Job, which has been largely influenced 
by the Arabic language ; and by applying this new interpretation 
we can better understand certain passages in the Bible : 

(l) In Num. 24 : 20, in the Balaam oracles, we read : And he 
looked on Amalek, and took up his parable and said : Amalek {is) the 
first of the nations, and his latter end 13N n:;(R.V. "shall come to 


destruction.") We see, from the beginning of the verse that Balaam 
was expatiating in praise of Amaiek, "first of the nations," and 
with this description agrees the parallel clause "and his latter end 
is unto eternitu,''\. e. as he is the first of the nations in time, so shall 
he be the last among them to exist, and his end shall reach "to the 
limit of eternity." 

In the same way he praises the Kenite : iStrom/ is t/iij divelliiig- 
place, and thy nest is set in the crag... and thei/ shall afflict Asshur and 
afflict Eber, i^K nj; ^?^^ ny) i.e. the Kenites also [i.e. like Amaiek] 

shall endure forever. 

Through this interpretation, ny which has reference to time, 

becomes clearer, and affords a parallel to the common expression 
t; n:^ (Ps. 53: l8;92: 8; 132:12,14; Is. 26 : 4 ; 65 : 18) and the 
expression nh)V 11^ (Gen. 13 : 15 I Ex. 12 : 24 ; etc). 

Was the word nax, which is twice written without waw, origin- 
ally a segholate, 'obhed, which is more in accord with its abstract 
meaning (like nVJ with the same meaning ) ? The same question is 

raised even if we explain this word in the customary way 
"destruction" (H. Olshausen ; Lehr. der Rehr. Spr., p. 337). 

(2) Besides the form lax, we have also from the same root and 
with the same meaning the form ^niK. This corresponds with 
the abstract noun formation as in \^2Vl Here we find the suffix 
\^ , apparently indicative of time just like the fanwin. in 
Arabic U, |, and we also find it added to proper names like 
Hebron, Shomeron, Eglont and the like, indicating locality. We 
find this form in Job 3 1 : 12 ; For if, (fornication), is a fire devouring 
jn^snj^; i.e. for ever, without cessation. We find the 

same idea in connexion with the word dSi^ in Is. 33 : 14 ; Wlio 

among us shall dwell with the devouring fire'.' Who among us 
sliall dwell with everlasting burning? Db'\V ^"iplC. 

(3) We find the root used as a verb in the qal, with the same 
significance ; Job. 30 : 2 : Yea, the strengtli of their hands, whereto 
should it profit me, men upon whom nSs 12X, i.e. old age is al- 
ready come upon them from of old, and Job's mockery 
is natural against those who are younger than he (v. I.), for these 
young men were weak and feeble in comparison with him, and 
powerless ; and they were as though old age had already, long 
ago, come upon them. 

The author of the Book of Job uses the same expression else- 
where, employing the verb derived from dSi", "eternity," in Job. 

6 : 16 : Wherein the snow 0^.]}ir\\ i. e. exists eternally. Here we 
have the hithpael form, corresponding to -^i Uin Arabic. 


To the various meanings wliich this root has in Hebrew, 
we must add one belonging to the Arabic ^A namely "be confi- 
dent," "unafraid of evil." In this sense we find the root in the 
following places in the Bible : 

(i) In the Nif'al : (a) Is. 7:9. If ijeiuill not believe in me (adopting 
the reading '2 instead of ^3, according to the variant in Kittel's 
text) ussn nS; i. e. ye shall not remain in peace and security. 

(b) Chr. 20 : 20, Believe in the Lord your God ijOKnr and rest 
in confide fi(^(^' just as he says, immediately after: Believe in his 
prophets in^S^m and prosper. 

In these two passages, one of which is certainly influenced by 
the otiier, we have a play of words on the two meanings of the 
root JDK. 

(2) In the Hif'il. (a) Job 39:24, in his description of the 
restlessness of the horse in time of battle, the writer says : With 
storm and rage Ncr he viaketh holes in the ground [i. e. he makes 

holes in the ground with his hoofs by stamping like the horse which 
wishes 'to run but is restrained by his rider] "isitt' ^1p "'2 |;as*' nSi 

and he cannot remain quiet and stand at rest, for his stormy spirit 
drives him on as he hears the sound of the trumpet. 

(b) Prov, 14 : 15. The simple-minded "im h^h ]'DH\ Here 

the meaning is not the usual one of the verb, that he believes in every- 
thing that is told him ; the continuation opposes this, and the 
parallelism here requires the meaning of "be confident, unfearing" 
The simple-minded is confident in every matter, but the prudent 
looketh luell to his going : a wise man feareth and turneth away from 
evil, hut the foolish man passeth by without fear. ^^'' 

The same idea occurs twice again in Proverbs. (22 : 3 ; 27 : 12). 

The occurrence of the nif'^al and ihe hifnl of this root with a 
meaning dealing with a subjective state of mind is paralleled by 
the use of the root y:"i, with the same meaning in both nif^al, and 

hifnl, of restfulness, security (see Dt. 28 : 65 ; Is. 34 : 14 ; Jer. 47 : 6). 

(3) As an adjective of the form katul : 2 Sam. 20 : 19, We are 
of them that are ''XX'^ -Ji^cx ^ef :: the men of Israel who dwell in 

peace and safety. This description of the men of the city corres- 
ponds to the usual ideal description : cf. Jud. 18 :.7. "The people ... 
that dwelt ntZSS in security, ntSUI tSpVLT quiet and secure ... and 
had no dealings with any man " "nai3 Dj; a people secure" (v.IO.) 

(1) ^^ Tlie word Ijyfla iu this sense of "pass by" is also found in Prov. 
20 : 2. "The anger oi u i^ng is as the roaring of a lion ; he that passes by Tjyfly 
(passes by him at the time of his auger) sins against his iife."' 


The katill form of these adjectives poK and DiS'J. corresponds 
with that of the adjectives ]1J2D and m33, (Is. 28:3) which have 
almost the same meaning. 

(4) In the abstract noun form, njio.** : (a) Is. 33 : 6, where it 

occurs in the old feminine form with final t : Thy times shall he 
P^'OJ^ i. e. Thy time shall be secure, and thou shalt fear no 

manner of thing. 

(b) In Ex. 13 : 12, in the description. of how, when Moses lifted 
up his hand Israel prevailed, and when his hand grew tired and 
drooped Amalek prevailed, and how Aaron and Hor supported his 
hands, it goes on to say : Until the setting of the sun, his hands 
were njlOX in a secure condition, witii no danger of his drop- 
ping them again from weariness. 

It should be pointed out that this root jDK has the same two 
meanings as the corresponding root ntsn, which also indicates 
(a) to rely upon someone, and (b) to feel confident, in safety. 

The powerful and beautiful phrase T^^X'SJ '3-nn [R.V. 

my soul, march on in strength ; R. V. mg. my soul thou 
hast trodden down strength] in the Song of Deborah (Jud. 5 : 2i) 
gives little definite meaning owing to the customary sense of the 
root "pi being assumed. ^'^ 

In the opinion of the present writer, there is here preserved 
in this root "jm the meaning which it has in Arabic and 

Syriac in the form corresponding to the Hebrew Hif'il (tjj:>\^ 

"to reach ; " and after the singer has described the overthrow of 
the enemy, how the river Kishon swept them away, she exclaims 
with rapture : Thou, my soul, hast attained power and greatness," ^^^ 

The same sense is preserved in another verse in Judges (20:43), 
which, in the present writer's opinion, is a remnant of an old song 
on the destruction of Benjamin : They inclosed the Benjamites round 
about, and pursued after him as far as Manoha. '^' And here, im- 

(1) Nowack leaves this part of the verse untranslated, and says : The last 
seotion is obviously also corrupt ; for even if we regard ^3"nn ^^ jussive, the phrase 
"tread on, my soul, with might " or "tread under the strou^" (Hollmann Bochmann) 
still gives it no sense in this connexion. How to amend it, with certainty, we do not see. 


(2) JCI having the meaning of the Arabic 'A as elsewhere in the Old Testa- 
ment (cf. Jer. 48 : 17 ; Is. 52 : 1 ; Ps. 78 : 61 ; Prov. 31 : 2.5). 

(3) Moore reads Manoha instead of m'nuha resting-place explaining it 
as a place-name, related to the name Noha, one of the sons of Benjamin, mentioned in 
1. Chr 8:2; and in the present writer's opinion, this is the name of the city "jManahath" 
mentioned in 1 Chr. 8 : 6, where it speaks of Benjamin saying, "These are the heads ot 
fathers' houses of the inhabitants of Geba, and they carried them captive to Manahath." 


Here the word insmn occurs in the nif'il, as in Arabic 
ndSyriac'^^and it is used here after the word incn^n (exactly 
ke the expression in the "Song of Moses" Ex. 15 : 9 The enemy 

siiki '~J n'lTl pu r.^ue, I will overtake 


(1) The word ^^ ^^^ also the meaning of the Arabic J^c- "By, at," ai 
the writer hopes to explain elsewhere. 

(2) Nowack says : irT3"''n,1 ."injtt defies explanation, for the treading down 
of the enemy can only be dcnot^.i Lj_, li.^. q.J. 



(Hartford, U.S.A.) 

1, In the year nineteen hundred and eleven Carl Meinhof 
published an article 3hs Fiif in seiner Bedeutuny fiir die Sprachen 
der Hamiten, Semiten luid Bantu ''^ and, a year or two later, a book 
entitled Die Sprachen der Hamiten. *'^ In both of these he expounds 
his theory of the Hamitic noun classes and of polarity. This 
theory has received public recognition by at least one Semitic 
scholar, '3* in so far as it bears upon Semitic grammar. 

2. But there is another side to Meinhof's work, far more 
important than the mere explanation of curious phenomena in 
Semitic, which has not up to the present attracted the attention of 
Semitic scholars, and which it is my purpose to bring to the atten- 
tion of this distinguished society. I refer to the confirmation 
which his work gives of the generally accepted Arabian theory of 
Semitic origins, especially of that theory as elaborated by Noeldeke, 
placing the ultimate origin of the Semites in northern Africa.*-** 

3. By Hamites Meinhof means a race of people, originally 
inhabiting the north of Africa, at a time when it was separated 
from southern Africa and joined to Europe, which proceeded east- 
ward into Arabia and southward into continental Africa as far as 
the Cape. The various mixtures of these Hamites with Sudanians <5) 
and Bushmen *^^ have been traced linguistically by Meinhof and 
anthropologically by von Luschan.*''' This race was closely related 
to the then south Europeans, *^' furnished the dominant element in 
the mixed peoples resulting from its conquests in Africa and, 
crossing into Arabia, became the nucleus of another organism and 
the beginning of a greater chapter in history than it was destined 
to realize in the land of Ham, 

(1) 111 vol, Ixv of the Zeitschrift det'''detifgchen morgenldndlschen Gesellschaft. 

(2) Also, in German and English, a more popular work on The Htudij oj African 
Langudfjes. None of these is accessible in Jerusalem. 

(3) Brockeimann, in ZDMO vol. Ixvii. 

(4) LingiiisticaHj, of course, and without attempting to say to what extent 
racially also. Cf. note 18. 

(5) Large, black, woollj-haired speakers of monosyllabic or agglutinative langua- 
ges which have word-tone and no gender. 

(.6) Smaller, yellowish, scant-haired speakers of click languages, 

(7) In an appendix to Die Sjirachcn der Hamiten. 

(8) The present south Europeans represent a wedge driven in from the east. 
The racial affinities of Berbers is with north Europeans, 

.^ 4 The writer attempts to show that these Hamitic languages 
form a series of gradations, in respect of noun classes and polarity, 
bL-inning with Ful in the western Sudan and ending with Bishari 
in Hie eastern Nilotic desert, the eastern end being most like Semit- 
ic and the western least like it. The western end he further 
continues by establishing a still more remote connexion with the 
<^reat Bantu family of central and southern Africa. We may even 
more confidently extend the eastern end of the series up through 
Arabic, Canaanitish, Syrian and Babylonian, observing that the 
southern end of this Semitic series is most like the eastern end of 
the Hamitic, and the northern end least like it. 

5. The conclusion to be drav/n from this graded series, 
beginning in western north Africa and ending in Babylonia, is as 
irresistible in the present case as it would be if we were dealing 
witl> one of the natural sciences. There has been a development 
from one type into another through a number of intermediates, 
each of which is a little further from the original than its prede- 
cessor. Those members which explain their successors are the more 
original. Semitic has developed out of Hamitic and not the reverse. 

6. The two phenomena on which the classification is based 
are, as has been said, word classes and polarity. Meinhof attempts 
to show that the many noun classes of Bantu ^'^ are narrowed down 
in Ful to four: of persons, of things, of large things and of small 
things. By a process of simplification, more pronounced toward 
the east, the four classes become two: large things, important 
tilings, persons and men, on the one hand, and small things, un- 
important things, non-persons and women, on the other. ^^* Finally 
the grammatical gender of Semitic is evolved ; not, however, without 
residual traces of the earlier systems. 

7. Meinhoff also calls attention for the first time to a phenom- 
enon which he terms polarity. It is found in its most complete 
form in the more conservative Hamitic languages. Like the 
physical phenomenon of the same name, it proceeds from a law 
or principle by which a thing belonging to one of two possible 
categories is opposed (in thought) to things in the other category, 
and is transferred to the other category whenever any change is 
made in it. There are only two classes, (a) and (b). What is not 
(a) is (b). What is not (b) is (a). If you change (a) it becomes (b). 
If you change (b) it becomes (a). *3' 

S 8. One of the most common inflectional necessiries is the 
change to denote the plural. Therefore, to make a noun plural you 
take it out of its class, (a) or (b), and put it into the remaining and 

(1) Supposed to be an intimate amalgamation of pre-Ful with some Sudanian 

(2) In Bilin, Chamir and Shlih the diminutives are 'feminine." In Masai and 
Nama tree and stone with the "masculine" article are augmentative, with the "feminine" 
article diminutive. In Bedawye the accusative of the masculine" is "feminine." 
Proper names, even of women, are ''masculine," as also the pronoun I, and that impor- 
tant animal, the cow. 

(3) When one end of a steel bar or one coating of a Leyden jar is made positive 
the other will be found to be negative. 


opposite class. Where there are only two classes, a "masculine" 
and a "feminine," the plural of the "masculine" must be "feminine," 
and of a "feminine" "masculine." The "feminine" ending indi- 
cates the plural of a "masculine," the "masculine" of a 
"feminine." <> 

9. Arabic, nearest to Hamitic geographically, is found also 
to be nearest it in the degree of its retention of these two old prin- 
ciples, and north and east Semitic most remote. In Arabic, while 
the laws are not, as in Hamitic, fully operative, yet they are to be 
observed in isolated phenomena some of which I shall now discuss. 

10. The numerals from three to ten inclusive are put in the 
opposite gender to that of the singular of the thing numbered, ^^> .not 
because of any reason of sex, but because an antithesis was felt to 
exist between the two. The triad which numbered was felt to be 
less important than the men which it numbered ; and, by polarity, 
the triad which numbered must be more important than the women 
which it numbered. 

II. The plural of many "masculine" nouns is "feminine." 
If the thing thought of is important in its primary aspect, it is 

OCX ^ ^ 

unimportant in the secondary. So plurals like At j^ from ^^.^ 
-tUic- from ^U which have a feminine ending, and others like 
JUj from iV J which have not, and also tribal names. 

12. The plural of many "feminine" nouns is "masculine." If the 
thing thought of is unimportant in its primary aspect it is important 

in the secondary. So plurals like ^*> from A^^^ . '3' So the gener- 

alization of an action as Jli fromAll?.'^) 

^3- When it is desired to intensify an adjective which cannot 
be put in the measure J> I without losing its identity, as e.g. >*^lc- 
it is put into the "other" form and receives the "feminine" ending, be- 
coming A>^. This is even done with forms in which it is not 

(1) In Somali this is the rule for every noun which has a collective plural. 
In Nama the "feminine" singular is also the "masculine" plural. 

(2) The period during which the Semites counted only to the limit of their ten 

digits must have been long ; for when they resumed counting and went beyond, the 

old two-class polarity was inoperative. 

(3) It is usual to regard this plural as primary and the singular as a nomen 

(4) It is usual to regard the "masculine" as primary and call the other a 
nomen vicis. 


necessary, as e.g. ^/ intensive aj^''>. Thus we see that in ^jU^ 

the ending denotes sex, in <>lfi- intensity, in Sjl^ plurality. The 

ending in reality is merely the sign of a secondary or derived class. 
In the first case it cannot be used for the plural because of the 
possibility of a female baker. But one does not think of female 
scholars or sailors. 


14. The so-called negative j^c- is not really a negative but 

an "oppositive." The universe is divided into 1 J* and '->* ^A^ and 

it contains absolutely nothing else besides. The one half is the 

opposite of the other; and when Sulaiman descended upon feU j^c 

it was not merely "the absence of water" but "that which is not 
water." In order to express the absence of a thing without the 

presence of its opposite the preposition "y must be used ; and 
hence iU j\j' /j* means "without water." 

15. For many years Arabia has been regarded as the cradle 
of the Semites. <^^ Noeldeke, in the last edition of the Encyclopedia 
Britannicd/^'' still maintains this view, and regards Hamitic Africa 
as their still remoter place of origin. Grimme does the same.'"^ 
Attempts have been made to show that they came from Babylonia'^' 
or out of the north, or were indigenous to Syria and Palestine. 
One may bring in the Aramaeans from the Caspian and the 
Arabs out of Syria into the desert , but it still remains to be shown 
why Arabic should have sporadic affinities to the systems which 
are complete in Hamitic. Any biologist, being shown the facts, 
would say that the sporadic phenomena are, as it were, residual 
organs, surviving with altered functions from a former age, and 
explained only by reference to the type from which they have been 
inherited. They are not germs of a system unelaborated, for they 
do not grow out of the language consciousness which' surrounds 
them. Not only must Arabia have been the most ancient home of 
the Semites as such ; but they must have had a long previous 
history, beginning in the western part of north Africa. 

(1) Possibly the curious form 4.iA.>- is an honorific intensive of (^_i..^l:^ . 

(2) Renan, Hixtuire Generale, 29; Sprenger, Die alte Geographle Arallens, 42 ; 
Schrader, ZUMG, xxvii, 397. 

(3) Sub voc, Semitic Languages. 

(4) Mohammed, p. 6. f. But h; 

(5) Guidi, Delia sede primitiru dd ptpull Semitici, RAL, cclxxvi. 

(4) Mohammed, p. 6. f. But his one-sided preference for Abyssinia cannot 
be accepted. 

NOTE A. The Reciprocal Change of Sui and Shin in Semitic. 

1. In a very large number of instances sin in South Semitic 
stands for shin in North Semitic. E.g. : Arabic nafs = Hebrew 
nefesh. In an equally large number of instances the reverse holds. 
E.g. Arabic bishdra = Hebrew besord. Two problems are present- 
ed by this reciprocal change : (I) How is it possible for each of 
two sounds to go over into the other. (II) Which of the two sounds 
is original in a given instance. Both problems are solved by a 
recognition and application of the principle of polarity. 

2. This reciprocal interchange of sin and shin has never 
been satisfactorily explained. The difficulty is obvious. Although 
either may change into the other under the influence of some 
operative tendency, the result will be the total surrender of one or 
the other; and, even though a contrary tendency may subsequently 
operate, the result will be a single sound, one or the other of the 
original sounds. Again, it is impossible to conceive of two opposite 
tendencies operating at the same time to produce two directly op- 
posite results, for the tendencies would neutralize one another 
without result. 

3. The principle of polarity, dominant in Hamitic and 
prominent in Semitic, ordains that a thing belonging to one of two 
possible classes, upon passing over into the other class maintains 
the conscious contrast between itself and an opposed thing by 
transferring that thing to what has now become the opposite class; 
(a) of class (i) is opposed-in thought to (b) of class (2). If (a) passes 
into class (2) then (b) must pass into class (l) to preserve the de- 
manded contrast. Applying this principle to the problem in hand : 
there were two original sounds, sin and shin. A tendency be- 
came operative to change sin into shin or else to change shin into 
sin. At the same time by polarity the remaining sound was trans- 
ferred into the opposite class, and became the opposite sound. 

4. It remains to show which of the two sounds was original 
in a given word, which of the changes is phonetic and which 
polaric. It is phonetically possible for either sound to pass into the 
other; but there is some presumption in favor of sin becoming shin 
rather than the reverse. This presumption is strengthened by con- 
sideration of the fact that Arabic thaldth must have passed through 
a form salds (cf. Ethiopic) before becoming shdlosh. In other words 
thaldth first joined nafs and both of them then received a shin. At 
the same time Arabic bishdra became Hebrew besord by polarity. 
The Arabic therefore contains the original values ; sin became shin 
by phonetic change ; and shin became sin by polarity. 


NOTE B. Plurals with ob to Singulars with ^\ 

1. The jackal is called in Arabic j^V 'J? ^ in the plural 
/Job . Similarly a male camel that has entered upon his third 
year is called o;^ 'c^>\ in the plural j;j ^G. . A single star of 
the constellation Ursa is called JL.; 'J;Mn the plural ^'J ill; . 
A kind of bad mushroom is called in the plural '^. ji^ll. , limping 

horses ;-'cV I t^\l> , good stallion camels /^i:> bU , and\he two last 
take the verb of the third person plural even though they are 
masculine. The t;ljLj is used in all these cases "for the feminization 

of the group" ; and, in the case of ^ji . '^'.V ^J^ ' because they 
are of the ioxm ^^\ (Lisdn a/-^ra6;Hava Arab.- Engl. Did.) So 

much for native sources/'' 

2. All of these plurals are original, and are used because, 
for some reason or another, the usual plurals are felt to be impos- 
sible. In some cases the singulars are back-formations, put in the 
masculine by the principle of polarity in order that they^may con- 
trast with the plurals. The words with which Cl;ljLi and ^\ \ are thus 

compounded are all in the nature of proper names :<2^ daughters of 
VVdw-Waw, daughters of Downy-Hair, daughters of Lame-Foot, 
daughters of Smolder-Fire, daughters of Drink-Milk, daughters of 
Ursa. This is proved by the absence of the article from all of theml 
They are felt to be neither singulars nor plurals. The plural is tlien 
formed in one way and the singular in the opposite way. Even 
the modern Arabic wdwi (jackal) is felt by natives to have no con- 
venient plural, most of them, when asked, hesitating between 

wdwin, and wdwiya and knowing nothing of the formation with OLj 

(1) "Wheu .)l is applied to that which is not a human being, to an irrational 

being, it has for its plural Ovij : thus tlie plural of ^yffXs^A .>' (a young male 


eamel in his second year) is ^Jo\^m Ovi) etc." Lane, 'ji! 
(S) Lane,. ^^^1 


3. Trithout weakening the case for the existence here of 

> a I 

polarity, it may be contended that the ^yj formations are primary 

rather than the Ollj formations, especially in view of the Hebrew 

ben baqar, which has no plural, and Assyrian jndre mini, which has 
no singular except of course the regular ones. But it must be 
noted that neither baqar nor nun is quite so personal as the Arabic 
examples ; and of course there is no polarity, as far as examples 
permit of observation. Arabic apparently favored the operation 

of polarity as it wished to avoid combinations with JL) which 

sounded like tribal names ; Hebrew avoided the same combination, 
for the same reason, but did not resort to polarity; Assyrian, be- 
cause it employed bit instead of 7nd)r in tribal names, did not need 
to avoid using the latter and so did not resort to polarity. 

4. The expressions j^J Ou> for male camels that have 

entered upon their third year, and ,c b Oll> for "stallion camels," 

are so conspicuously contradictory of real gender as to leave no 
doubt of the presence here of polarity. 



Samuel Raffaeli, 


The writer has in his possession two small stones, almost alike 
in colour, shape and material ; they are round in form with a domed 
top, but tliey differ in weight and in the writing inscribed on them. 
They undoubtedly belong to a very early period, and, judging from 
their size and weight, were probably used for weighing precious 
metal or other valuable materials. 

One of these weights is inscribed with the letters (in archaic 
Hebrew script) D'S P-I-M; and the other vpi, K-S-F. The first 
one weighs a little more than II9 grains, while the other is almost 
155 in weight. What are these weights ? 

In 1902, Prof. G.A. Barton obtained in Jerusalem a small piece 
of metal ; on one side v/as written ns*^ inn:TS and on the other D'2/ 
P-I-M. It weighed a little more than 1 17 grains. ^^> In 1907 Mr. RA.S. 
Macalister found at Gaza a stone similar to the first of the two in 
my possession, and bearing the same inscription. Its weight is 
about 112 grains.*^' Since my own specimen is more than I19 
grains we may assume that the maximum weight of this particular 
kind is more than 1 19 grains, and that a well-preserved specimen 
may be as much as 125 grains. 

After the discovery of the second example, the word P-I-M 
still remained unexplained. My own specimen I obtained in 1914, 
and in -a subsequent investigation came to the conclusion that this 
word P-/-J/wasto be found in I. Sam. 13, 21 : m^i'Sn nn m D'Pn'^i 
Tiiuino'? ", I suggested that the P-/-Jf was a tax or payment 

from the Israelites to the Philistines in return for sharpening their 
mattocks and other implements {Palestine Exploration Fund Quar- 
terli/ Statenie)if. April igi4); and this interpretation of the word 
has been embodied in the new translation of the Bible isSued by 
the Jewish Publication Society of America (Philadelphia 19I7)' 

Hitherto no weights have been found bearing the inscription 
"Shekel'' ; but such most probably exist and will ultimately be dis- 
covered. As for the 5(?q* (Gen. 24,22 ; Ex.38,26), small stones with 
the round domed shape, made of red marble, have been brought to 
light bearing ihe inscription ypn : Prof. C.C. Torrey of Yale Univ- 
ersity, when in Jerusalem in the spring of 1901, secured a specimen 
weighing a little more than 90 grains ; ^3) Mr. R.A.S. Macalister 
found another at Gezer, with the same inscription, weighing about 

(1) P.S.B A. 1902. / 

(2) P. hJ. F. Quarterhi Statement 1907. p. 266. 

(3) P. S. B. A. 1901. 


49 grains: '"' and Prof. Gustav Dalman secured yet a third from a fel- 
lah at Sliafat of 102 grains weight.'^' We may, therefore, assume 
that the maximum weight of the Beqa'xs, more than 102 grains. This 
accords with the biblical tradition of Ex.38,26, that the Beqci^ is 
the half of the "Holy" shekel. 

The writer, in his Coins of fhr Jews (Jerusalem, 1913) has 
described Half-Shekels weighing from lOO to 105 grains. *^^ There, 
also, will be found discussed the standard of the Talent, the Maneh 
and the Shekel, of both the "Holy" and fhe "Heavy" variety. We 
know that the Beqa'^h t\\e half of the Holy Shekel ; and the Pirn ap- 
pears to be the half of the Heavy Shekel. The Heavy Shekel 
weighed over 900,000 grains ; the Maneh was one sixtieth of a 
Talent, and a Shekel one sixtieth of a Maneh ; therefore the Heavy 
Shekel weighs about 250 grains. In spite of the fact that the heaviest 
Pi; hitherto found weighs only I19 grains, it is not improbable that 
if one were found in a perfect state of preservation it would weigh 
about 125 grains. We may, therefore, fairly conclude that a Fun is 
the half of the Heavy Shekel. 

The reading of the second stone has given rise to much discus- 
sion. Other examples have been found: one by Mr. H.E. Clark 
in 1891 near Anata (the biblical Anathoth) weighing 134 grains; '4) 
others by Dr. Bliss and Mr. Macalister during the excavations at Tell 
Zakariya, weighing respectively 145, 154, and 157 grains; another 
by Prof. Barton, in Jerusalem, in 1902, weighing 153 grains; while 
the one in my possession weighs 155 grains, We can assume that 
the average weight of this stone is 156 grains. 

The interpretation of the inscription on this weight has been 
complicated by the discovery of a small spindle-shaped weight 
(purchased by Dr. Chaplin in Samaria in 1820 and now in the 
Ashmolean Museum, Oxford ; there is a reproduction in H.D.B. vol. 
4, p. 904), inscribed, according to the normally accepted reading, on 
the one side with '^'iTi/S"), and on the other with J^jj;^"!.'^' Neither 

conveys any meaning. Of the latter, the fourth and sixth letters 
are not distinct ; and at the time when the stone was discovered the 
last letter could be read D and not j. But even so, what does a 

quarter of a jiesef mediw } Lidzbarski (E"/)/;?/;?. I p.13) explains fhe 
characters read S'^y^as unsuccessful efforts of the workman at writing 

^:^, compelling him to start afresh on the other side. Lidzbarski could 

give no satisfactory explanation of CjiM. A connexion with the Arabic 

nusf "half," has been proposed, but this would afford but a dubious 
sense. The writer suggests that the correct reading is not really fj::: 

(1) P. E. F. Qtiarterhj Statement 1904, p. 209. 

(2) Zeitschrift den JJeutsrheu Verelns. Bd, xxix, p. 92 ff, 

(3) Pp. 65-68. 

(4) Weights of ancient Palestine E. J, Pilhter, London, 1912. 

(5) Ihid. 


but e)C2. There are certain verses in the Bible which suggest that the 

AVs^/was a distinct kind of weight like a Shekel or Beqa'^ : thus 
Abinielecli gave Abraham a thousand ke.sef (Gen.20,l6), and Joseph 
was sold to the Ishniaelites for twenty kesef (Gen. 37,28). 

The writer lias explained elsewhere {op. cit. sup.) that Darius 
Hystaspes received the Maneh standard, i.e. 7,^00 grains^'* (troy), 
from tlie Babylonians ; the Babylonian Shekel, being one fiftieth 
part of the Maneh, is 156 grains, and this was regarded as the "light" 
Persian Shekel. It was on this standard that the Kesef weight 
was based. 

(1) Coiiix of the Jfir.i, p, 28. 






Le musee de Sainte-Anne possede une monnaie de bronze de 
Bar Cochba qui semble extremenient rare et je serais desireux de 
savoir si elle n'a pas sa semblable dans vos collections particu- 

En voici la description : 

Au droit : . . ^nTvT'' X^B'J pj/*Q^ "Simon prince d'Israel," en legerde 
circulaire autour d'une couronne renfermant une palme. Grenetis, 

Au revers : hn^y inSo.U' "L'an II de la delivrance d'Israel, " 

en legende circulaire. Lvre a quatre cordes. Les shins sont 
anguleux et le graveur Juif a ecrit "^Nty,, pour Israel "^KTvi'\ faute 

qui se rencontre frequemment sur les monnaies de Bar Cochba. Ce 
bronze mesure 22 millimetres et pese 6 grammes II a eie achete 
en 1909 aux paysans de Bittir qui fouillaient alors en tous sens, 
mais trop superficielement et sans ordre, le sommet de la montasne 
appelee encore aujourd'hui ''Khirbet el Yahoud,, ou s'elevait jadis 
la forteresse de Bar Cochba. 

Les monnaies de Bar Cochba sont nombreuses. Elles ont ete 
frappees les ones sur des flans neufs, les autres sur des bronzes ou 
des deniers romains. Elles peuvent se diviser en trois classes : 
I) celles qui ne sont pas datees et qui presentent invariablement, 
au droit, le nom de "]yjC^,, " Simon ,, ; au revers, la legende 
"dSc^ii"' nirh ^ "La delivrance de Jerusalem." 2.) Celles de la 
premiere annee de la redemption d'Israel "b.-rr:;'' nhnih nnx nJB'^, qui 

presentent, au droit, les noms d'Eleazar le pretre, de Jerusalem, de 
Simon prince d'Israel. 3.) Enfin celles de l'an II de la delivrance 
d'Israel "hn-w^ niinS .Z.'J^^ qui ne presentent, au droit, que le nom de 
"]y;^U "Simon,, ecrit en toutes lettres ou en abrege. Seul et c'est 
la ce qui fait son interet et lui donne une valeur exceptionnelle le 
bronze de Ste Anne presente, au droit, non pas le seul nom de "pj?cc*^^ 
"Simon" mais le nom de Simon accompagne du titre "bsyj' N't:':" 
"Prince d'Israel" ; au revers, "L'an 11 de la delivrance d'Israel." 


Dans deux articles de la Zeitschrift furNumismatik (annfte 1873 
et 1877) Vl^^rzbacher publiait un bronze faisant partie de la collec- 
tion VVi^an et poitant. au droit, une palme dans une couronne 
avec la legende ^^N'tt^J p^D-J" "Simon prince,, ; au revers, une 
lyre a cinq cordes avec la portion de legende "^XTJ\, "Israel,,. 
Get autenr proposait ingenieusenient de completer la legende du 
revers par I'addition des lettres "irh ,2,'^,, "L'an II de la delivrance,, 
insinuant par la que sur les monnaies de l'an II aussi bien que sur 
celles de l'an I ou gravait le titre de "N^'^y prince ; par suite 
que les monnaies portant les legendes "Simon, prince d'Israel. 
Premiere annee de la redemption d'Israel,. . devaient etre classees 
non a la premiere revoke sous Vespasien niais a la seconde sous 
Hadrien. Ce n'etait la cependant qu'une supposition. Madden, 
qui les attribuait a un Simon Nasi de la premiere revolte, declara 
qu'il ne souscrirait a la proposition de Merzbacher que si on lui ap- 
portait non pas ur.e supposition mais une preuve solide fondee sur 
un exemplaire bien conserve et parfaitement lisible : "But this 
suggestion cannot be accepted without the positive proof afforded 
bya wellpreserved and legible specimen." En attendant il continua 
d'attribuercettemonnaiea la premiere revolte. Or en 1892 L. Ham- 
burger publiait dans la belle etude qu'il a consacree aux monnaieS 
des revoltes Juives un bronze dont le revers repondait de tons points 
a celui de I'exemplaire de Merzbacher et portait : ^STi:?^ nnS .3.-* 

L'an II de la delivrance d'Israel. "Or si la comparaison entre les 
deux exemplaires autorisait a admettre I'opinion de Merzbacher, ce 
n'etait pas encore", la preuve solide, fondee sur un exemplaire bien 
conserve et parfaitement lisible que Madden reclamait, carle bronze 
public par Hamburger etait hybride et au "lieu de presenter au 
droit comme celui de Merzbacher la legende "Ssiiy^ N^iy: pyot:\^ 

"Simon, prince d'Israel" il portait simplement "oSriT nnn'?^, "La 

delivrance de Jerusalem" Cette preuve est apportee par le bronze du 
medaillier de Ste Anne. Ce bronze est bien conserve. 11 est parfait- 
ement lisible et a des legendes completes: au droit. "^XT^S''' N^i:'j pV^C^,, 

"Simon prince d'Israel,, ; au revers "bnu'' '\rh .^.U'^^ "L'an II de la 

delivrance d'Israel.,, 

J'en ai dit assez, semble-t-il, pour montrer I'interet que presente 
cette monnaie au point de vue de la Numismatique Judaique. J'ai 
ajoute qu'elle etait extremement rare. Elle ne se trouve en effet ni 
au Departement de Medailles de la Bibliotheque Nationale, comme 
j'ai pu m'en convaincre moi-meme en 1914 ; ni au British Museum 
puisqne le catalogue, si complet cependant. des monnaies juives 
publie par M. Hill en 1914, ne le mentionne pas. Monsieur Raf- 
faeli qui en 1913 publia en langue hebraique un ouvrage sur les 
monnaies juives ne la signale pas non plus. Enfin lorsque, en 
1912, je la publiai dans la Revue Numismatique, un nmnismate alle- 
mand, Mr Carl Mayer,n'ayant jamais rencontre ce type de monnaie 
et confondant les numeros de la planche avec ceux du corps de 
I'article, crut a une mauvaise lecture de ma part. II reconnut son 
erreur quand, sur sa demande, je lui eus envoye empreinte et mou- 


lage ; dans une lettre qu'il m'adressa le 3 mars 1 914 il s'offrit m^me 
a acquerir pour sa collection personnelle le bronze de Ste. Anne. 
Vous devinez la reponse. Ainsi ce bronze du medaillier de Ste 
Anne semble non seulement tres rare mais encore, du raoins a ma 
connaissance, unique. 

Et maintenant quelles conclusions tirer ? Celles-la meme que 
proposait Merzbacher, il y a quarante ans : (l) "Sur les monnaies de 
I'an II aussi bien que sur celles de I'an I ou gravait le titre de 
"Nasi,,; (2) les monnaies portant les legendes: "Simon, prince 
d'Israel ; Premiere annee de la Redemption d'Israel," doivent etre 
attribuees non a la premiere revolte sous Vespasien, mais a la 
seconde, sous Hadrien. 


Madden, Coins of the Jews, 1881, pp. 205 et 206. 

L. Hamburger, Munzprdgiingen uahrend des letzten Aufstandes 
der Israeliten gegen Rom, p. 280. 

Hill ( GF. )., A Catalogue of the Greek Coins in the British 
Museum. Catalogue of the Greek Coins of Palestine. 

S. Raffaeli nin\n niyrt3D dSitit 191 3. 

Rev Lie Numismatique 1912, p. 46 1 

1913, p. 404; et 1914, pp. 244, 245. 



(New Haven, U.S.A.) 

The earliest known writing of the name of the city of Jerusalem 
is to be found in the letters of Abdi-Hiba, g:overnor of the city, to 
Amenophis IV, about 1400 B C. in which U-ru-sa-lim is written in 
the Babvlonian script, the Unci ua franca ot that era. Ut the 
extri-Biblical forms of the name the next in point of antiquity is 
ihit' found in an Assyrian inscription of Sennacherib (705-681 
BC ) in which lir-sa-li-im-mu is written. In aNabataean inscrip- 
tion of one bearing a Jewish name, Nathaniah, the Aramaic form, 
't7/-s/iaiew (c'^u'-'.lS') is found. There are also preserved a Mandaic 

form"t/ras/ta/m(DN'?-^Nms), a Syriac 'Urishlem, and an Arabic, 
whicli is quoted by Yakut from a pre-lslamic poet, 'Ursalimu 
I jj^jj\ ).(!) Tiie six writings, from six different quarters, all point 
10 'Ur or 'Uru as being the first element of the name. 

The consonantal text of the Old Testament gives dV^1"i\ and 
in several late passages D^St^lT. The latter appears also upon 
coins, perhaps of the time of Simon 142- 135 B.C. These conso- 
nantal forms have been vocalized Yerushalayira. The 3eptuagint 
tiansliteration lEpouaaXTui shows that in the late Hebrew the name 
was actually pronounced something like Jerusalem instead of 
Yerushalayim. Another early Greek form is found in a passage of 
Soli, a pupil of Aristotle, which is quoted by Josephus. Here the 
name is written lepouaaXiinii '2) 

The explanation of the Hebrew form of the name has 
occasioned considerable difficulty in all periods. The Midrash 
Bereshith Rabba, 89. explains how Abraham, having called 
the place Jireh nXT Gen. 22:14, and Shem (meaning Melch- 

izedek) having called it Shaleni, the Almighty, who was unwilling to 
disappoint either, gave ii both names, Yireh-Shalem. Jerome in his 
Ortomas/'zca explained the name as meaning OQaoig EiQTiVT]g, Modern 
etymologists have explained the name as meaning "possession of 
peace," "foundation of peace," "the foundation of security," 
"Shaleni founds," "Snaleni casts the lot," "he casts a perfect or 
peaceful, Secure lot," etc ^'^ After the discovery of Uru-salim in 
the Aniarna letters, written in the Babylonian script, many scholars 
looked upon this as containing the original form of the name, and 
especially as a similar pronunciation has been preserved in the forms 
quoted in Assyrian, Aramaic, Syriac, Mandaic, and Arabic. 

Several decades ago, when scholars followed the trend of the 
pan-Babylonists, and looked upon the Canaanite culture and re- 

(1) See Smith Jenmalem 1. p. 252 f. 

(2) See Smith ihid. 1. p. 200. 

(3) See Smith ibid 1. p. 258 f. 

ligion as importations from Babylonia, Uru the first element of the 
name was regarded as Sumerian, meaning "citj^" and the second 
as Semitic; the full name Lru-salim meaning "city of Salem," "city 
of peace," "place of safety," "the city" of peace," etc. <" Haupt 
considered that the dialectical Sumerian eri for uri passed into 
Hebrew as Hr ( TV ) "city;" from this V disappeared, and the 
initial element Jem was derived. 

The Araift'aic, Syriac, Mandaic and Arabic forms of the 
name do not bear out Haupt's contention ; it follows that the pro- 
posed etymology for *^r "city" is not to be taken seriously. 
Moreover, since the evidence for the influence of Babylonia upon 
Canaan, except for the use of the language and script which 
were employed in the second millennium B.C. throughout Western 
Asia and Egypt as the lingua franca, is comparatively insignificant, 
as the writer and others have contended, ^^' it follows that the 
proposal to find in the name Uru-salini a Sumerian and a Semitic 
element is, to say the least, precarious. Hitherto, it has seemed as 
if such place names as Nebo, Beth ^A.noth, Bit NIN-IB, Bethlehem, 
etc., showed influences from this quarter; but even these, the writer 
feels he has conclusively shown, contain the names of West 
Semitic deities. ^3' 

In short, we have in Palestine a very ancient culture indigenous 
to the land known to the ancient Babylonians as Amurru, which 
extended from the borders of Babylonia to the Mediterranean. This 
was considerably influenced by Egypt, but very little by Babylonia 
prior to the exile. In two monographs, Amurru the Home of the 
Northern Semites, and The Empire of the Atnorites, which followed 
the writer's discovery that the name of the god Amur(ru) (IDK) 

was written in Aramaic 'Awurn or 'U'7-u (TN), the widespread 

worship of this deity is fully set forth. The early Semites who 
moved from Amurru (Mesopotamia and Syria) into Babylonia, 
especially in the period prior to 2000 B.C., carried the worship of 
this deity with them. Many West Semitic names in the early 
cuneiform literature are found compounded with that of this deity. 
The names of at least four of the ten antediluvian rulers of 
Babylonia contain the name 'Uru, as : 'A^fopo? ( -iik-^x ), 'AXanagoq 

(ns-sSx), 'AfiiUapoc; {i)H-^r:>V), and MeyalaQOq crnx'SjC ). Sub- 
sequent to 200U B. C , when the Amontes lost their dominant 
position, the deity Amurru or 'CJru ceased to occupy^-*' a prominent 
place among the deities of Babylonia as becomes evident from a 
study of the nomenclature of that land. 

(1) See Savce A'c/uleiiu/, E'eb. 7. 1891: Haupt Polychrome 7?/&Ze, Lsaiali, EtI. notes, 
p. 100; Nentle ]?.4PF 57. f55 ; Zimmern 7v.l 7'3 p. 475. 

(2) See Clay 'Light on the Old Testament from Bdhel^' 17 ff; Vincent Canaan d'aprex 
rexjiloration receute, pp. oil, 439; Nowack 'Jheol. Literaturzcitunij, 1908, No. 26. Clay 
Amurru thr. Home of the JVortht^-n Semilex, p. 27. 

(3) See L'm/nre of the Amorlley. p. 169. 178, 180, f. 

(4) For a full discussion of the influence of this deity upon the nomenclatare of 
Babylonia, see t^mpire of the AmorUcx. 


The contention that this deity came from the land of the Wes- 
tt^in Semites bein^ correct, it would seem that traces of the worship 
should be found in the nomenclature of the Old Testament, as well 
as preserved in place names, ancient and modern, in these West 

Among the personal names of the Old Testament are found 
Ur. Uri, Uriel, Urijah, and Shedeur. The Septuagint transliterations 
of these names show that the element is 'Ur, and not 'Or "light." 

The name 'Ur (-IX), the father of one of David's heroes 

(1 Ch. 11:35), 's perhaps abbreviated, containing one element of the 
original name, that of the deity. 'Uri ( mK ) of the time of Moses 

(Ex, 31:2), appears to be a similar name, with what some scholars 
call the "A-ose suffix," like Mordecai. The name 'Uriah (nmx), 

belonging to the Hittite in the time of David (2 Sam. II:3), niay be 
Hittite ; but since we have many examples of non-Semites bearing 
Semitic names, it is not impossible that this name is Semitic and 
similar to the following. 'Urijah ( n'liK )^ the name of a priest, 

/ time of Ahaz, (2 Kings 16:13), means 'Uru is Jawah. Such syncre- 
tistic formations, identifying one god with another, are very 
common, especially among peoples whose religion was extensively 
^ influenced by other religions. The nomenclature of Babylonia, for 
"example, contains many such names. There are also many ex- 
amples among the names of deities as Ashtar-Chemosh, Hadad- 
Rimmon, *Attar-^Ate, Itur-Mer, Jawah- Shalom, etc. The name 
'Uriel { ^xniN ) " 'Uru is God", of the tribe of Levi ( i Ch. 6:24), 

and Shedeur (iin'tj ) "Shaddai is 'Uru", time of Moses, also contain 

the name of the deity. How many more personal names of the Old 
Testament originally contained that of the deity 'Uru, but 
have been handed down in an altered or disguised form, it is im- 
possible to say. That names were changed on religious grounds is 
well known. Fortunately in a number of instances both the 
original and the altered forms have been preserved, as Jerubbaal 
and Jerubbesheth, Meribbaal and Mephibosheth, Beeliada and 
^ Eliada. Compare also the place names Beth-el and Beth-aven. 

The name Jerusalem seems to be an example of this process. 
After David's time, when the city became the great centre for the 
worship of Jawah, it is easy to understand how the name of this 
ancient Amorite city, which contained the name of the Amorite 
god 'Uru, became obnoxious to the Hebrews. The dropping of the 
initial N in this name (see below), left 1 initial, but this, as is 
well known, usually, when initial, became in Hebrew. The fact 
is we have several examples in Aramaic and Punic inscriptions of 
the dropping of the initial n in this deity's name. It is now ad- 
mitted that ni^x in the stele inscription jjhich Zakir of Hamath 
and La*ash dedicated to this deity, is the same as El 'Uru<'*. 

(1) See Clay Amurru p. 157 fE. 


Recently Lidzbarski published an Aramaic letter of the time of 
Ashurbanipal in which IDS = Pir'-'Uru occurs {ZA 31). Cf. the 

names jDm and pom in Punic inscriptions from Algiers and 
Thugga; also two other names -jcil and iTiv^'^ If this expla- 
nation of the name Jerusalem is correct it becomes senseless to 
attempt to explain the difficult element Jem in Jerusalem as 
meaning "visien", "fear," "possesion," "foundation", "founds", 
"casts the lot," etc. The whole name means rather something like 
"*Uru is appeased". '^^ 

The name or epithet 'Ariel, used by Isaiah for Jerusalem 
(Is. 29:1), has been translated "the lion of God," or "the hearth of 
God," etc. It is generally agreed that j'?j:^k^ found in an inscription 

from Byblus, belonging to the fourth or fifth century B.C., is 
defectively written for "jSdiin and that this name is the same as 

Uru-inilki, found in the Amarna letters. ^^^ The present writer 
further contends that it contains the name of the deity 'Uru.^^* The 
name SsnN for the same reason could mean " 'Uru is God". This 

seems reasonable in the light of the fact that the name Jerusalem 
contains the name 'Uru, and that probably the city was dedicated 
to that deity (see below). It is interesting to observe that Cheyne 
regarded 'Uriel as the proper reading, and considered that it was 
used by the prophet to make a paronomasia with Uru-salim (End. 
Biblica). It easy to understand how such a name meaning "'Uru is 
God" would have been introduced by the old residents after the 
occupation of the city by the Hebrews. 

The evidence which has been preserved in the Old Testament 
concerning the altering of names makes reasonable the ident- 
ification of Salem with Jerusalem, which has been lield for 
centuries. Urn-salem may have been preserved in an old manu- 
script of the fourteenth chapter of Genesis and perhaps also of the 
seventy-sixth Psalm. Moreover, prior to the introduction of Jeru- 
salem the abbreviated Salem, doubtless, was more acceptable to 
these Hebrews who were familiar with the original meaning. 

Eighteen miles to the northwest of Jerusalem are two towns, 
at present called Beit 'Ur el Foka, and Beit 'Ur et Tahta. In \.\\e 
Old Testamant the names of the towns are written jv'?!; j"iin r,''2 

and pnnn pin n^I- These names are translated "house of the hole 

(or hollow), the upper", "house of the hole (or hollow), the lower." 
The Septuagint transliterates the name BsGooa, BaiGwQto, BaiGcoQoov; 
Although the modern name in Arabic has preserved an initial ^ain 
it seems in the light of the present discussion, that the name was 
probably Beth 'Uru, "the house of Uru". a name like Beth Shemesh, 
Beth Anoth, Beit Dejun (Dagan). Beit Lahm(Lahmu), etc. Moreover, 

(1) See Clay Amurrn p. 160. 

(2) See Clay ibid ^. 178. 

(3) Cooke North Semitic Tn.ierijitions p. 20. 

(4) Amurru p. 157. 


it is not unreasonable to suggest that the late Hebrew writers 
intentionally disguised the name. The proximity of the city to 
Jerusalem, being in its territory, suggests at least some possible 
connections with Bit NIN-IB of the Amarna letters. 

In a syllabary in the Yale Babylonian collection the writer 
found the following formula: 

Ur-f(i I IB I u-m-^ha \ sha '^NIN-IB shii-ma 

which means tiiat the sign IB, called urashu, is to be read ur-ta 
in the deity's name '^ NIN-IB.^^^ In other words it is now ascertain- 
ed that NIN-IB is a Sumerian ideographic writing for the West 
Semitic Ba^dat Urta^^^ "lady or goddess Urta." Since the Amarna 
letters inform us that the shrine of the goddess was in the territory 
of Jerusalem, one cannot help but be impressed with the idea, 
especially in view of the name Uru-salem, that in the early period 
of the history of this district not only the worship of the god 
'Uru figured prominently in this vicinity but also that of his 
consort 'Lrta or 'Urtu. 

In spite of the fact that the Amorite or Jebusite inhabitants of 
Jerusalem were spared after David captured the city and that they 
continued to live here, no information is offered in the Old 
Testament to enable us to determine what was done with the 
Amorite sanctuary and where it was located; moreover, no light is 
offered us concerning the patron deity of the city. It seems the 
only reasonable conclusion to suppose that the religious zeal of the 
laltr Hebrews caused the systematic eradication of all traces of 
the former worship from the pages of the Old Testament. 

Efforts have been made by scholars to determine the genius 
loci of the place. Shalem or Shulman, as a probable title of Ninib, 
was regarded by Zimmern as the deity {KAT^ 474 f. ), Since the 
names Melki-Zedek, king of Salem, time of Abraham, Adoni-Zedek, 
king of Jerusalem, time of Joshua (Jos. 10:1 ), Zadok, who was 
priest at the time of David, contained the name of the deity Sadeq, 
it has been inferred that he was the patron god of the city. Nat- 
urally this deity may have been worshipped here, but since, 
however, the name of the city is compounded with that of Uru, 
and the temple of Urtu (Bii-NIN-IB) was in the territory of the 
city, it is not unreasonable to assume that Uru and Urtu were the 
chief deities of this locality. This being true, 'Ariel or 'Uriel, with 
the meaning "Uru is God", was appropriately substituted by Isaiah 
for the name Jerusalem in his address to the city, which, doubtless, 
had continued to worship that god. 

(1) See Clay Miseellaneous Inscriptions in the Yale Babylonian Collection, 

(2) JBmpire of the Amorites p, 73 E. 



Nahum Slousch. 

Le R.P.Vincent a consacre una magistrale etude^^^ a I'lnscription 
Hebreo arameenne qui provient d'un ancien Sanctuaire Juif a Am- 
Douk. Cette derniere offre beaucoup de points de rapprochement 
avec rinscription provenant de la synagogue de Kafr Kenna, dont 
voici le texte. 

Ili 'DV ri37 -i.n 

^ij3i HDU 12 Dinjn 

L'ecriture des deux inscriptions appartient a, la meme cpoque 
etant donne la difference tres nette qui existe entre la lettre, n 

et n, surtout si nous tenons compte de la forme des lettres surles 

epitaphes que le P. Abel avait dechiffre sur les tombeaux^ juifs de 
Chafat (qui pourraient bien emaner du premier Siecle). En 
revanche, la lettre a accuse une forme plus arcaique. 

Quant a la langue de cette inscription elle rappelle parfaitement 
celle du Talmud Jerusalemite et surtout celle'de la liturgie Judeo- 
arameenne (la priere du KaddTsh, celle de jpilD Dip"" etc.) 

Qu'il me soit permis d'apporter quelques contibutions a la 
savante interpretation que nous devons au P. Vincent : 

Voici, d'ailleurs, le texte complet de I'lnscription. 

( .?) ors vn':2 

p hz 2f2h pTD [ 1 

"IN 3n"'i pmro [ "t ' 

nira^ pr\2 2r, [ i 

p 3m ]2 '^"1 [ p 

nopD '73 p ?! [ D3 

pnprn ] [ jnS ] N^n [ n 

Hw'-p n-iPN \ir.2 

(1) V. le Sidour, le livre des priferes Juives, section du Sabbath. 

(2) Revae Biblique 1919 p. 530 etc. 


Traduction et commentaires : 

1. Memoire ou bonne part (Vincent). 

2. -D'r2 Benjamin, la premiere lettre indique la tendance d'in- 
troduire'des matres leclionis dans les textes hebreux tendance qui 
se munifeste depuis les premiers siecles de I'ere chretienne. i:n: T 
He I'inscription de rabbi Youdan de Jaffa, etc. ^ 

(n) c:- Le nom du frere du premier ou de son pare avec 1 omis- 
sion du \2 fils nous paru certain. A noter la mention de Jose fils 
de Tanhum fils de Buta et de ses fils par I'incsription de Kafr Kenna. 
L'epitaphe No. I de Sha'fat a egalement DnrD le, apres le 3. Quant a 
la difforniation ,-Dr2 je renvoie aax monnaies de Simon le Mac- 
cholice ou Ton lit a plusieurs reprises >-:irJ au lieu de r^i2^ ' cepen- 
dant la legon nDJis proposee par M. Clermont Ganneau est tres 

3. Fils du Jose. A noter que I'inscription de Kafr Kenna a 
Egalement une liste de trois generati 

4 Qui soient en heureuse memoire chaqun de ceux qui. ^ 

5. Quiconque sera (ou sera) vaillant et fera un don, prnnci est un 
terme qui n'est plus usite dans les textes de la synagogue. Mais 
il est frequent dans le livre de Nehemie surtout en ce qui concerne 
la construction de Mur de Jerusalem, par exemple pnnn IT :i? 

(Nebemie III passim) ou \-^pTnr, PNTn HD^nn nzs'^CD n:n (Ibid. V. 16). 

6. Qui a donne pour ce lieu je lis 3n (1 Le terme 2TV est fre- 

qu-Mt dans le Talmud de Jerusalem, cf. Berachot VII, li jc S^n- 

cl'7D nnn etc. 

L'ensemble se lit ainsi : Quiconque fera don ou a donne 
pour ce lieu. 

7. Saint; soit eu or, soit en (argent) soit en tout objet de 

\2 ,,. p ... \1 est la tournure mishnaique ... p2 . . p2\soit...soit... 
L'absence de la lettre indiquerait uneprononciation \2 Xiu une dat^ 
plus ancienne. Cette lecture pf5t d'ailleurs confirmee par le texte de 
Jonas IV. 10 ^2^ ^'^'^ i'21 ^"^ ^^'^ p. 

nc?D. valeur ou objet de valeur est un terme frequent dans le 
T.'!]' ut de Jerusalem, cf. V. Nedarim XT. 42"= ou nous rencontrons, 
d'ailleurs, presque la meme formule "-t^^'^pc H'':^ 2'"! (qui Uii donne 
beaucoup de valeurs). 


(0 Pareil depleacement. des lettres se retrouvent, d'ailleurs dans plusieurs textes 
deplacement provenaut des synagogues de la Galilee. 

(2) A noter I'analogie avec le texte de la pri^re ou on lit. J'pp^;'!. JNO '^D etc. 


Le Midrash Rabba a souvent N>:pc ou xncpo (Cf. Berechit 73,12 
Shemot 30,12.) 

Au commencement de la iigne 8 les restes, de la lettre D sont 
presque certaines, seuleument la ressemble plutot a un 1 (plus large 
que les autres dans le meme texte. II s'agirait d'une erreur du gra- 
veur, la lettre 5 de la 1. 2 etant tres archaique rappelle le piienicien. 
On s'attendrait d'apres de nombreux contextes de voir venir apres 
Tor, I'argent, puis tout object de valeur/'^ 

9. Que leur soit une part de possession, comme le traduit le P. 
Vincent ou bien que ce soit un reconfort poureux : 

JinpTH pnS K\"incetteformuleestarapprocher<lecellederinscription 
deKatrKennaet de la priere reciiee, ou on lit NT^i:: '\'-'b xnn D'. il- 
leurs la X finale de N\"in comme d'ailleurs remploidu terme jinptn 
et surtout les n finales (au lieu de la lettre x usitee par les lextes 
ecrits) indiquerait une epoque rabbinique fort ancienne. 

"^'''ip mrK Lieu Saint. Formule qui se retrouve dans la j)! eie 

du Kaddish, mais qui est generalement usitee en Hebreu tyrp Q^pc 

Quoiqu'il en soit, ce terme comme le texte tout entier nous permei de 
classer cette inscription parmi les textes relatifs aux synagogues de 
la Galilee. Le lieu Saint d'Ain Douk serait done un sanctuaire 
Juif traditionnel qui se rattache aux premiers siecle de I'ere 

Rien d'ailleurs, ne s'oppose a I'ingenieuse dissertation du P. 
Vincent qui tend a retrouver sur I'emplacement de la Synagogue 
d'Ain Douk les traces d'un sanctuaire biblique fort ancien. 

L'inscription offre en outre un interet tout special au point de 

vue de la liturgie Juive, parce qu'elle permet d'attribuer a uneorigi- 

ne palestiFiienne tres ancienne certaines parties de la liturgie 

qui sont ecrites en Judeo-arameen, telle que le U^lp f le p~": Dp^ etc 

1, Je n'ai pas pu voir rinterprdtation de M. Clerment Ganiieau mais je constate 
que le dernier No, de la revue du Palestine Exploration Fund propose la mime 
explication, pour ce qui est de ce passage. 


J. P. Peters 

(University of the South, U.S.A.) 

Working on the Psalms over thirty years, I have been more 
and more impressed with the amount of local colour in them, and 
the failure of scribes and commentators to note this from lack of 
personal familiarity with Palestine. My attention was first called 
to this in connexion with Ps. 89 Verse 13 reads ; 

'North and south, Thou hast created them : 
Tabor and Hermon rejoice in Thy name". 

To any one who has travelled in northern Galilee, and had 
Tabor and Hermon as his landmarks of south and north, this 
breathes the atmosphere of that country. None could have written 
it but a Galilsean. So far as I know, however, no commentator has 
noticed this. Prof, Briggs in his commentary in the "International 
Critical Commentary" series (II. 257) says : "Tabor and Hermon, 
the chief mountain peaks of the Holy Land, Tabor commanding 
the great plain of E^draelon, and Hermon, the giant of Lebanon, 
commanding the greater part of the entire land, representatives 
therefore of the mountains." This is to miss the local force of the 
allusion entirely. It led Briggs to a false dating of this part of the 
Psalm, and a false reference of it. He says (233) : "The Psalm 
indicates a period of peace and quietness in which the public wor- 
ship of Yahweh in the Temple was enjoyed by Israel, and this not 
until the troubled times of the Restoration were over, some time 
subsequent to Nehemiah, when peace and prosperity were enjoyed 
under the Persian rule of Artaxerxes II (458-404 B.C.)." Equally 
vivid are the local allusions in several of the Psalms of the collection 
entitled "Of the Sons of Korah" (42-49), such as the mention of the 
land of Jordan and the roaring of its fountain beneath Hermon by 
Tel Kadi (42); and the river on which the Temple stood (46). A 
study of the Korah Psalms on the ground forced me to the conclusion 
that they could only be ascribed to psalmists of the temple of Dan, 
which I set forth in an article in the Briggs memorial volume. 

With this brief introduction, I wish to present what I think 
I may describe as a new discovery. Vv. 6-8 of Ps. 84 have proved 
a stumbling block. There is no translation of them which makes 
real sense, and after taking most unjustifiable liberties with the 
text, and giving to individual words meanings which they have no- 
where else, commentators have still left the passage quite unintel- 
ligible to the ordinary reader. So the Revised Version (American) 
reads : 

"Blessed is the man whose strength is in thee ; 

In whose heart are the highways to Zion. 

Passing through the valley of weeping 

They make it a place of springs ; 

Yea, the early rain covereth it with blessings. 

They go from strength to strength ; 

Every one of them appeareth before God in Zion." 

i*rof. Briggs, in his volume in the International Commentary, 
taking somewhat greater liberties with the text and omitting the 
*irst half of v. 6 altogether, reads : 

"The highways are iu the minds of those who pass on in the vale of weeping. 

He maketh it a place of springs ; yea, the early rain clotheth it with 

They go on from battlement to battlement in order to appear before Qd, 
Yahwehin Zioii. Yahweh the God of Hosts." 

Absolutely literally, with one slight change of text ^'\ sup- 
ported by the Septuagint version, this passage reads : 

'Happy the man whose strength is in Thee. Causeways in the midst of them (2) 
they have passed over. In the valley of weeping the fountain ^3) that they make. 
Also the pool (4) tlie leader (5) encircleth (6). 

They go from rampart to rampart. Is seen the God of gods in Zion." 

The first clause is a liturgical phrase to be chanted or sung. 
The remaining phrases are rubrical and describe or prescribe 
accurately the course of a procession from the western hill, over- 
looking the Temple area, across the causeway or bridge between 
the two hills, connecting them, down the lower Tyropoeon valley, 
past the so-called fountain of Siloam, made ^7) by carrying the 
waters of the Gihon spring into the Tyropoeon valley. 

Then the leader, bending to the right, must swing around the 
pool of Siloam in a circle, which brings the procession to the 
southernmost end of the hill of Ophel, and its first scarp. Up this 
hill they go, from scarp to scarp, where once its various ramparts 
stood, until the procession reaches the southern gate of the Temple, 
and appears to God in Zion. The road exactly as here designated 
exists to-day, and I have traced it step by step, following the 
directions of this Psalm ; and it exists to-day following in its de- 
tails the rubrics of this Psalm, (except only that it does not reach 
the south gate of the Temple, since there is none) because it is the 
route ordained by the topography, now as then. 

(t) ''liy (7) to "nay (or possibly "ijy), and connected with the preceding verse 
(6), as the metre manifeotiy requires. 

(2) 03172 in the midst of or between them ; i e. the causeway or bridge between 
the two hiLib. ine western liill and Zion. 

(3) ^lyQ The very name applied to-day in Jerusalem to the point of issue of the 
water of the Virgin spring through the tunnel in the Tyropoeon Valley, because of the 
intermittent gush of water, which causes it to be regarded as a fountain, not a pool. 

(4) P.irket. as in the Hebrew consonant Text. The name applied to-day to the 
lower pool of Siloam ; or perhaps a plural ^313. covering both the upper pool, which 
catches the water of the fountain, and the lovvcr and larger pool, now a garden bed, 
which formerly received the drainage of the valley. 

(5) null's fro'n mV teacher or leader. The translation early rain is a pure 
invention wiLiiuut any support. 

(6) iltjy inea-'i^ t" encircle or enwrap as with a cloak. It has absolutely no 
other meauiiif; la Hebrew. 

(7) The word 'make" or '-made,' in"in''tt' (yiJ*^0 i" tlie text, suggests the peculiarity 
of this fountain, as one made hy men, not by nature. 


Now read the Psalm with the topography in view. The 
ceremony commenced on the western hill, about where the great 
Jewish synagogues now stand, where the valley separating the two 
hills is at its narrowest and the western hill rises sharply, so that 
one looks down thence into the Haram-esh-Shereef, the old Temple 
area, across the Tyropoeon. Here was sung the first stanza, as the 
first sacrifice was offered : 

2. "How beloved Thine abode, LORD of Hosts ! 

3. I have longed, yea tainted for the courts of the LORD, 

With heart and body I raise the joy cry to the God of my life. 
1. The very birds have found a home, 

And the swallow a nest where she put her young, 

Thine altars, LORD of Hosts, 

My king and my God. 
5. (Refraiii) Happy they that inhabit Thine house, 

That always sing Thy praise ! " Selah. 

It is a vivid and beautiful picture of what one sees even to-day 
as one looks down from that high point into the Temple court be- 
neath and across the valley. Then the procession starts with 
rhythmic clapping of hands and stamping of staves, as all chant or 
intone "Happy he whose strength is in Thee", precisely as one may 
see religions processions marching in Jerusalem to-day, iterating 
and reiterating some short phrase or phrases, the sound now almost 
dying away, now swelling into a shout, as new voices join in, or 
something arouses new zeal or energy. The procession crosses the 
bridge or causeway connecting the two hills, *'^ probably at 
Robinson's arch just below the Haram area, the natural point for a 
causeway or bridge, because here the valley is at its narrowest, 
and then follows the road to the right down the valley just below 
the walls of David's City, into and through the valley of weeping ^^\ 
and past the fountain'^' which has been made or is being made 
there. There the leader is to bend to the right, as the road does 
now, and fetch a circuit about the Pool of Siloam.^'*' 

(1) Perhaps as early as Hezckiah's time the city had spread over on to the 
western hill, occupying its highest part, roughly from a line drawn east from the Jaffa 
Gate along the southern line of the valley running down into the Tyropoeon, and 
bounded on the south by about the line of the present wall. This was connected with 
the eastern city by a causeway or bridge, as in the Herodian city, occupying about the 
same po&ition. 

(2) The excavations of the Assumptionists on the eastern side of the western hiF 
above the Siloam fountain and pool have shown that in the earlier times, and presumably 
until some time not long before the Christian era, this area was occu{)ied by graves and 
tombs. Hence probably the name valley of weeping, as similarly of the valley <if 
weepers near ]5ethel (Jud. 2:1). 

(3) This fountain is peculiar in that it is made by the tunnel through Ophel, and 
does not spring out of the ground naturally. The tunnel is generally supposed to have 
been cut in Hezekiah's time, the close of the 8th century. The Hebrew text reads that 
is mndr. or set : the Greek, ican made or set. Apparently it was not so old at this time of 
composition of our Psalm that the remembrance of its construction was forgotten. 

(4) The water from the tunnel, which discharges intermittently, is caught in a 
small pool, the outlet of which is carried beneath, not into the Birket or large pool, thus 

reaching tne valley below. The large pool, like the other hlrliets about Jerusalem, simply 
caught and impounded the water flowing down the valley. To-day no water flows 
down the valley, the bed of the hirhet is gardens, but the water from the tunnel is 
carried underneath, not into it. It is much larger than the small pool or tank at the 
mouth of the tunnel, and extends further to the west, so that the road makes a circuit 
about it. 


So the procession finds itself at the foot of the high rock which 
constitutes the southern end of Ophel. This rock is scarped and 
was evidently fortified and battlemanted, the lowest rampart of the 
old city of David. The hill goes up almost like steps, as a model 
of the rock levels shows. Indeed this hill is peculiar in its suc- 
cession of knolls of which are still clearly marked the knoll where 
stands the Dome of the Rock, beyond this the Baris or Antonia, and 
beyond this Bezetha. At a point approximately above the Virgin's 
Spring is what seems once to have been another high knoll, the 
southern edge of which still presents a steep surface towards the 
south, suggesting a battlement or rampart similar to that at the 
extreme southern point of the hill. Here it is supposed once stood 
David's citadel, on the rock summit cut down with such vast toil in 
the Maccabaean period to prevent it from dominating or rivalling 
the Temple. From this the road would have dipped down to a 
portion of the hill of lower level, crossing which it again ascended 
to the ramparts of Zion or the Temple enclosure, and to-day this 
part of the ascent is more gradual. The ascent of the eastern hill 
to the Temple court was then very literally a going from rampart 
to rampart. It will be observed that this road would have led the 
procession to the south gate of the Temple, the regular entrance in 
Herod's time, and presumably also in the earlier period when 
David's city lay to the south of the Temple. That gate reached, 
the sanctuary and the altar before it would become visible to the 
leaders of the procession, and "the God of gods is seen in Zion". 
Then follows the prayer cry, and presumably sacrifice before the 
threshold : / 

"LOIiD God of Hosts, hear my prayer ; 
Hearken, God of Jacob. Selah" 

The third stanza (10-13), completing the liturgy, gives us 
glimpses of certain of the ceremonies and forms of the ritual within 
the Temple ; the prostration of the worshippers with forehead to 
the ground, like so many threshold stones (!:]31PDn, v. Il), and the 

ritual purification (D'Cr::, v. 12) before the great sacrificial feast, 

part of the obligation to fulfil exactly the ritual laws, the fulfilment 
of which brings favourable answer and blessing from God. 
It reads : ''' 

10, "Behold. God, our shield, 

And regard the face of Thine anointed. (2) 

11. For better a day in Thy courts than an army. (3) 
I had rather be the threshold in God's house, 

(1) For the general method of such a processional ritual, with sacrifice at 
various stages, ending with the great sacrifice and sacrificial feast at the close, cf. 
2, Sam 6:12-19. I think that we have a liturgj- intended for similar use in Pss. 42-43, of 
which Prof, Briggs says (II. 225) : 'Ps. 84 resembles 42-43, and probably had the same 

(2) 'in^VJ'O, evidence that it was a hymn for the royal sacrifice, and there- 
fore pre-exilic. 

(3) Hebrew ?]7X> thousand, that; is a band of 1000 men, a regiment. 


12 Than a fort less (1) in the city of the godless. 

For Sim luid shield is the LORD of Hosts 

Favour and honour the LOUD giveth, 

And rcfuscth no gO"d to them that walk in cleanness, 
13. (Refrain) LOKD of Hosts, 

Happy lie wlio trusteth in Thee." 

The last stanza helps to fix the date. It evidently belongs to 
the old days of battle, when warrior kings held their own in Zion 
by force of arms, when the Temple was the royal shrine, and sac- 
rifices were offered for and in the name of the King, God's anointed. 
Such sacrifices were regarded as e(iually necessary to the king's 
success against his heathen or godless enemies with his armies. Its 
similarity to Ps.42-43,like which it is ascribed to the Sons of Korah, 
suggests that this Psalm also was originally a processional liturgy 
of the temple of Dan, afterwards adopted into the Jerusalem Psalter, 
but with considerable changes to adapt it to its new use. So in 
general God (dm'^x) was changed to LORD (mn^), but above all 
the second stanza was purged entirely of its original local referen- 
ces, for which were substituted rubrical directions for the new ritual, 
while the original refrain of this stanza or part of it was made the 
marching chorus to be repeated at intervals throughout the proces- 
sion. The date of this Psalm in its present shape, it would appear 
from these considerations, must have been somewhere between the 
fall of Samaria (721 B.C.), or slightly earlier, at which time the 
literature of Israel began to be taken over and adopted in Judah, 
and the capture and destruction of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar, 
approximately a century and a half later. 

It may be asked why this Psalm underwent so much change 
while we have the companion liturgy, 42, 43, in almost if not quite 
its original form as a Psalm of Dan. We have in the collection 
42-49, apparently, a group of or selection from the old Dan Psalter, 
taken over together and preserved almost intact, even to the old 
use of Elohim. Such changes as were made, apparently, outside of 
some refrains and liturgical phrases, were of a literary character. 
Other Psalms of this Psalter did not have the same history. Not 
included in the selection above referred to, they yet found their 
way to Jerusalem and into use in the Temple, undergoing consider- 
able changes in the process, until at last, with a few other Psalms 
from the northern kingdom, they were gathered together, copied 
and added to the already existing collections of Psalms of the Sons 
of Korah and of Asaph to form the third book of Psalms. 

Interesting evidence of the method in which this was done is 
furnished by two notes in Psalm 88. Vs. Q ends : "Finished lnhz) 

I do not go on" ( "go out or go forth" ). which, seeming impossible, 
has been translated : "I am shut up and I cannot come forth" 
(R.V.), or by some similar phrase, and supposed to refer to some 
imprisonment like that of Jeremiah in the pit. This quite spoils 
the Psalm. The last verse, 19, reads as follows : "Thou hast put 
far from me lover and friend, mine acquaintance darkness", which 

(I) in cf. Ass. duru, wall, fortress. 


with all the doctoring given it by translators and commentators 
remains quite unintelligible. The concluding words of both verses 
are notes by the scribe who was copying them. '"Finished, I go 
not on" ;'^^ that is, the tablet or manuscript which he was copying 
stopped short at this point, leaving the Psalm unfinished. 

xA.fter the word "acquaintance" in v. 19 the scribe could 
decipher nothing further. He therefore wrote at this point "dark- 
ness" (^^ro). i.e. unintelligiljle, or illegible. The two fragments 

(that they are fragments is clear among other things from the failure 
of the whole to get anywhere liturgically, as well as from the lack 
of development of the thought) were placed in juxtaposition be- 
cause, I suppose, of their general resemblance to one another, and 
more particularly because of the striking resemblance of the clos- 
ing verses of each. That these are in fact two Psalm fragments 
combined is testified to further by the double heading, unique in 
the entire Psalter, describing one part as "a song set to music of the 
Sons of Korah, to be led on mahalath, to make penitence" (rij"';) 

and the other as a "maskil of Heman the Ezrahite." 

(1) Perhaps XiS should be changed to j<^, -'it does not go on". J<"iX being 
due to an attempt to make sense by connecting this clause with the precedirg. 




(Nippa'el on nif*^al iiitensif.) 

On salt (iiic la forme verbale ''Nifal" avait a Torigine le sens 
d'une action reflccliie de meme que le "Nitpa*^el." Ce n'est que dans 
la suite des temps que le "Nif*al," cliangeant de sens, finit par 

remplacer le passif du "qal" (= ar. J ), tombe en desuetude pro- 

bablement a cause de son identite complete en hebreu avec la 
forme passive de I'lntensif an parfait (^t2J^:Tj;) du Causatif 

a rimparfait ( -:'' jP"' ). Quoi qu'il en soit, I'antiquite de notre 

langue connaissait deux formes reflexives : le "hitpa^el" ou reflexif 
avec "tave" et le "'nif'^al" ou reflexif avec "noune." 

II est cnrieux de noter en passant que le meme changement 
d'acception originelle, qui atteignit en hebreu le reflexif avec 
"noune," afTecta en arameev le reflexif avec ''tave." 

On serait done en bon droit de s'etonner de I'enorme difference 
qui semble s'tre manifestee dans la destinee morphologique de 
ces deux formes. En eftet, le reflexif avec "tave,"' a prendre en 
consideration les differentes langues semitiques, peut affecter 
toutes les Q'Ma^re formes principales du verbe: simple, intensive, 
conative (ou forme d'influence) et causative. Notre "Nitpa'^el" 
habituel derive de I'lntensif, comme le Drouve le "dagesh fort" de 
la deuxieme radicale, ^cpr.n vient de Sap. Ti en est de meme en 

"arabe" pour la forme V ou J*^> . Mais ici nous rencontrons aussi. 

tres frequemment, le meme reflexif de la forme simple (=('' J-Is^ on f. 

VIII.) ainsi que du Conatif (= ^^Ur ou f. VI). En arameen, nous 
le trouvons derive du "qal" ( ^L^pr.n j ainsi que de I'lntensif ( h'^i.T^-?> ) 
et^ en syriaque egalement du Causatif (= ettaqtal). Meme en 
hebreu, nous avons conserve quelques exemples. isoles dans la 
Bible, du reflexif ayec "tave" du qal : r\^^^r^ npsn^T (Juges 20); 
ou bien des formes plus anciennes, comme 'r'?;nr (Osee 11,3), 
mnnn (Jer. i2, 5), nnnnc (ibid. 22, is), provenant des racines 

hT^ pr^- avec le "tave" reflexif. La forme X arabe Q"^ "--!,)' 
elle aussi n'est aulre chose que le reflexif avec "tave" d'un anci'en 
Causatif se retrouvant dans quelques langues semitiques et dont 
la caracteristique est sin" (mineen) ou "shin" (assyr.), Causatif 
dont plusieurs exemples penetrerent dans I'hebreu post-biblique 
sous I influence des langues arameennes ( -^y^'a onn'J etc.) 

( 1 ) MSme m?tathese en a,,,iv\en et, comme le prouvTla stele de M&a, dans le dialecte 
moalitt : Onn'^n vient du "qal" comme Qn*?^ en h^brea. En ethw-p^.n point de 
m^tftth^ae, mais "taqatla," 


Or il en va tout autrement du reflexif avec "noune." Celui-ci ne 
legnerait que sur une aire morphologique tres restreinte. Certes, 
il se retrouve en arabe et en^'^ assyrien. Mais il est bien unanime- 
ment admis par les philologues de la grammaire comparee des 
langues semitiques que ce reflexif est tout entier I'apanage du verbe 
simple seulement, ne pouvant se deriver morphologiquement que du 
"qal,"'^' menie dans le cas ou son acception essentielie est tiree de 
I'intensif ou du causatif : njij est derive de T'33 malgre le sens 

essentiel qui vient de 122 : "ati'J est derive de icti', malgre son 

acception tiree de TCti'n.'^' 

Ce phenomene est certainement fait pour etonner le chercheur 
et demande des explications. Pourquoi done le reflexif avec "noune" 
n'aurait-il ete usite qu'au qal, c.a.d. sous la forme "nif^al" seulement, 
tandis que son compagnon reflexif avec "cave" s'appliquait a toutes 
les quatre formes principales du verbe ? Or, c'est la justement le 
but du present essai, de montrer qu'en realite I'usage du reflexif avec 
"noune" portait autrefois sur une aire morphologique plus etendue 
que nous n'avons pense, notamment aussi sur I'intensif et sur le 
Conafif. Cette assertion pent se confirmer par plusieurs restes 
-conservees dans la Bible. 

En effet, examinons attentivement la liste des exemples 
suivants : 

A. I. cciiN (Is. 33, ID); 2. DDVjri^^) (Eccl. 7,i6); 3. 'jjisn (Is. 55, 14); 
4. pop (Nomb. 21, 27); 5. i::ir (Ps. 59, 5). 

B. I. ii'j}r, (Nomb. 24,7); 2.'^'n'^':m (Il.Chr. 32, 23); 3. ii<-j'r(Dan.ll,l4);<5) 
4. '5)nD2n (Prov. 26,26); 5. isrj (Deut. 21,8); 6. incij (Ezech.;23, 48) 
7. D3:n (Lev. 13, 55-6). 

Les deux exemples "i^rj ^'il'O":^ ont d'abord attire I'attention 

de nos anciens'^' grammairieus qui deciderent de les rattacher a une 
forme verbale composee "nitpa^el," resultee d'une superposition du 
"nif^al" au " hitpa^el " dont le " tave " se serait assimile a la 
radicale: done i2r:="i?r'^3, TiDir; = "nC"!;. De la meme faQOn on continua 

a expliquer les autres exemples precites comme "hitpa*el avec 

assimilation dit "tave" : done ]:^2r . ]:^zrr , ^frJ^=^T3n etc. L'erreur 

se propageant ainsi de generation en generation acquit droit de 
cite, et Ton finit par la consacrer en une loi grammatieale attribuant 

1 En ethiopien cette forme ne s'est conservee que clans les verbes quadrilitteres. 

2 Brockelm : Semit. Sprachwiss.. p. 121 122. 

3 Brockelm ; Vergleich. Gramm. d. sem. Spr,, p. 253. 
i Autre version Nu'j^l 

T) Certains corrigent : r^OwC (Valg. : Qui operft.) 

6 Voy., par ex., Profiat Douran Hallevi : ''Z)^'rW)i^ , p. 128-8, Vienne 5625. 


au "tave du hitpa'el" la faculte de s'assimilerC) a la lere radicale 
: ou : (d'aprcs m: et crcn, on devrait ajouter aussi i et c ). 
C'esl cctte regie qui empecha jusqu'a present de reconnaitre le 
vrai caractere des formes grammaticales ci-dessus mentionnees 

dans les listes A et \i. 

Or, en realite, cette prctendue regie ne peut se baser sur rien- 

nous ne lui connaissons guere ce caractere de s assimiler que dans 
je RcUexil, et ceci seulement devant une lere rad. P ou son em- 
phatique '0. ce qui est bien naturel ; peut-etre aussi devant une lere 
rad. 1, autre dentale si parente du r, mais ce point n'exclurait 
pas la discussion.'-) En tous cas, on ne saurait attribuer au "tave" 
cette laculte ailleurs que devant les trois dentales. La meilleure 
preuve a I'appui de cette these, c'est que presque tous les exempleg 
ci-dessus cites ont dans la Bible leur "hitpa'el" complef avec "tave>' 
non-assimile : CJ^nr^ (Dan. 11,36); L:*r,r'2'^ (Is. 59, 16; Ps. 143.3); 
cr'.r-'S ( Is. 63, 5; Dan. 8,27 ); :i2.T ( Prov. 24,3 ) ; s"^'jr> ( Num. 
23, 24); N-jjrn ( Ezech. 26, 15); ix':;:nri (Num. 16,3); N".:*jn2 
(I.Chr.29, ii;l.Reg. 1,5); S"^':nn (Ez. 17,14; Prov. 30, 32); c:r^i (IL Reg. 
19, 1; Is. 37, T); Dsnm (Gen. 24, 65); iD2n^ (Is. 59, 6; Jon. 3, 8); nsrn^ 
(I.Sam. 3, 14). 

11 est bien difficile d'admettre que lesmemes verbes auraient eu 
leur "hitfa^el" tantot avec "tave", tantot sans "tave'', fluctuation trop 
invraisemblable. II serait beaucoup plus logique d'admettre que 
dans les exemples sans "tave," ce n'est point avec un "tave" assimile 
que nous avons affaire, mais avec un "noiuie" assimile, comme 
d'ordinaire. Comme exemple specialement bien fait pour corroborer 
notre assertion, on pourrait citer cidicti : d'apres la loi bien connue, 

en presence d'une lere rad. ^ifflante le "tave" du "hitpa*^el" subit 
ton jours la inctnthcse: si ce n'est pas le cas ici, c'est que nous ne 
sommes point en presence d'un^^^ "hitpa*el." 

Tres important aussi, sous ce rapport, I'exemple DtDnN* ou il 

n'y a rneme pas d'assimilation, mais elargissement de la voyelle de 
la particule pronominale, phenomene constant chez ie"nifal"devant 

1 Ges.-Kautsch : Hebr. Gramm,, p. 148, <jd. 27. 

2 (Jar, d'uue part, nous avons un example ties stir D'pSirj: (Jug. 19, 22) sans 
assimilation; d'autre part, des formes cummc *i;~i:: C?i3-o) IN""!' (Job, 34,25), sont 
douteuses. Resteut r;r"^.v (Is. 14, 44,) 1S21- (Job. 5, 1.) 

.3 C'est pourquoi nous ne pouvons nous niuger do I'avis de Uesenius (Dictionn.). 
ou de Strack (Gramm, p. 7.5) uui considlTont I^TH (Is. 1, it!) comme ''liitpaer' de H^T. 
A notre sens, ce serait le ''nifa'aV de -'pT, Si l\.ii tJent 1 !a rucine r~Zh il faudra 
reconnaitre ici egalement un "nifal i/i^'f^.s// (voy. plus loin) : '-'~ serait =^ "!IT(;)n 

une lere rad. non-apte a recevoir le '"dagesh." Ici i'idee du 
"hitpa^el" ne vientmeme pas a la tete de Tobservateur sans principe 
grammatical preconQu; tant nous sommes habitues a rencontrer le 
reflexif des verbes avec lere sans que le "tave" tombe : c'tv*n:^2 

;:nnj: ^>*nrr, (Pro v. 22, 23) D}-irn^ n^n.-^^ ^pps"^r2 etc. etc-, pour ne citer 
que queiques exempies bibliques. 

Enfin, ce sont les exempies -i3:tdi: qui pourront nous 

reveler avec plus de certitude encore le vrai caractere morphologi- 
que de tous ces verbes ci-dessus mentionnes dans la liste. En 
ecartant comme inexacte I'hypothese d'un "tave" assimile ou tombe 
et en nous rappelant que le "nitpa^el" est une forme tres posterieure 
qui se developpa au temps de la Mishna, nous reconnaitrons 
clairement, au "noune" de ces deux verbes, la forme "alf^al" et, a 
la vocalisation de ia racine, notamment au "dagesh" de la 2e rad., 
la forme irifensive (Pi'el). Nous sommes done en presence d'une 
forme verbale inconnue : c'est le "nif'al" derive du "piel," ou, mor- 
phologiquement parlant, le reflexif -intensif avec "noune/' Cette 
forme est morphologiquement parallele a notre "hitpa'el" habituel 
qui, lui, n'est que le reflexif -intensif a oec "tave." 

Tous les autres exempies ci-dessus mentionnes, tous a I'impar- 
fait avec "dagesh fort" dans les lere et 2e rad., s'expliquent 
egalement de la fagon la plus naturelle comme "nif^al" intensif : 
le premier dagesh complete le "noune" reflexif, tombant a I'impar- 
fait sans exception; le second indique le "pi*el," et point n'est 
besoin d'in venter un "tave" s'assimiliint exceptionnellenient. 

Toutefois, il nous reste encore a aplanir une apparente diffi- 
culte concernant la vocalisation des deux verbes "larrroiJ : le 

"noune" etant present, vu le parfail, et aucune autre lettre n'etant 
tombee, que vient faire le "dagesh" dans la lere rad. "i 

Eh bien ! nous avons affaire ici avec une vocalisation ou ponc- 
tuation "par analogie". Souvent la langue abandonne une forme 
speciale a une espece grammaticale plus on moins restreinte, pour 
se regler sur un modele plus general. L'on salt, par ex., que le 
"noune" du "nilgai" parfait, 3e p., devant une I'^'^^rad. vocalisee avec 
accent, comme dans les verbes creiix et geniines, est ponctue 'r=a 
(vocalisation originelle): i:icj ^'Z'o:, Pourtant, deja dans la Bible nous 

trouvons des formes comme '^ij^j I'^ioj ; quant a I'epoque post- 

biblique, le "noune" du nif^al dans ces sortes de verbes est toujours 
vocalise avec un "/'" ; riT: 'in: u'i;3 au lieu de nTJ jn: '<l!'h: 

C'est que la langue a imite ici le "nif^al" de la grande majorite des 
autres verbes, dont la marque caracteristique au parfait est "ni" 
(niqtal, nifqad). Or, un phenomene analogique tout pareil aurais 
affecte aussi les verbes "is^mD"!: : le noune aurait du recevoir ici 

un "sheva mobile", comme cela se passe toujours immediatement 
avant une syllabe non-accentuee (\'^'i,";'D:j C"r2: cn;:) ; mais, sous 

rinfluence du "nif^al" ordinaire, lui aussi a ete vocalise "ni." Done, 
au lieu de n^-i-nci:, nous avons obtenu "I22;"i"i0i:. Mais ce 

46 , 

"i" par lui-nieme, comme voyelle breve non fermee par un "sheva 
iiuicsceiit," a lorceineiit eiitraine le redoublement de la consonne sui- 
v;inte. c.a.d. le "da^esli fort" dans la V'" rad., conime dans ^ICJ etc, 

et nous avons obtenu -^rrrD^;. Done !D::-rr';:--t5::ri'Di! -i?::rrDi:! 
Et c'est ainsi que \e reflexif-intejisif avec "nuant" regut la lotme 
definitive de "nippa'el" ou '.li-iqattel" (^^^j) 

Ce pheiiomene d'apparition fortuite d'un "dagesh'' rien que 
pour raison phonetique, sans remplacer une lettre ni accentuer une 
nuance grammaticale, ce plienomene n'est point isole. II se pro- 
duisit egalement pour toute une serie de restes bibliques de I'ancien 

passif du "qal," correspondant au Ud arabe, sans redoublement de 

la 2^""' rad. Or, en hebreu, rien 'que pour cause phonetique (ou bref 
du passif), ce redoublement se produisit et il en resulta la forme 
identiciue en tout au passif du "pi^el." Get ancien passif ("pou'al 
du qal") est encore represente dans la Bible par des exemples assez 

nombreux: r^S "^-^ nrt -h" -^1': etc. 

1 / I I i 

Quant au verbe *'' D^rn il ne serait done pas un"hotpa*eI" ou 

hitpa*e passif ( J"-' jd'apres Gesenius et autres, mais bien un nippa^el 
passif : C22n-D::(3)n et non pas D2':*n. 

De meme que I'arabe a conserve le passif du refl . simple avec 

"noune" ( U*) '), I'hebreu I'a conserve de ce refl. intensif. L'hebreu 

done,, comme I'arabe, avait une forme passive pour les deux refl. avec 
"tave" et avec "noune.'' 

Nous avons range nos douze exemples archaiques ci-dessus en 
deux groupes,A et B. Le groupe B compren des verbes prouvant I'exi- 
stence du refl. avec "noune" forme de I'intensif ou pi^el ordinaire, 
Mais le groupe A ne contient que des exemples d'une ancienne forme 
(IIP arabe), le "Po*^el", caracterisee par un 6 apres la I^^^ rad. a tons 
les temps et remplagant le pi*el dans les verbes creux et gemines. 
Cette forme, appelee par les linguistes Conatif ou forme d'influence 

el conservee meme en arabe vulgaire('Ac-l>) , est morte chez nous 

completement dans la conjugaison du verbe regulier ou sain, ne lais- 
santque des restes isoles dans la Bible, comme^'' 'tt?v^''2 (Job 9, 15), 

1) Toy. Ldv. 13, 55-6 : ''riK D^^H nnV...,r;r TK ^ITZr '-rx"Ce verbe n'est 
point au pavfait (Gesenius), mais a rintin du passif-impersonnel avec complem. direct, 
comme clans ces propositions: " pi'"' "S' ^^"Ti PV2 " (Gen. 21. 8), ou bien: 

nv^i! rx r-hr^ cv (Gen. 4o, 20). 

2) D'apres Wellhausen, il faut lire dans Yoph. 3, 15 egalement "I'c^C'uV:: a'l lieu de 

^jjiS^ (Ps. 21, 5), t;c^ = nyiD^ (Os. 13, 3), T'ju^ == ^-^^dic' (Is. 10, 13), 
(:)'Py-ir (i Sam 21, 3). 

Comme resultat de tout ce qui precede, nous pouvons done con- 
clure quelereflexif avec''noune"s'appliquait autrefois non seulement 
a la forme simple, comme "nif^al," mais aussi a rintensif et au 
Conatif. A I'lutensif, il rcQUt la forme nippci^el, ; au Conatif il devait 
done avoir (au parfait) la forme ''nippo'^el." 

(1) Inutile de corriger avec Gesenius (Diet) \"n;;'lJ on Tnyiu. Le texte est 
exact et s'expliciue parfaitcment par la raciiiecorrespondanteeii arabe>;j, signifiaut: lais- 
ser en partant ceuxqui restent.quitter, fairedes adieiix C^jIj^ (Voy, Diet, Wahimund 




FOR centuries the field of early Hebrew chronology has been the 
hunting ground of the scholarly ecclesiastic and of the dilettante. 
Even the extraordinary progress made in our knowledge of the ancient 
East during the past century has, to a superficial glance, left it almost 
untouched. It is true that the once standard systems of Ussher 1921 
B. C. for the Call of Abram, 1491 for the Exodus, and 1 296 for the 
Song of Deborah and Hale 2088 for the Call of Abram and 1658 
for the Exodus have been discarded, but the many divergent schemes 
which conservative scholars propose, ranging from 2250 to 1950 for 
Abram's migration to the west, and from 1350 to 1200 for the Exodus, 
are still more repugnant to the Biblical tradition than the former 
were to our present knowledge of ancient history. Some of these 
schemes allow an entire millennium to elapse between Abram and 
Moses. Critical scholars usually show a commendable caution by 
avoiding these tangled problems, the easier for them since many have 
doubted whether there were any measure whatsoever of historicity in 
the pre-Mosaic traditions of Israel. As long as the alternative 
seemed to lie between the contemporaneity of Abram with Hammurabi 
and rejection of his historicity along with that of Genesis XIV, no 
serious student could be blamed for grasping the second horn of the 
dilemma, especially since a number of circumstances seemed to tell 
decidedly against the conservative position. 

The archaeological investigations pursued in Egypt, Mesopotamia 
and Palestine began about 1870 to cast direct light upon the early 
records of the Hexateuch. With the discoveries in Anatolia and 
Arabia, especially the Peninsula of Sinai, the illumining of Israel's 
horizon is complete. Yet even Tell-el-Amarna and Boghaz-keui have 
raised more problems than they could solve, and the excavations in 

:,( I Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

Palestine, from which so much was hoped in this direction, have 
hitherto only complicated the matter by introducing new, chronologic- 
ally elusive factors, while at the same time apparently supporting the 
evidence from other sources against the traditional Biblical date for 
the Exodus, 4S0 years before the construction of the temple. 

Nor has the critical study of the Old Testament, valuable though 
its results have been, materially improved our position. The results 
of documentary analysis were placed on a secure basis by Well- 
hausen's work forty years ago, and have since become more and 
more firmly established, positively by the latest archaeological dis- 
coveries, and negatively by the failure of the unmethodical super- 
criticism of Eerdmans, Dahse, Wiener, and a scattered group of 
followers. These men, with the exception of Eerdmans, profess to be 
orthodox in their views, but their textual somersaults and subjective 
distortions of the Biblical narrative bewilder by their freedom as 
well as by their lack of method. It is to be feared that the good 
old conservative of the Victorian era, who had at least a sound 
classical training, would be much more at home in the works of 
Driver and Skinner than in the writings of Naville, whose archaeo- 
logical artillery does more damage to the batteries of his allies than 
to those of his antagonists. However, useful as the analysis of the 
Hexateuch is for the proper appreciation of the relative historical value 
of our documents, it seldom has a direct bearing upon the fundamental 
historical and chronological problems. The most important case is 
the reconstruction of J's version of Judah's conquest of the south. 

The combination of historical and critical methods in Eduard 
Meyer's great work, Die Israeliten und Hire Nachharstdmme (1905)^ 
following the hues mapped out by his epoch-making paper, "Kritik 
der Berichte iiber die Eroberung Palaestinas" (ZATWi 1881, 

1 Note the following abbreviations: AAA = Annals of Archaeology and 
Anthropology; AE = Max Miiller, Asien und Europa nach den altagyptischen 
Denkmiilei-n ; AJSI^ = American Journal of Semitic Languages; AR=Breasted, 
Ancient Records; CT = Cuneiform Texts from the British Museum; EA = 
Knudtzon-Weber-Ebeling, Die El - Amarna - Tafeln ; J AOS = Journal of the 
American Oriental Society; JBL = Journal of Biblical Literature; JEA = 
Journal of Egyptian Archaeology; MV AG = Mitteilung en der Vorderasiatischen 
Gesellschaft; OLZ = Orientalistische Literaturzeitung ; B:A. = Bevue d'Assyrio- 
logie; ZATW = Zeitschrift fur die Alttestamentliche Wissenschaft ; ZDMG = 
Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft. 

ALBEIGHT: A Eevision of Early Hebrew Chronology 51 

117 146), while estimating the relative historical value of our sources 
more accurately than anyone else had succeeded in doing, brought 
few positive results. There was still no link between sacred and 
profane history, and since the oldest Biblical narratives were so 
intermingled with romantic and obviously legendary material Meyer, 
as a careful historian, felt obliged to deny their historicity almost 
entirely. But are we justified in rejecting traditions completely 
because of legendary coloring, or in denying historical worth to 
documents because they incorporate mythical episodes? The study 
of the process of myth-making in the ancient Orient by Winckler 
and his school has shown that oral tradition inevitably implies the 
accretion of folkloristic elements, as illustrated by the early historical 
reminiscences of every Levantine people, and by the myths which 
gathered around every notable monarch or sage, from Sargon of 
Akkad and Imhotep to Ahiqar and Alexander. Clearly, if we could 
remove the folkloristic shell, we would find important nuclei of truth 
in these traditions, which the popular tradition often preserved with 
the most remarkable tenacity. This necessary demarcation between 
history and saga is being made possible by more systematic collec- 
tions of folkloristic materials from the ancient Orient. We now find 
that these stories repeat certain stereotyped motives, common to all 
southwestern Asia and the adjoining portions of the Mediterranean 
basin. Many stories turn up, with slight variations, in nearly every 
ancient literature and mythology. Owing to association with cosmog- 
ony or with heroic saga they were frequently incorporated by the 
scribe into his collections of the historical traditions of his people 
from the dim period lying between the Creation and the beginning 
of the official annals. Typical examples of stories of this class in 
the Old Testament are the legends of the antediluvian patriarchs, 
the Flood, Babel, the postdiluvian patriarchs, Jacob and Esau, 
Joseph, 1 and Samson. ^ The advancement of the folkloristic study of 

1 For the origin and character of the Joseph Story, which is found with 
slight variations in all the eastern Mediterranean basin and southwestern Asia, 
see my article, "Historical and Mythical Elements in the Story of Joseph," 
JBL 37 (1918), 111143. Since this article was written I have found much 
additional evidence, and a number of new parallels, of no less intimate character. 

2 The best treatment of the Samson Story is by Burney Judges, pp. 391 408. 
While Samson reflects an actual historical hero, his adventures have clearly been 
adapted to the Heracles pattern, and in many respects closely resemble the 

ryj Journal of tlie Palestine Oriental Society 

the < )l(i 'J'estaracnt may be referred almost entirely to Gunkel and 
his pupils, especially Hans Schmidt 2 and Gressmann.3 Recently the 
great name of Sir James Frazer has been added to the still short 
list of workers in the field. 

The recoi^uition of these folkloristic elements in our material, and 
the consequent sifting of our historical data, obviously has a great 
effect in stabilizing our conceptions of early Hebrew history. The 
scribes were not logopoeists, or compilers of invented facts; they 
conscientiously passed on the documents, oral and written, which 
came to their hand. Their undeveloped ideas of intellectual honesty 
were aided by an exaggerated notion of the sacredness of the material 
which they gathered and copied, and the fear of violating some tabu 
by inaccuracy. Being human they made mistakes and erroneous 
combinations,-' but we may safely credit them with a point of view 

exploits of Gilgames, as well as those of Heracles. In spite of his name, which 
means literally '-solar" he is not directly solar, though certain of his adventures, 
as well as his association with Beth Shemesh, the city of the sun, point in that 
direction. His mythical side connects him rather with the genii of fecundity, 
like the Babylonian Lugalmarda, who appears in the Bible as Nimrod, and 
Sumuqan, both of whom are considered as the offspring of the sungod by a 
mortal woman (see JAOS 40, 307335). Jud. XIII: 6, 9 shows transparently 
that Samson was thought to be the child of an angel (/. e. originally of a god) 
by a mortal woman, like the primordial heroes of Gen. VI. His name may jDoint 
to the pre-Mosaic conception that he was the son of Sams, the sun. The name 
of the historical Samson is unknown, nor can there be a connection with' Shammah 
of II Sam. XXIII: 11, or with Shamgar, both of whom slew Philistines en masse; 
the tertium comparationis , which brought about the fusion of the historical 
Samson with the mythical, may be the fact that the former was nicknamed 
Saynson (whence Simson, by Philippi's Law). The schematic form of the legend 
is characterized by the fact that the Samson pericope assigns exactly seven 
adventures to the hero. 

> Xote especially his books, Schopfung und Chaos in Urzeit und Endzeit; 
Genesis; Das Mdrchen im Alien Testament, Tiibingen, 1917. 

2 Cf. his Jona, and for his methods especially his Volkserzdhlungen aus 

* Cf. Gressmann's Ursprung der israelitisch-jiidischen Eschatologie and Mose 
und seine Zeit, Gottingen, 1913. 

5 The most serious errors are due to learned combinations and assumptions 
from imperfect knowledge, still the most prolific source of mistakes on the part 
of scholars. A very characteristic blunder is the combination which gave us the 
Hamite theory of Babylonian origins. The compiler of Gen. X identified the 
Kassii who ruled Babylonia from 1742 to 1166, and the Dynasty of Kis (Burkitt, 
Journal of Theological Studies, Vol. 21, pp.236ff.) which begins the list of post- 
diluvian kingdoms in the official Babylonian chronology, with the Nubian Ek'ds, 

ALBRIGHT : A Eevision of Early Hebrew Chronology 53 

similar to that exhibited by Egyptian and Mesopotamian scribes, 
whose praiseworthy respect for accuracy we are coming more and 
more to esteem. Naturally the possibility of error in those days 
of manuscript and teaching by rote was much greater than it is 

Until very recently the work of Biblical scholars has been handi- 
capped by the fact that, although there was apparently an abundance 
of historical material in the cuneiform and the hieroglyphic inscrip- 
tions, the doctors disagreed to such an extent that it often seemed 
to the more timorous or more remote as if there were no security 
at all in this vast and treacherous ediiice. Now the differences are 
lessening to such an extent that there is hardly ever any room for 
serious disagreement in the reading of royal or place names, and 
even the vexed subject of ancient chronology is nearing a final 
settlement. 1 The dates given by Breasted for the kings of the 
Eighteenth Dynasty are for the most part astronomically fixed, and 
those for the Nineteenth are confirmed by an indirect synchronism 

later Ekos, Amarna Kdsi, and Heb. Kus. Accordingly, the Babjdonian hero, 
Nimrod. becomes an Ethiopian, and with Eduard Meyer a Libyan, because one 
of the Libyan ancestors of Shishak was called Nmrt. 

1 Practically all Egyptologists accept the clear astronomical evidence of the 
Sothis dates for the Twelfth and Eighteenth Dynasties; the divergent views of 
a few belonging to the older school, such as Petrie and Lieblein, are not to be 
taken seriously, since the astronomical evidence is now confirmed by an increasing 
mass of collateral material. Back to B. C. 2000 Egyptian chronology is exact 
almost for every decade; the difference of about ten years between the dates 
given by Meyer and Breasted for the Nineteenth Dynasty is being settled in 
favor of the latter; see the following note. Babylonian chronology is established 
with the same margin of error back to about 2500 B. C, thanks to the brilliant 
discovery of Pater Kugler of a list of the relations between the changes of 
Venus and the moon, accurately dated in the reign of 'Ammi-gaduqa (1978 1957). 
Weidner's attempt to reduce this date by 168 years because of his new Assyrian 
lists of kings and a new astronomical combination is certainly wrong from the 
chronological side, where he has made a great many serious errors, as I shall 
prove elsewhere; his astronomical theory has not been published yet, but is 
evidently wrong, as his almost invariably are where they differ from Kugler's. 
The latter has the enviable merit of being at once a competent astronomer and 
an Assyriologist of no mean ability. The chronology of the third millennium 
has no astronomical support, but may be fixed back to the thiertieth century, 
thanks to a careful examination of the material in the light of my synchronism 
between Menes and Naram-Sin; see JEA 6, 8998, and 7, 8086. Since the sec- 
ond article was written, new material has accumulated. 

r,4 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

uith i;;il)}loni;i tliruugli the Hittite monarchs.i We may, therefore, 
make a ne\v eft'ort to solve the principal questions of early Hebrew 
chronology, and. in the main, I venture to say, a definitive one. We 
propose to fix approximately the dates of the Song of Deborah, the 
Entrance into Canaan, the Exodus, and the period of Abram. 

The S(tng of Deborah is generally recognized as the oldest-monu- 
ment of Hebrew literature, a literary conception of unusual merit, 
though a torso, and an historical document of prime importance. A 
thorough study of it, prolonged through years, has convinced me that 
its textual state is excellent. 2 While the LXX differs radically from 
]\IT in many of the later books, here there is hardly a disagreement. 
]\Ioreover, the number of glosses, though respectable, seems to be 
much smaller than often suspected and to have very little bearing 
on the historical content of the poem. In a careful study of ancient 
Oriental metres, I have been struck with the similarity of form and 
metre between the Song of Deborah and some Egyptian poems from 
the Middle Egyptian period as well as the two splendid Old Baby- 
hmian hymns to the goddesses Agusaya and Belitili (time of Hammu- 
rabi). When read consecutively and freed from a few obvious and 
fur the most part generally admitted glosses, the Song of Deborah 
a})pears as a very regular and rather elaborate metrical composition, 
belonging with these categories of pure Semitic verse.^ The later 

' The Hittite monarch Hattusilis II. writes to the regents for the young son 
of the Kossean Kadasman-Turgu, who must be Kadasman-EUil II., mentioning 
the new treaty with Egypt. The treaty was signed, as we know from Egyptian 
sources, in the twenty-first year of Rameses II., or B. C. 1271; according to my 
chronology, based on entirely independent considerations, Kadasman-Ellil ascended 
the throne in 1272, a figui'e agreeing to the year. 

2 A number of Jiapax legomena, previously unexplained, and consequently 
emended by most scholars, have yielded to a methodical exegesis, assisted by 
the resources of comparative philology, as I shall show elsewhere. . By far the 
most thorough and stimulating treatment of the Song of Deborah is that given 
by Haupt, in the "VVellhausen Festschrift, pp. 191226. After his penetrating 
analysis there is not much to be done, even though one may differ radically in 
the restoration of the metrical form. To Burney we owe the important discovery 
of the scheme of "climactic parallelism," though his philological study is highly 
unsatisfactory, and he is too ready to emend. 

3 I hope to treat the relation between Egyptian and Akkadian poetry of the 
classical period, on the one hand, and early Hebrew verse on the other, in a 
special study. The principle of repetition of balanced clauses, called climactic 
parallelism by Burney, is found, though in a slightly more artificial form, in 
the beautiful Egyptian poem, "The Dialogue between the Soul and the Body." 

ALBEIGHT: A Ee vision of Early Hebrew Chronology 55 

Hebrew verse-forms are different, and resemble late Assyro-Babylonian 
poetry more, though superior to the latter in metrical form, since in 
translation from Sumerian the requirements of prosody were natur- 
ally sacrificed to the demands of literalness. Some of the Hebrew 
verse from the intervening age, such as the Lament of David over 
Jonathan, presents intermediate forms of great interest. As a result 
of the metrical analysis we may have full confidence in the accuracy 
of the text of the Song of Deborah, and pass without apprehension 
to its historical exploitation. 

Jud. V: 6 the poet relates that before the rise of Deborah the 
country was oppressed by Shamgar of Beth-Anath,i a fortified town 
in northern Galilee,'- mentioned in the Egyptian lists of Palestinian 
cities, 3 and the Books of Joshua and Judges, where it appears 
(Jud. I: 33) along with Beth-Shemesh ^ as a Canaanite fortress which 

1 Shamgar ben-Anath does not mean "Shamgar son of Anath," but "Shamgar 
of the place called Beth-Anath." Anath was a goddess, and though one might 
suppose that the hero Shamgar was regarded as son of the goddess of war and 
love, like Gilgames and Aeneas, by a mortal father, it is better to assume that 
we have here a wide-spread Assyrian and Aramaic idiom (cf. Ungnad, OLZ 9, 
224 226), according to which a member of a tribe was son of the eponymous 
ancestor of the tribe, often naturally his real ancestor, while the tribe itself was 
called "house," i. e. "family" (cf. ohl, "tent" = a/i^, "family" = a^rs, "town") of the 
eponymous parent. Thus in Assyrian mar., in an Aramean name especially, is 
equivalent to sa bit: Basa mar Riihuhi king of Amnion is Baasha of Beth-Rehob, 
just as Hadadezer ben-Rehob is Hadadezer of Beth-Rehob ; Yaua mar Humrt 
is Jehu of Beth-Omri, i. e. of Samaria, built by Omri; in many other cases the 
inscriptions themselves alternate in their usage, as with Arame mar Gusi=Arame 
sa bit-Gusi, who is called Bar Gos in the Zakir Stele, 

2 That Beth-Anath was in northern . Galilee is clear from the fact that it lay 
in Naphtali, on the Israelite border, but the identification with modern 'Ainitha 
a small village west-northwest of Lake Hule by some fifteen kilometres in a 
straight line is impossible. The name is found elsewhere in Syria, probably 
representing an Aram. 'Ainatha, '-springs," and only remotely resembling Beth- 

3 Beth-Anath is found as Bait-Anat in the Egyptian lists of towns conquered 
in Palestine from the time of Thutmosis III. to that of Shishak. In a list of 
Rameses II. (Miiller, Egyptological Researches, Vol. II, p. 96) we have in suc- 
cession Yeno'am, Qinhm, Ullazi (Yn-r-f), Tjre, IJso (Yic-tw), Beth-Anath. In 
view of this order, it may not be too venturesome to suggest Tell-Belat, an 
important mound about fifteen km. southwest of 'Ainitha, and twenty-five south- 
east of Tyre, by the air line. 

* The identification of Beth-Shemesh of Naphtali with Hirbet Semsin, south- 
west of the Sea of Galilee, is exceedingly improbable; the town was doubtless 
in northern Galilee, but I have no identification to offer. 

_-,. Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

the tribe of Naphtali was unable to reduce. As seen long ago, 
Shunigar is not a Semitic name, but Hittite,i thus belonging to the 
same "race Avhich we find occupying the towns of Galilee in the 
Amarna period. Jnd. Ill: 31. Shamgar is said to have slain six 
hundred Philistines with an ox-goad. The latter circumstance is 
folkloristic, and belongs in the same cycle of tales as those which 
grew up around the legendary figure of Samson, in the Judaean 
district of Beth-Shemesh, but the tradition that Shamgar defeated 
the Philistines is certainly correct, with the more clearness that 
Shamgar is not an Israelite hero, but a Canaanite one, and there- 
fore we may expect his achievement to be minimized rather than 
exalted. His incorporation in the hst of Israelite heroes evidently 
came late, as may be inferred from the fact that he has no saga 
attached to his name; the fact that the reference to him is inserted 
just before the prose account of the struggle with Sisera shows that 
he owes his inclusion to a misunderstanding of the allusion to him 
in the Song of Deborah. Despite his oppression, however, the 
Hebrews kept a friendly recollection of the Canaanite champion who 
had helped ward off the terrible barbarian irruption. 

AV"e now discover what may appear at first sight a remarkable 
anomaly: if the Philistines were already known in Palestine in the 
time of Shamgar, how does it happen that they appear nowhere in the 
Song of Deborah, but that the tribe of Dan, later driven out of the 
Lowlands by the pressure of the Philistines, still occupies the sea- 
coast, Avithout a hint of apprehension: 

Why does Dan abide in ships? 
From the inscriptions of Rameses III. (11981167) it is certain that 
the first great invasion of Syria and the Delta by the "Sea-peoples" 
took place in the eighth year (1190) and was successfully repulsed. 
Since nothing more is heard of the Sea-peoples during the active 
life of the Pharaoh, it is evident that they were unable to break the 
vigorous resistance of the great king's arm, so the career of Shamgar 
must fall soon after 1190, and the Song of Deborah toward the end 
of the reign of Rameses III., about 1175. The successful Philistine 

1 About the middle of the ninth century the Assyrian inscriptions mention 
Sangara, king of Carchemish; since the Assyrians always wrote a final vowel, 
whether they pronounced it or not, and pronounced s as s and conversely, while 
n and m were not distinguished before g and q, we must pronounce San(ni)gar. 

ALBEIGHT: A Eevision of Early Hebrew Chronology 57 

irruption may have taken place immediately after the Pharaoh's death, 
or shortly before, when harem intrigues were sapping the strength 
of the empire, and the king was apparently in his dotage. A detailed 
examination of the history of the Philistine irruption will make the 
sequence of events easier to understand. 

The first reference to the northern inroads is found in Rameses's 
account of the Libyan campaign of the fifth year,' which mentions 
the incursions of Philistine- and Sicilian 3 barks. The movement 

1 AR IV, 24. 

2 The Philistines are now generally, following Amos, derived from Caphtor, 
which may be Crete, but ma'y also, like the Eg. Kftyw, be a general term for 
the Egean region. The Egyptian word is not really a proper name, but is an 
adjectival formation, like hftyw, ''enemies," ytvntyw, "foes" (erroneously, as I shall 
show elsewhere, "Troglodytes"), sfyw, "archers," mntyw, etc., and means properly 
"opponents." It is, however, more than likely that it is a kind of popular etym- 
ology, explaining the foreign word Kaptdr or Kaftar- Wainwright's arguments 
in his monograph, "The Keftiu-People of the Egyptian Monuments" (AAA 6, 
24- 83, 1913) against the identification of the land of the Kftyw with Crete are 
convincing; the term had a wider connotation, and his location of it in eastern 
Cilicia is nebulous. Dilettantes have long thought of combining the Philistines 
with the Pelasgians; while long opposed, I have now adopted this theory, for 
the following reasons. It is improbable that so important a people as the Phili- 
stines should leave no trace behind in the Egean region. The home of the Pelas- 
gians seems to have been Thessaly and Epirus, where the district of Pelasgiotis 
and Pelasgian Dodona (11. 11, 233) commemorated their former presence. The 
Odyssey mentions Pelasgians in Crete, and the earliest historians, Hecataeus and 
Herodotus, find traces of them all over Hellenic lands, which they were believed 
to have occupied before the Hellenic immigration. Despite Eduard Meyer's 
caveat (GA I, 23, 767 ff.), these traditions must be essentially correct. The name 
Peleset, Pelisti goes back unquestionably to an original Pelast, reflected in Assyr. 
Palastu, Pilistu, both of which reproduce a Pelast. Now the names of the Sea- 
peoples nearly all have the gentilic termination sh, sometimes omitted. Thus we 
have Ksks while the Assyrians have Kaski (written Kaski), and the Boghaz-keui 
texts have Qasqas, Qasga, Gasga, Greek Kiskisos in Cataonia; Tursa, Heb. 
TarsMsh, the Tyrsenians or Etruscans; JfrH (cf. Kirkesion, Gergesa, Girgashites); 
Wss, Aqawis (not the Achaeans), etc. Affixing this gentilic ending, we have 
PelaStiS or Pelasts. Final ts and dz after a consonant can hardly be distinguished, 
so the Greeks, to whom a sts was incompatible, pronounced Pelasg-oi, just as the 
Italians rendered the Punic Qarthadsoh, "New-town," by Carthago. The Italians 
made a similar change in getting an Etrusc, Tusc from Tursis, where s-s has 
become sc In the same way Wss has become fd^os (Hall), for *Wask-os. 

3 The Eg. T'-k'-r, or T-k-k'-r\ conventionally read Zakar, certainly refers 
to the Sicilians, or Sikel, Gr. Sikeloi, Lat. Siculi. The identification with the 
Teucrians or Trojans, frequently proposed, is phonetically impossible. On the 
other hand, the Teucrian Gergithes, who appear in Troas, Mysia, Miletus, Cy- 
prus, etc. (cf. Meyer, GA^ 739), are perhaps the same as the Krks and Girgashites 

58 Journal of the Talestine Oriental Society 

began earlier; it is probable that the Mashwash, who appear as the 
leaders of th.' Libyan invasion in the reign of Meyneptah (cir. 1220) 
represent an earlier stage of the northern migrations, as the s/^ending 
denotes the gentilic suffix in many of the names of the Sea-peoples. i 
Shortly before the year 1190 the northern hordes, driven from 
their homes by the Indo-European inundation which brought the 
Achaeans into the Poloponnesus 2 and the Phrygians into Asia 
Minor, swept in a great wave over the ruin of the Hittite Empire 
into Armenia and Syria. The Muski (Assyr. writing Muski) or 
Moschians and their allies, the Tabal and the Kashkash (Assyr. 

(see preceding note). It should be observed in this connection that in most of 
the Anatolian languages there was no clear distinction between the voiced and 
voiceless stops, so k and g are here practically interchangeable. Moreover, since 
the Greeks possessed no sh, they might reproduce it by a 6, especially before 
the nominative ending c. In syllabic orthography f regularly was pronounced si 
OP) as in T-rw = Roman Sile, and T-r-y-n = Heb. Iinp, "coat of mail", so 
T'-F-r may be read Siker or Sikel. . In this case , the Sicilians of Dor were an 
Italian people, since there can be no question that the Sicilians were Indo- 
Europeans, speaking an Italic language, inscriptions in which have l)een re- 
covered. Thucydides says that there were Sicilians still in Italy in his day, a 
statement corroborated by later Roman historians, and that they crossed into 
Sicily tliree hundred years before the arrival of the first Greek colonists (Ir-n 
iyyiis TpiaKbcTLO. irplv "E\Xr;m? ^s "Zr/.eKla.v eXdetv, Thuc. VI : 2). As the traditional date 
for the latter event was about 735 B. C. this would mean that the Oscan mi- 
gration which was responsible for the movement of the Sicilians, according to 
Thucidydes, took place in the eleventh century. However, these dates are evidently 
only approximate, and we may safely place the Sicilian migration about 1200, 
when the first appearance of the Sicilians on the Egyptian coast seems to have 
occurred. All the Mediterranean peoples were so accustomed to sea-faring that 
wholesale migrations seem to have been carried out as readily by the sea route 
as by the land. It is very interesting to establish the presence of an Italian 
people in Palestine as early as the twelfth century B. C. 

' See note 18. Northern Africa was certainly in this period colonized by 
peoples from the northern coasts of the Mediterranean. Meyneptah states that 
the Maswas, who are certainly not the Berber Maxyes, modern Mazigh, as gen- 
erally assumed, invaded the land of Tehenu, or Marmarica, and made it the basis 
for further operations against Egypt. In the same inscrijition are listed the 
northern peoples who were allied with the Maswas (Breasted, AR III, 241 f.) 
the Aqawais (sic) Tursa, Luka, Sardina, Skis. 

2 It is extremely doubtful whether the Achaean migration represented a 
gradual influx of Hellenic tribes, beginning perhaps before the middle of the 
second millennium, or whether it took place in a single movement, toward the 
close of the thirteenth century, two or three centuries before the Dorian migration. 
It is now fashionable among Egean archaeologists to place the Trojan war just 
before a Hellenic migration, whatever its ethnic nature may have been. 

ALBRIGHT: A Revision of Early Hebrew Chronology 59 

writing Kaski)^ occupied Alsi (Eg. '-r'-5'; see below) in northwestern 
Mesopotamia or southwestern Armenia, as stated also in the in- 
scriptions of Tiglathpileser I., and, as stated only in the Egyptian 
records, northern Syria, including the cities of Carchemish, Arvad, 
Qatna (modern Horns), 2 and established a temporary center in central 

1 There can be no doubt that the statement in the prism of Tiglathpileser, 

I, 62 ff., that the Muske had occupied the districts of AIzi and Puruhumzi in 
southwestern Armenia fifty years before his time, or about 1170, refers to the 
same movement described by Rameses III (AR IV, 37 f.), since Alsi figures in 
both narratives. The peoples mentioned by the Assyrians are those with whom 
they came into direct contact, while the Egyptian accounts evidently give only 
the names of such as reached southern Syria, viz., the Philistines or Pelasgians, 
the Sicilians, Sagalassians, Wss (Axians?), and Dainona (the proper spelling, as 
appear from the Eg. D''-y-n-yw-n^ of this passage, and the Amarna Danuna). 
Eifty is a round number, and the relation between the Assyrian and Egyptian 
chronology in this century is unfortunately not precisely certain. The Phrygian 
Moschians, to whom king Midas is reckoned by Sargon III. in the eighth century, 
were naturally the last of the invaders, who drove the Anatolians before them, 
but made no attempt themselves to follow the latter into southern Syria. Before 
them came the Ivaskas and the Urumi, who were according to Tiglathpileser, 

II, 100 ff., Hittite peoples, thus agreeing with the Egyptian inscriptions and the 
geographical indications, who occupied cities of Subartu, the Assyrian name for 
Mitanni. While the Cataonians thus pushed into Mitanni, their westerly neigh- 
bors, the Sagalassians, Axians, and Dainona, pushed west of them into Syria. 
It may be remarked that the Dainona can have nothing to do with the Greek 
Danaans, Danawoi, but may have been a nation of Cilician or Pamphylian pirates, 
against whose raids Ivilaramu of Ya'di, on the Gulf of Alexandretta, was forced 
to secure Assyrian help about 825 B. C. In the Amarna period Abimilki of 
Tyre reports that the king of Danuna had died, evidently to the satisfaction of 
the Tyrian. The Dodanim of Gen. X, mentioned with the Kittim are evidently 
these same Danonim (as we should perhaps read the Hebrew name, called Rodanim 
in Chronicles), who seem to have given their name later, presumably by right 
of conquest, to a part of Cyprus, called Yadanan or Yadnan in the Assyrian 
texts, i. e., t-Danan, a Phoenician term meaning "Island of the Danan," corre- 
sponding to the Hebrew ii/e-Kittiyim, "Isles of the Kitteans." It hardly seems 
possible that the Philistines and Sicilians took the land-route. The fact that people 
with feather head-dress appear in chariots on the monuments of Rameses III., 
depicting the war with the Sea-peoples, does not prove anything, since we know 
from other sources that the Lycians, the men of the Phaestos disk, and an 
Anatolian folk defeated by Sennacherib all wear the same head-gear. 

2 Erom general geographical considerations, Winckler, Knudtzon, and Ebeling 
have reached the conclusion that Qatna was located near Homs, ancient Emesa 
(EA 1107 ff.), but none of them seem to have observed that Qatna is identical 
in name with modern Qattineh, noi'theast of bahret QaUineh, the Lake of Emesa, 
on the railroad from Horns to Baalbek. Perhaps ancient Qatna was situated at 
Tell Halaf, six to eight km. east of modern Homs. The Egyptians write the 
name Qate; the current spelling Qode is wrong. 

6( Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

Syria (Amfiru) for further operations. Meanwhile llameses had 
defeated the allied fleets of the Philistines and the Sicilians in a 
naval battle,' and was able to turn his attention to the land in- 
vaders, who were defeated in Sahi, that is, somewhere in the southern 
part of Syria, presumably on the coastal plain. Despite the repulse 
of the northerners, some remnants probably succeeded in winning a 
foothold in the country or settled later in small groups. Sisera of 
Haroshcth may have been Egean by race, since his name is not 
Semitic, and the phrase D-'lJin nt:'"in can hardly be rendered otherwise 
than "Harosheth of the northern hordes". 2 

From the Song of Deborah it is evident that the Israelite occupa- 
tion of Palestine was not too recent an event. The success of 
Shamgar is a distinct set-back for Israel, which had already begun 
to flourish through the peaceful means of commerce: 

In the days of Shamgar ben-Anath the caravans ceased. 

After Shamgar's successful stand, presumably in connection with a 
Canaanite coalition, stiffened by the aid of Egyptian mercenaries, 
against the Philistines, he maintained his ascendancy over Galilee, 
like a mediaeval robber-knight, by keeping a small army of retainers, 
supported by the robbery of caravans and by exactions levied from 
the villages. In the same way Zatatna or Sutatna 3 of Akko, in the 
Amarna age, had terrorized western and southern Galilee, as far as 

1 Of. page 11, note 1. 

- I will show later that Goyim in Gen. XIV refers to the northern hordes, 
as observed first by Sayce. This explanation of Haroset liag-goyim, which is 
undoubtedly correct, is due to Garstang. Harosheth is in name clearly identical 
with the modern Htlrithiya, in the narrows of the Kishon, close to the railway 
from Haifa to 'Afule; th for sli is a common linguistic back-formation in words 
taken over from Assyrian and Hebrew into Aramaic and Arabic (Athur for 
ASur, etc.), a process due to the fact that the frequent etymological coi'respondence 
between these sounds set up an involuntary mental association. I am inclined 
to think that the correct form of the word is Harisat, etymologically identical 
with Ar. hariseh, "enclosure, sheep-fold" (also the meaning of the place-name 
Hazor) and changed in later Hebrew to Haroset by popular etymology. That 
Tell 'Ainr is a Canaanite site seems to be proved by the fact that Phythian- 
Adams has picked up "Cypriote" potsherds from the side of the mound. 

3 The cuneiform writing Sutatna here stands for Sutatna. "While the northern 
Mesopotamian records are fairly consistent in following the Assyrian practice of 
exchanging the values of the sibilants, the Amarna correspondence from Palestine 
is hopelessly irregular, sometimes adopting the Babylonian values, sometimes the 

ALBRIGHT: A Revision of Early Hebrew Chronology 61 

Megiddo; a letter is extant from the Babylonian king, complaining 
because the men af Zatatna had waylaid his messengers at Hannathon 
in western G-alilee. Just as Zatatna had escaped by professing 
allegiance to the Pharaoh and sending gifts, accompanied, no doubt, 
by bribes in the right place, so Shamgar was able to harmonize a 
nominal subjection to the commands of the Pharaoh with a total 
disregard for the rights of the Pharaoh's servants, though it is 
possible that Shamgar was considered as the local Egyptian governor, 
whose legitimate prey the Israelites were. 

After the fall of Shamgar, the hegemony of Galilee passed to 
Sisera of Harosheth,! in the narrows of the Kishon, southeast of 
Akko.2 By this time the Israelites were sufficiently galled by the raids 
of Shamgar to resent bitterly the prospect of a new tyrant, perhaps 
himself a member of the hated Egean race. Accordingly, under the 
leadership of Deborah, modern Deburieh,^ at the foot of Tabor, 

1 It has been suggested that the Kftyiv name which Wainwright, AAA 6, 32, 
note 1, gives as B-n-sa-si-ra, from Miiller's article, MVAG 1900, 9, is to be comb- 
ined with the Sisera of Judges and identified with the Bene Sisera of Ezra 11:53. 
The suggestion is very ingenious, but unfortunately does not harmonize with 
the Egyptian writing, which is actually B-^i-cV-sy-r' ; Sisera would be I"-f-r\ 
However, it is probable enough that Sisera belonged to the Kftyw, who correspond 
to the Sea-people in general (cf. page 9, note 2). 

2 Cf. page 12, note 2. 

3 For the identity of the Deborah of Jud. V with the city of Dhrt in Issachar, 
modern Deburieh (not Deburiyeh) see especially Haupt in the Wellhausen Fest- 
schrift, p. 201. There can be no question that the term bi^ntyn DN means "me- 
tropolis in Israel", as this was a regular Hebrew idiom. How very unclear the 
role which she has been supposed to play is may be seen from Grant's recent 
article AJSL 38, 295 ff. As noted by several scholars, the idea that there was 
a woman called Deborah is based upon the tradition of Rebecca's nurse Deborah, 
who was said to be buried under the oak called allon bakut, below Bethel, while 
Deborah the prophetess is referred to a residence under the tomer tree (palm?) 
between Bethel and Ramah. The latter is purely mythical, and, as her name, 
"bee", shows, corresponds to the nurse of Zeus, Melissa, "bee," who according 
to one form of the myth (Preller ^ 133) was, with her sister, the she-goat Amalthea, 
daughter of a Cretan king Melisseus. She and her sister nursed the infant Zeus 
with milk and honey, the food of the gods (cf. with Roscher, the 3^n 7121 pN 
crni), and Melissa later became the first priestess of the Magna Mater. I have 
elsewhere showed that the name Ribqah, Rebecca, is probably the same word as 
Assyr. riqihtu, for *ribiqtu, "clod, soil" from rabaqu, "break clods, cultivate 
ground," and that Rebecca is thus the earth-mother who gives birth to the bull- 
god, Jacob, just as Zeus and Dionysus are sons of the earth-mothers, Rhea and 
Semele. It is evident that her nurse Deborah, i. e., her priestess, and nurse of 
her son Jacob, belongs in the same category as the Cretan Melissa. 

(,2 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

pruhably the leading town of Issachar at that time, the clans and 
tribes of the districts around the Plain of Esdraelon, who were most 
threatened by the new robber, rushed to arms, and attacked Sisera 
in the Kishon Valley. As so poetically described in the Song, a 
suddtn storm joined its forces to the Israelite army, and Sisera was 
utterly routed, his chariots and horses being rendered useless in the 
muddy plain, or swept away by the Kishon, swelling rapidly from a 
sluggish stream to a mighty torrent. 

Soon afterwards the Philistines and Sicilians settled definitely in 
Palestine, but at first were too few in numbers, and too busy con- 
solidating their new territories to molest the Israelites much, though 
they drove the tribe of Dan from the region of Joppa into the hills, 
whence part of the tribe, cramped for room, migrated to the north, 
and extended the bounds of Israel by the occupation of the fertile 
district of Laish, modern Tell-el-Qadi. About 111.5 (fifth year of 
Kameses XII.) the Egyptian envoy Wen-Amon stopped at Dor on 
his way to Phoenicia, and found the Sikeh chief 56?r (vocalization 
uncertain) in quiet and recognized control of the town. The Hebrew 
traditions make the oppression of the Israelites by the Philistines 
begin at about the same time, to infer from the numbers preserved, 
which must naturally be taken cum grano salis. Jud. XIII: 1, they are 
said to have oppressed Israel forty years (i. e. about a generation) before 
Samson's career, and XVI: 31 the latter is stated to have "judged 
Israel" twenty years more. Then, as we are led by the fragmentary 
account to infer, the Philistines resumed their raids, and about 1050 
succeeded in winning the upper hand by defeating Israel, and capturing 
the palladium of Yahweh. This would make the beginning of the first 
oppression lie about 1050 + x (Eli's judgeship) + 20 (+) + 40 (+) = 
1110 + x. 

"While we must place the Conquest a reasonable length of time 
before the first Phihstine irruption and the career of Shamgar, we 
certainly cannot depend on the Hebrew numbers, which place the 
date of this event 146 years + x (lifetime of Joshua and the elders) 
before Shamgar, and 166 + x before the fall of Sisera. It is not 
impossible that the lengths of the oppressions of Chushanrishathaimi 

1 The name Kusan-ris^atiy im means literally "Chushan of the double wick- .. 
edness." Kusan was an Arameau tribe of the Syrian desert, mentioned in Habak- 
kuk III along with Midian (this poem is an extremely archaic fragment, perhaps 

ALBRIGHT: A Revision of Early Hebrew Chronology 63 

and Eglon, eight and eighteen years respectively, are right, but as 
we have no reason for considering them as consecutive, they cannot 
be made the basis of a reckoning. Happily, however, the Egyptian 
inscriptions again come to our rescue, enabling us to fix a terminus 
ad quern and terminus a quo quite independent of the Hebrew 
numbers. The former is established at 1225 by the famous stele of 
Meyneptah, celebrating his victory over the Libyans in 1220, and 
mentioning his previous conquests and victories in Palestine. During 
the long senility of Eameses the Great, Palestine had slipped from 
the Pharaoh's grasp, and even the coastal plain had ceased paying 
tribute. Accordingly, the Pharaoh Meyneptah, already growing old, 
was obliged to march up the sea-coast, capturing Ascalon and Gezer, 
and defeating Israel.^ 

The terminus a quo of the Exodus, which took place about forty, 
or since this number is usually equivalent to a generation, more 
nearly thirty years before the Conquest, is fixed by the mention of 
the construction of the towns of Rameses (i. e. Pey-Ra'meses) and 
Pithom (i. e. Pey-Tiim) by the Hebrew gangs under the Egyptian 
corvee. As these towns were built by Rameses II., the Exodus must 
be placed after his accession in 1292. Can we reach a conclusion 
more exact than this? I believe it is possible, thanks to a lucky 
chance. Ex. XII: 40 f. the Exodus is said to have occurred just 
430 years after the entrance of the Hebrews into Egypt. The 
number 430 is not cyclic, nor can it well be explained as a scribal 
computation, like the number 480 for the period between the Exodus 

nearly as old as the Song of Deborah). The idea that this marauding tribe, 
whose atrocities seem to have made it as proverbial as the "thrice-wretched" 
Nicanor, was a king of Mesopotamia is based on a later misunderstanding of 
the ending ayhn, which also appears in Aram-naharayim. There is no room in 
the Mesopotamian history of this period for such a great conqueror. 

1 There is no reason to assume that Meyneptah defeated an Israelitish host 
in a pitched battle ; it is far more likely that he dispersed an encampment of 
the Danites in the Plain of Sharon. The statement, "Their seed has become 
nonexistent," does not mean that their grain-fields were devastated, as Spiegel- 
berg thought for a time (Rameses III. uses the same expression regarding the 
Sea-peoples, who had no fields of grain), but simply that the males are slain; the 
next line says that "Syria has become like a widow for Egypt." Since the males 
were all killed, the posterity of the captured women would belong to the Egyp- 
tians who enslaved them. 

64 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

and the construction of the Temple.' Since we can hardly believe 
that the Hebrews, most of the time in a condition of serfdom, kept 
an accurate account of the time on their own account, we may 
suppose that the number is based upon an Egyptian era of some 


We are fortunate enough to be able to point to exactly such an 
era. in use at precisely the Ramessid period, and in northeastern 
Egypt to boot the era of Tanis. Thi% era is found on the so called 
Four Hundred Year Stele, discovered by Mariette at Tanis.^ 
Rameses 11. sent one of his most important officials, Seti, among other 
things governor of the fortress of Sile ("Zaru") on the northeastern 
frontier, to Tanis in order to dedicate a stele to the god Set in 
honour of his father, Seti I., evidently at the very beginning of his 
reign, though this has, on insufficient grounds, been doubted. The 
inscription is dated on the fourth day of the twelfth month of the 
four hundredth year of the King of Upper and Lower Egypt, 
'A-pahte-Set Nebtey. Since the name of this king is compounded 
with the name of the god Set, of Tanis, whom the Hyksos adopted 
as their patron, substituting his name for that of Re' in their 

1 The number 480 is equivalent to twelve generations of forty years each. It 
is further exactly equal to the summation of the regnal years given in the Book 
of Kings for all the kings of Judah from the beginning of a cycle in the fourth 
year of Solomon to the destruction of the Temple by the Chaldeans. We are 
dealing with precisely the same system as that employed by the Babylonian 
chronologers to adjust their chronology. The historiographers of Sargon III. 
counted up the years of the dynasties listed in the official tablets from Sargon I., 
whose illustrious name the Assyrian adopted, and whose half- fabulous exploits 
he consciously emulated. The real interval between them was about 2300 years, 
but by this time a number of contemporaneotis dynasties, such as these of the 
Sea Lands and Larsa, which alone lasted about 450 years, were included in the 
list of successive dynasties, just as in Egypt, so the total interval was brought 
up to very nearly 3000 years. Since this was the length of a world-month in 
the Mesopotamian astrological system (this fact I will prove elsewhere; suffice 
it to say that the old Mesopotamian world year of 36,000 common years, based 
on 360 days of a century each, is preserved in the Harranian world year of 
36,52.5 common years, or a Julian year of days a century long), the inscriptions 
of Sargon say that the West-land had last been subdued a lunar cycle before 
him, naturally by Sargon I., whose conquest of the West figures so prominently 
in the omina. The interval of 3000 years was now generally accepted, so when 
the archaeologist king Nabonidus, nearly two hundred years later, wishes to 
date Xaram-Sin, son of Sargon, lie adds 200 years, obtaining 3200. This is the 
simple solution of the two vexed chronological questions. 

2 Cf. Breasted, AR III, 226228. 


ALBRIGHT: A. Eevision of Early Hebrew Chronology 65 

throne-names, we evidently have here the era of the Hyksos occup- 
ation and rebuilding of Tanis, which, along with its twin-city, Avaris, 
remained their focus in Egypt. The Hyksos era then falls 1692 B. C., 
or a few years later, approximately 1690; their rule lasted about 
110 years, coming to a close with the victory of the Theban monarch 
Amosis (Ahmasey) about 1580, a few years before the final capture 
of Avaris. 

We have excellent reasons for combining the Hebrew entrance 
into Goshen ^ with the Hyksos invasion. Num. XIH : 22 we have 
the explicit statement that Tanis was built seven years after Hebron, 
which had clearly been one of the last stations of the Hyksos army 
before its conquest of Lower Egypt. In view of the intimate connec- 
tion between Abram and Hebron, as well as the tradition of his 
journey to Egypt, later modified by contamination with the saga of 
Abimelech, and displaced by the saga of Jacob, we cannot doubt 
that this allusion is a stray fragment of the Hebrew historical 
traditions; the number seven is folkloristic, and not to be taken 
seriously. The story of Abram's descent into Egypt is the saga 
connected with the chieftain, whose historicity can no longer be 
denied, 2 while the story of the entrance of the Bene Ya'qob, the 
clan of the Hebrew people to which Abram belonged, is the saga 
of the people; Jacob is the eponymous ancestor of his tribe, who 
received divine honors as the bull-god. ^ That the Bene Ya'qob 
played an important part in the Hyksos confederation is certain 
from the name Ya'qob-har of one of the Hyksos dynasts, whose 
scarabs are found along with those of Anat-har ('Anat is the 

1 While the name Goshen appears in the LXX as Gesem,- perhaps following 
good tradition, Naville's Egyptian district oi Gsmtv is wholly erroneous ; we must 
naturally read Ssfmv, as pointed out recently by Gardiner. The name has, ac- 
cordingly, not been found yet. 

2 Quite aside from the non-folkloristic character of most of the stories connected 
with his name, in which lie differs so radically from Isaac and Jacob, and the 
fact that there is absolutely no evidence for his divine or eponymous nature, is 
the fact that the name has recently been discovered by Ungnad and Lutz on 
tablets from the First Dynasty of Babylon, cir. 20001950 B. C. The most 
interesting fact is that both forms, Ahamram, i. e. "Exalted as to father" (cf. 
JBL 37, 133, note 21) and AbaraJiam = *Aham-mJiam are found, thus confirming 
the Hebrew tradition that he had two names, though naturally disproving the 
late haggadic etymologies given in Genesis. 

3 Cf. JBL 37, 117. 


60 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

Canaanito goddess of war, worshiped at Beth-Anath in Galilee). This 
explains the Hebrew traditions of a favorable reception by a 
friendly king, who settled them in the finest part of the land, whose 
vizier was a member of their own raco.i I venture to suggest that 
the 11( years of Joseph's life, though curiously identical with the 
stereotyped life-time of an Egyptian sage, are a reminiscence of the 
110 years during which the Hyksos held sway in Egypt, before the 
rise of the king who "knew not Joseph." 

If the Israelite era is identical with the Hyksos era of Tanis, we 
must place the Exodus not less than thirty years after the beginning 
of Rameses II.'s reign, or after B. C. 1262, at approximately 1260, 
Placing the Conquest approximately a generation later, it falls about 
1230, Avhich is perhaps as close to accuracy as we wall ever get. 

The account of the Conquest given in the Book of Joshua is 
highly colored, to be sure, but is not so much altered and embellished 
as generally believed now. The material given in the Amarna Tablets, 
the Egyptian inscriptions, the variant account of J, and scattered 
references elsewhere enable us to correct the one-sided narrative in 
Joshua. For some centuries before the Conquest, probably from the 
time of Abram, the central highlands and the arid outskirts of 
Palestine had been occupied by Hebrew, i. e. Aramean, tribes, which 
appear to be gaining ground in the Amarna correspondence, especi- 
ally in the letters from Jerusalem, According to Gen. XL VI II: 22, 
explained by XXXIV, the Bt^ne Ya'qob had occupied Shechem, 
which we find in the possession of the Hebrews in the Amarna 
Letters. These settled Hebrews had doubtless adopted the sfat 
Kenaan before the invasion of Joshua, giving up their original 
Aramaic dialect,'- The conquest of Palestine by the Israelites would 

1 For the Egyptian background of the story of Joseph see especially JBL 
37, 128 ff., where I have pointed out some previously unnoticed elements in the 
Egyptian part of the pericope. 

2 Since the consistent Hebrew tradition as preserved in the Old Testament 
makes Hebrew equivalent to Aramean, or rather Aramean Bedouin (13N ''OIN) and 
connects the patriarchal stories vrith the Arameans, we cannot doubt that the 
"Abir or Hebrews belong to the same grouj) as the Ahlame {ahlam is the col- 
lective from 7; j7>, "friend, confederate," as in Arabic) later split into the two 
main l)ranches of the Aramu and the Kasdu, or Chaldeans. We can trace the 
encroachments of the Hebrews or Arameans for a thousand years, from the reign 
of Rim-Sin to their final settlement in Syria and Mesopotamia in the twelfth 
century, just as the Aralts first appear clearly in history 1500 years before their 

ALBKIGHT: A Eevision of Early Hebrew Chronology 67 

doubtless have proved much more difficult if the Hebrews already 
in the country had not joined the newcomers, and adopted the 
Yahwist creed along with the name Israel. It is clear that there 
were no serious conflicts between the two Hebrew branches, since 
none are mentioned, and the highland of Ephraim is assumed in the 
accounts of the Conquest to have been occupied at once by Joshua, 
without a word regarding resistance. In the same way the Arab 
historians say nothing about the relation between the Arabs already 
in Palestine i and the Muslim invaders. The older stratum of 
Hebrews is, as pointed out by Weinheimer, sharply distinguished 
from the Israelites proper in the passages I. Sam. XIII: 6-7, XIV: 21, 
from which it follows that certain sections of the Hebrew people, 
living under Philistine domination, and probaly still semi-nomadic, 
like the modern Bedawin in the region of Caesarea, had not been 
fused with Israel. In the Book of Joshua all traditions disagreeing 
with the official priestly version of the Conquest have been suppressed, 
precisely as the official Muslim historiographers endeavored to 
eliminate all pre-Islamic traditions contrary to the orthodox theory. 
The followers of Moses were partly Egyptianized Hebrews of the 
Bene Ya'qob, partly Nubian and Egyptian converts to Yahwism,^ 

final settlement. The mixing of peoples explains wliy we have Aramaic words 
and forms even in pre-exilic Hebrew, forms such as ndr, "vow" (Aram.) besides 
nzr, "consecrate" (Canaanite-Hebrew), both from original ndr, "vow." It is 
certain that the people of Palestine and Syria, with exception of the Hittite, 
Indo-Iranian, and Horite (Mitannian) ruling classes, spoke Hebrew, which we 
know from their proper names and the Cauaanite glosses in the Amarna letters. 
The Amorite proper names, found in profusion from the middle of the third 
millennium down to past the middle of the second in the cuneiform inscriptions 
of Babylonia, Assyria, Hana, and Cappadocia, are unquestionably Hebrew; the 
name Abamram or Abaraham is certainly not Babylonian, as Ungnad supposed, but 
Amorite or Aramean. I have tried to show, JEA 6, 92 f., that the Syi'ian place- 
names of the thirtieth century B. 0. were already Hebrew, thus supporting Clay's 
contention that 8yria was Amorite from before the dawn of history. As Borchardi 
has recently pointed out (MVAG 22, 342) Athothis, the second Pharaoh of the First 
Dynasty, invaded Syria (al)out 2900, according to my chronology), and in the royal 
tombs of this dynasty the conquered people are represented as the same conven- 
tional Amorite type which we find on the monuments fifteen centuries later. 

1 For the Arabs in Palestine before Islam cf. Krauss, ZDMG 70, 325 fl'. 

' The Aaronids very often wear Egyptian names: Moses = (Ra'-)mose; Hophni 
= Hfnn; Phinehas = Penhase, a common type of name among Egyptian slaves 
of foreign extraction, meaning "the Nubian;" Merari = Mrry (Mrrw) ; Hur = Hr. 
The Aaronid priesthood, to judge from the names, was composed of Egyptians, 


68 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

ami in part Hebrew- Aramean tribes, such as the Kenites and 
Kenizzites, who joined him after the Exodus. At Kadesh the 
Yahwists divided into two groups. The more important one, under 
Joshua perhaps still under ^Moses's leadership, skirted the Dead 
Sea, discouraged, we may suppose, by the failure of the first tentative 
against the hill-country of Judah, and after conquering the Amorite 
states beyond Jordan adopted the tribal name Israel, "God tights." 
The second group, under Caleb, calling itself Yelmddh,^ undaunted 
]>y the initial failure, occupied Judah from the south. The central 
line of fortresses, Jerusalem-Gezer, was not incorporated into the 
Hebrew heritage until the time of the Kingdom. The merit of 
having seen that the account of conquest of the south given by J in 
Num. XIV: 40-45, XXI: 1-3, Jud. I is a unit, and gives a consistent 
narrative, older than the form in Joshua, belongs mainly to Eduard 
Meyer and Steuernagel. 

We have already reached a tentative date for Abram at cir. 1700 
B. C. Fortunately we can prove this view of the chronological situa- 
tion from wholly independent considerations, especially the historical 
background of Gen. XIV. The fourteenth chapter of Genesis has 
long been a bone of centention among scholars, conservatives usually 

though I hardly believe now that Jethro was an Egyptian (JBL 37, 140), 
Egyptianized Hebrews, and Nubians. It is very conceivalile that Petepre, priest 
of the sun at Heliopolis, was really the father-in-law of Moses instead of Joseph 
as suggested by Haupt; at all events Moses is known to have had at least two, 
wives, one a Ivenite, Zipporah, daughter of Jethro, and the other a Nubian 
{Kusit). Moreover, Mosaism still preserves the most indubitable signs of its Egyptian 
cradle (JBL 37, 141 f.), and Aaron's name is probably Egyptian. On the other 
hand, Levi is not an Egyptian name, but the eponymous ancestor of the guild 
ofLevites, or temple-attendants (ii*ewMe rf'^ss?/r. 16, 184). The "mixed multitude", 
w'hich is said to have accompanied Moses in the Exodus, evidently consisted of 
slaves of every race, who seized their chance to escape from Egj'pt along with 
the Hebrew migration. Moses' religion of freedom and justice naturally appealed 
to slaves with peculiar force. 

1 -Yehuddh is properly a collective noun referring to the community of Yahwists, 
as seen first by Haupt (ZDMG 63, 513); it is derived from *yehudeh, on the 
analogy of yafdh: yafeh. *Yehudeh may be a pu'al form, for *yehuddeh, from 
hdy, lead, used in Arabic of religious guidance ; muhtaduna means in the Qur'an 
"those who are divinely guided", and Mdd is -'divine guidance, gospel". It is 
also possible to compare Ar. haddd, "present, offer", and 'ahdd, "present, dedicate 
(Sacrificial victim)": the "Kenite" inscription No. 345 I would read Msh-B'lt 
yhd iyuhaddi) l-B'lt, "Masah-Baalat dedicates (this) to Ba'alat". In the latter 
case Yehuddh would mean jiroperly '-the cosecrated people". 

ALBKIGHT: A Eevision of Early Hebrew Chronology 69 

accepting its entire historicity, and the left wing regarding it as a 
propagandist leaflet from the fifth century, designed to strengthen 
the hands of the patriotic supporters of Zerubbabel.i Since the 
document does not belong to any of the sources, J, E, D, P, it is 
evidently a later addition, from the close of the sixth century, a 
conclusion required, moreover, by its strongly archaizing character, 
which introduces us to the priestly learning of post-exilic Judaism. 
There are some serious errors in archaizing, the clearest of which 
is Dan in place of the older Laish (Eg. B'-ivy-s'). Besides the 
folJdoristic elements represented by the Rephaim, which elsewhere 
in the Old Testament are the shades of the dead, and the enchanted 
submarine cities of Sodom and Gomorrah, there are motives from saga, 
such as the three eponymous confederates of Abram, the phenomenal 
victory of Abram's little band over the mighty host of the eastern 
kings, and the priestly story of Melchizedek, a clever bit of didactics.2 
Yet hyperscepticism seems uncalled for. The names of the eastern 
monarchs will appear later as genuine, and, though the names Bera 
(y"l3) of Sodom and Birsha (V^^^) of Gomorrah are obviously 
artificial formations from the verbs J^yi and Vt^l, "be evil, wicked," 3 
the names Shinab (3Kity = the god of the moon * is father) of Admah, 

1 See especially Haupt, OLZ 18, 70 ff., and Asmussen, ZATW 34, 36 ff. 

- As generally recognized, the story was intended to promote the payment 
of tithes to the priests in Jerusalem. The name p1S''3^0 means literally ''legiti- 
mate king" (Haupt), the i being hireq compaginis, and not the pronominal suffix, 
and thus corresponds exactly in meaning to Assyrian Sarru-kenu {kenu corre- 
sponds precisely to gaddiq, and kittu to gedaqdh), the name of three Mesopotamian 
kings, two of whom were usurpers. There can be very little doul)t that the 
legend according to which Melchizedek was eternal, reincarnating himself in 
certain great prophets and priests of later ages, is much older than the Christian 
era, and elsewhere I have shown that the true prototype of Elias, Enoch, Melchi- 
zedek, etc., in the role of eternally recurrent helper of mankind is the Baljylonian 
Atrahasis. There is some reason to suppose that Sargon of Assyria wished to 
have men believe that he was a reincarnation of his great predecessor (cf. page 16, 
note 1) and this Sargon legend may well have had some influence in the creation 
of the story of Melchizedek. 

3 It may be observed that in modern Syrian Arabic, humorous or contemptu- 
ous words are often formed from others by changing the first letter to b, as 
bm-tum from hartum, "snout." Naturally, the formation may be purely modern. 

4 The original Semitic form of the moon-god's name is Sin (so first Haupt), 
as in South Arabian and Babylonian. In northern Mesopotamia we have the 
usual interchange of the sibilants, and the form becomes Sin, as shown by the 
Hebrew and Aramean transcription with D. Here also belongs Sin-uballit or 

70 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

and Shemeber, or perhaps Shemabbir (lasoty == the god Shem i is 
mighty) of Zeboira are genuine, and very interesting. The words 
-lys in V^2 ^bai are corrupted from "lyi* *J^0 v'rm, "And Bela king 
of Zoar", just as in Jos. X: 3, ]'\biV I'^O l^mi is a mistake for 
Tm 1^0 ]l'7JJ?1. "And Eglon king of Debir", which explains the mention 
of Debir in v. 38 f. Just as Eglon is a good personal name; borne by a 
king of Moab, so the name Bela was borne by the first king of Edom.2 
What shall Ave say of the four eastern kings, of Chedorlaomer 
(liav'p "n3) of Elam, of Arioch (inS) of Ellasar, Tidal (bj?in) of 
Hordes (D^U) and Amraphel ("PDIDK) of Shinar OV^t^)? The latter 
has hitherto been identified with Hammurabi of Babylon, despite the 
fact that only two consonants of the five are the same. Nor is the 
case better with the actual Amorite pronunciation of the name, 
which we now know to have been 'Ammu-rawih,3 since here the 

Sanballat, whose name thus goes back to Assyrian influence rather than to 
Kuthean, as commonly assumed. For a number of writings of the Babylonian 
form of the name cf. Eisler, Die kenitischen Weihinschriften der Hyksoszeit, 
p. 67, whose remarks on this subject are sounder than usual; add pits', Sin-iddin, 
a common name in the Neo-Babylonian period (Pap. Eleph., 18. 2. 19). The 
name perhaps meant originally "the shiner," connected with Ar. sny, "shine." 

1 The "Name of God" was hypostatized among the Semites; it is almost certain 
that the patriarch Shem was originally a deity. Cf. also the Syrian Symbetylos, 
the EsembeVel of the Elephantine documents, which means literally "name of the 
house of god." The Phoenician divine name Esmdn corresponds etymologically 
to ^.n*Esmdn, an adjectival formation from esj, name, Heb. sem, since , which 
became o in Hebrew, went on to become % in Phoenician. 

- Bela' ben-Be'or is evidently identical with Biram ben-Be'or, the prophet, 
from Pethor (Assyr. Pitru) in Beth Eden iyav 'i3 ^nN must be read \^^a '33 ^"i) 
an Aramaic district in northern Syria and the adjoining part of Mesopotamia. 
It has long been known that the first group of Edomite rulers was purely Aramaic 
in race. The Moabite Stone shows similarly that the dialect of Moab was prop- 
erly Aramaic, even though Hebrew was the literary language. 

3 It may be considered now that this spelling of the name, first pointed out 
by Luckenbill, is absolutely certain. The name is written variously, Hammurabi, 
Jfatnmuraivi, Ammurahi, JfamimiraUh ; Clay's objection {Empire of the AmoriteSf 
p. 113, note 4) to Luckenbill's theory on the ground that the form with b sug- 
gests that FI be read pi instead of the usual ivi is weakened by such doublets 
as LuUuwi, LuUubi; Arbum, Arwum. Haupt saw long ago that Assyr. h had a 
tendency to lie pronounced as v. The convincing evidence is furnished by the 
fact that the Babylonian translation of the name, Kimtu rapastum, "the clan is 
wide," requires the reading 'Ammu-rawih; in South Arabian the causative hrwh 
is frequently employed (e. g., Halevy 349) in precisely the sense of "extending 
the bounds of the tribe." Cf. also Heb. Rehab-'am (Rehoboam), "He has extended 
the tribe." 

ALBRIGHT: A Eevision of Early Hebrew Chronology 71 

similarity is even less. Formerly Ariocli was identified with Warad- 
Sin of Larsa, whose name was punningly read Eri-Aku. Now we know, 
not only that this reading is nonsense, but that he died thirty years 
before Hammurabi ascended the throne as a mere youth. Furthermore, 
most of the rulers of Elam, which was then a dependancy of Babylonia, 
are known for this period, and there is no room for Chedorlaomer 
among them. We may, as sober historians, breathe a sigh of relief 
at the passing of this mirage, since the date of Hammurabi is now 
astronomically fixed, i and this date is 2123-2180 B. C, or more than 
nine hundred years before the date which we have fixed for the Exodus. 
Happily, however, we are not left to consider the merits of an 
argumentum e silentio, since there is now evidence at hand for an 
entirely new historical setting, which no one has so far perceived. 
In a Babylonian text from the Arsacid period, published originally 
by Pinches, 2 and last treated by Jeremias,3 occur the names of 
Kudur-Lagamal,4 that is, Kutur-Lagamar,^ of Elam, Tukulti-Belit-ilani^ 
son of Arad-Ekua,^ and Tudhula son of Gazza[?]. It was seen by 

1 Cf. page 5, note 1, above. 

2 Journal of the Victoria Institute, 29, 56 ff. 

3 MVAG 21 (Hommel, Festschrift) 69 F. 

* Written KU-KU-KU-(KU)-MAL, a sort of a rebus found elsewhere in this 
late tablet. The solution is Kudur-lahamal {KU-KU = lahdmu, Delitzsch, Hand- 
worterbuch, p. 375). Hiising, Qiiellen zur Geschichte Elams, p. 22, note 1 states, 
though without proof, that KU-KU-MAL in this name = Lagamal, but his 
further suggested identification of Kudur-Lagamal with LA-AN-KU-KU, an 
Elamite ruler of the 23rd century, is naturally out of the question. The writing 
Lagamal is the regular Babylonian form of the Elamite Lagamar,. found, for 
example, in the name of the king Silhina-hamru-Lagamar, of the twelfth century; 
the writing Lagamal is also found in the Elamite texts, as in Delegation en 
Perse, III, 49. The native Elamite pronunciation of the name was apparently 
Laghamar, agreeing with Hebrew "ittJ?^. 

5 Kudur appears in Elamite as Kutir or Kutur; the Elamites, like other 
Caucasian peoples, did not distinguish clearly between voiced and voiceless stops. 

6 The name is written BAD-MAX-ildni, but Jeremias's Dur-mah-ildni is 
impossible. According to Meissner, 2919, BAD-MAX had the value tukulti, 
which might also belong to BAD, "protection," alone. Since ''MAX alternates 
with Belit-ildni, I have no hesitation in reading the name Tukulti- Belit-ildni, 
''My help is the lady of the gods," a common type of name about the middle 
of the second millennium. Belit-ili, later Belit-ilani, was one of the most popular 
deities about 2000 B. 0. 

^ Also written in our text, erroneously, Arad-e-a-ku. Ekua was the name of 
the chapel of Maruduk in the temple Esagila, in Babylon, so our man may have 
been a Bal)ylonian rebel against the Kossean dynasty. 

72 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

J'iuches that the first name, though not fully understood, was identical 
with Chedorlaomer, and that the last was Tidal, i hut the similarity 
between Arad-Ekua and Arioch, though accidental, proved misleading. 
The nature of the text has been partially elucidated by Jeremias. 
It is a moralizing essay, very much in the style of the Jewish pro- 
phetic historians. Whenever the Babylonians sin against their gods 
they suffer a foreign invasion, but the Nemesis which overtakes them 
deals even more severely with the impious invader. The three 
oppressors mentioned above meet violent deaths by assassination as 
the divine penalty for having violated the sacred soil of the gods 
by their atrocities. Pinches at first wished to read the name 
Hammu[rabi] in one of the broken lines at the beginning of the 
tablet, but it is now certain that the historical situation presented is 
such as to forbid assignment to this period. Moreover, the fact that 
Babylonia is called Kardunias proves conclusively that we are 
dealing with the Kossean period (B, C. 17421166).- The reason 
why these conquerors are not mentioned elsewhere is simply that 
they belong in the great dark period of Mesopotamian history, from 
1900 to 1500, Unfortunately, the name of the Kossean king reigning 
at the time is not given in the extant remains of our document. 
We might be tempted to identify the Amraphel of Genesis with the 
contemporary Babylonian monarch, who would then be one of the 
five or six missing rulers from the period 1625-1450, from which at 
present we have only three or four names. However, there is now 
every reason to believe that the land of Shinar at this epoch is not 
Babylonia but central Mesopotamia, between the Euphrates and the 
Tigris, Babylonia on the south, and Mount Masius 3 on the north. 
The early Mitannian(?) name Shanghar, which the Babylonians wrote 
Sanljar, having no gli (^), the Hebrews Sin'ar, for Sanar by Philippi's 

1 Cf. also Sayce, in Garstang's Land of the Hittites, p. 324, note 4. Sayce 
correctly combined the Umman-manda with the goytm, and further identified the 
name Tndhula with the Hittite royal name Dudhalia, which is, however, ex- 
tremely doubtful. Sayce's suggestion that Tantalus is eventually the same name 
is conceivalile, but nebulous. 

2 For my chronology cf. page 5, note 1. 

3 Mt. Masius, Assyr. Kasiari, Sum. Hasur (see AJSL 35, 179) was the southern 
boundary of the district of Kutmuh, in Assyrian times. It is not until the eighth 
century that we find the name Kutmuh becoming restricted to the district west 
of the Euphrates, called Commagene by the classical writers. 

ALBRIGHT: A Revision of Early Hebrew Chronology 73 

Law, and the Egyptians Sngr, also having no gli, survives in the 
town and mountain-range of Sinjar, for Aramaic Singara = Roman 
Singara gli was impossible for the Aramaic mouth after a consonant. 
Modern Sinjar is located at the apex of a rectangle whose adjoining 
vertices coincide with the sites of ancient Calah and Hana ('Ana). 
It is true that in the Cypriote correspondence with Egypt in the 
Amarna letters, Sanhar refers to Mitanni, and that later Shinar is 
used in the Old Testament for Babylonia proper, but the Egyptian 
inscriptions and the Boghazkeui tablets show that Shanghar is 
distinct from either, ^ and lies in central Mesopotamia. The only 
district of Mesopotamia not mentioned in the lists containing the 
name of Shanghar is Hana, so I would suggest that as an independent 
state Shanghar centered in the district of Hana, and that, accordingly, 
its capital was Tirqa, chief city of Hana, just below the mouth of 
the Habur.2 

The kingdom of Hana is known to have flourished before the 
reign of Hammurabi,-^ under an Amorite dynasty, two of whose 
kings, 'Ammiba'il and Isarlim, are known. Under Hammurabi it 
became a part of the Babylonian Empire. After the downfall of 
the First Dynasty of Babylon, we find the great Assyrian monarch 
Samsi-Adad III. (cir. 1850),'* who claims in his inscriptions to rule 
the land "between the Tigris and the Euphrates," building a temple 
of the god Dagon at Tirqa. Later it fell into the hands of the 
Kossean monarchs, at least one of whom, Kastilias L (1704 1682) 
is known to have ruled over Hana. Somewhat later, but not later 
than 1500, wo find Hana a powerful state, whose king, Tukulti-Mer, 
son of Ilusaba, left inscriptions found at Sippar and Assur. In the 
inscriptions of Thutmosis III. we find about 1475 that Sngr is still 
an independent state, mentioned between Mitanni and Assyria, along 
with Babylon, Arrapha and Lulluwa {Rw-n-riv). While Tukulti-Mer 

1 See especially EA 1082 and AE 279. 

2 For Hana and Tirqa see especially Clay, Ernpire of the Amorites, pp. lllff. 
^ The name of the town Dur-Isarlim is mentioned in a date formula of 

Hammurabi from Hana; the Babylonian monarch had different date formulas in 
Hana from those employed in Babylonia, just as we find the Cappadocians using 
their own system for dating at this time. 

* So far as I can see, as a result of a revision of the Assyrian chronology 
on the basis of the new lists published by Weidner, this is the only possible 
date for the great sar JciSsati, or king of the world. 

74 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

may be placed in the \6^^ century, it is more likely that he was the 
king of Hana who carried off the statues of Maruduk and Sarpanit 
from Babylon to Hana (Hani), later recovered by Agum II. (cir. 1625). 
Accordingly, we may place him about 1^50, his father IluSaba, also 
king of Hana, about 1660, leaving space for a ruler or two after 
Kastilias. From the Elamite inscriptions we know that Untas-GAL,i 
son of Humbanummena, invaded Babylonia and carried away the 
statue of the god Imraeriya, "the protection of KaStilias," so it is 
evident that the Kossean power received a severe set-back before 
the death of Kastilias, and probable that Hana recovered its auto- 
nomy at this time, cir. 1690, The natural date for the Kudur-Lagamar 
episode is then between the reigns of XJntas-GAL and Tukulti-Mer, 
while Elam was strong. Babylonia was weak, and Shanghar had not 
yet attained its later power. The name Amrcqjhel has not yet been 
found, but we may conjecture that it represents an Amurru-ipj)al 
(the god Amurru one of the chief gods of the Amorites of Hana 
will respond, or will reward), though Immer-ippal, Immer-apla-(iddin), 
or the like are also plausible forms. We can hardly expect so happy 
a guess as that made by some of the first Assyriologists , who 
suggested that Chedorlaomer must correspond to an Elamite Kudur- 
Lagamar, an idea which has turned out to be correct. 

I believe we may further explain Arioch of Ellasar. The combi- 
nation of Ellasar with the j)rovincial Babylonian town of Larsa is 
for this period impossible; were it theoretically possible, the difference 
between the names would be phonetically very difficult. I would 
therefore propose the identification of Ellasar with Alsiya or Alsi in 
northern Mesopotamia, reading ''Dbs instead of "ID^N. The form of 

^ Hiising's reading UntaS-Eutnban is very improbable; in place of GAL we 
must read an Elamite word for "great." Nor is Hiising's date for Untas-GAL, 
in the thirteenth century, possible; we must adopt Eduard Meyer's, given GA3 
462. In Quellen der Geschichte Elams, pp. 18 ff., Hiising has erroneously 
identified Kiten-Hutran with Kiten-hutrutas; Hutran is a divine name, not a 
hypocoristicon, as shown by a comparison of the royal names Hutran-tepti and 
Tepti-Humban. His list on p. 19 would make a king who was reigning in 1237 
rule forty years before one who was on the throne at some time between 1245 
and 1237! It is not accidental that the names of the dynasty of Ike-halUi are 
closely related to the royal names from before 1900, and not at all with those 
of the fourteenth and following centuries. As Kuk-Nasur was contemporary 
with 'Ammigaduqa, our group will fall in the eighteenth century or after, just 
where it is fixed by the synchronism between Untas-GAL and Kastilias I. 

ALBRIGHT: A Revision of Early Hebrew Chronology 75 

the name is made certain by the variant writings Alse (pronounced 
Alse) in the treaty between Subbiluliuma of Hatte and Mattiuaza of 
Mitanni, Alzi in the inscriptions of Tiglathpileser I., Alzia in a Hittite 
geographical list from Boghaz-keui, and ^-r'-s' in the Egyptian lists. i 
As in the geographical list Alzia is placed between ISanhar and 
Papahhi, while in the Mattiuaza treaty it appears, along with Assyria, 
as a state benefiting territorially by the fall of Mitanni, it is to be 
located, where we find it in the texts of Tiglathpileser, in the region 
of Diarbekr and Mardin. At all events, it was a small Mitannian 
state, which may have been much more important at an earlier 
period, and have been essentially equivalent to later Mitanni, whose 
center appears to have been in this same region. It can hardly be 
accidental that the name Arioch exhibits the same formation as the 
Mitannian names Ari-Tekib and Arisen, in which ar means "give, 
gift". It is possible that Arioch is the equivalent of an Ari-Akii, 
"Gift of the god Aku," which is then the Mitannian name of the 
moon-god; in the Cappadocian tablets we have the name Akua, 
certainly a hypocoristicon, like Assyrian Ndbu'a for names containing 
Xdhii as the first element of a theophorous compound. 

An interesting side-light upon this era of great migrations and 
ethnographic readjustment is thrown by the name of Tidal, king of 
Hordes, corresponding to the Tudhula of our document, and perhaps 
also to the Hittite royal name Dudhalia, as pointed out by Sayce. 
We are informed that Kudur-Lagamar levied as auxiliaries the hordes 
of the northern barbarians, the Umraan-manda, a term, meaning 
literally "much people," which is used later for the hordes of the 
Cimmerians and Scythians, and while it is not explicitly stated that 
Tudhula was their king, in the extant fragments, it is very probable, 
as Sayce has already observed. The fourteenth chapter of Genesis 

1 Egyptologists have hitherto assumed that Eg. 's// and '-r'-s' were identical, 
the former being the old Egyptian form of Alasiya-Elisa, the latter the recent 
form, or rather the transliteration of the cuneiform writing into syllabic ortho- 
graphy (Miiller). However, the impossibility of this view is shown by passages 
where they both occur together, as in Miiller, Egyptological Researches, II, 
pp. 91 ff., where ^sy and ^-r^-s^ are given separately in a list of the countries 
containing mineral resources from the time of Rameses II. In several places 
^-r'-s^ is clearly on the continent, a fact which is one of Wainwright's main 
arguments for his continental theory of Alasiya. With this distinction between 
Alziya and Alasiya we can consider that the latter is certainly Cyprus, in ac- 
cord with the appellative Alasiotas of the Cyprian Apollo. 

76 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

thus throws impuitaiit light on the first emergence of the Indo- 
Iranians in history, for these northern hordes can be none other. 
Two generations before, their pressure from the rear seems to have 
forced the Kosseans from the Zagros mountains into Babylonia, 
where they founded the Third Dynasty in 1742. Their later move- 
ments were hitherto completely obscure, but now we gain an idea of 
the processes of infiltration and conquest which finally led to the 
foundation of a new state in the 16*^ century, called Mitanni, whose 
ruling nobility, or mariannu (an Indo-Iranian word) were of Indo- 
Iranian stock, speaking an older form of Sanskrit i and supporting 
a dynasty whose kings bear Sanskrit names. 

The historical situation now appears to be as follows. About 1675 
Kudur-Lagamar of Elam, imitating the example of his predecessor, 
Untas-GrAL, overran Babylonia, and captured Babylon, thanks to 
the potent aid of his warlike barbarian auxiliaries. With their help, 
moreover, he was able to subdue the rest of Mesopotamia, and 
impressing the armies of the newly conquered states into his service, 
to make a formidable raid on Syria and Palestine, now almost cer- 
tainly under Hyksos control. The Biblical tradition represents the 
eastern host as taking the Transjordanic route, contrary to the 
nearly universal practice of Mesopotamian armies in later times. If 
we can accept this view of the situation, which is as doubtful as the 
reliability of our source, we may. suppose that the Elamite wished 
to strike directly at the center of the Hyksos Empire in northern 
Egypt, without fighting his way through the well-fortified coastal 
zones. At this point, however, we lose solid ground, and begin to 
flounder in a morass of speculations. 

It is very doubtful just w^hat the real role played by Abram was. 
It is possible to suppose that he was, as an important amtr, perhaps 
the head of the Bene Ya'qob, and certainly in alliance with the 
chiefs of the Hyksos city of Hebron, the leader of the resistance 
offered by the Hyksos in southern Palestine, and that he really 

' It is now a commonplace of scholarship that the names of the reigning 
dynasty of Mitanni, as well as many of the names of Syro-Palestinian rulers of the 
Amarna age are Indo-Iranian; the opposition of Clark, AJSL 33, 261 ff., strengthens 
the theory by its weakness. The discovery of several Indo-Irauian divine names, 
Indra, Varuna, Mitra, and the Nasatya, in a treaty with Mitanni from Hatte, has 
been recently corroborated by the remarkable find, made independently by Jensen 
and Hrozny, of a number of Sanskrit numerals in the inscriptions. 

ALBRIGHT: A Revision of Early Hebrew Chronology 7-7 

defeated the enemy by his efforts. It should be observed in this 
connection that Abram's covenant with the Hittites at Hebron 
perhaps refers to the Hyksos, since it is steadily becoming more 
probable that the ruling element in the mixed hordes of the latter 
was Hittite. The greatest proof for this is the fact that the names 
of the six Hyksos kings are all non-Semitic, and at least one, Hayan, 
is later worn by a predecessor of the Hittite Kilammu of Sam'al. 
About 1925 the Hittites conquered Babylon, led by their king 
Mursihs I., as appears from the chronicles from Boghaz-keui recently 
published. Later their power seems to have been restricted to Asia 
Minor, at least so far as the kingdom of Hatte was concerned; the 
Hyksos were perhaps primarily a north-Syrian branch of the Hittite 
people. The new discoveries do not favor an extension of the Hyksos 
Empire under Hayan over the whole of Western Asia, and, though 
he was undoubtedly an important ruler, his basalt lion, found near 
Baghdad, may have been transported thither from Syria in ancient times. 
While the object of our paper is primarily chronological rather 
than historical, it may be well to allude to the question of the 
provenance of Abram. As I have pointed out JBL 37 (1918), 
133 136, it is hardly possible that the prototype of Ur of the 
Chaldees was really the city of Ur in southern Babylonia. ISTor is 
Clay's recent suggestion, Mari, though better than his previous view, 
combining Ur with the town of Amurru near Sippar, tenable, for 
philological reasons alone. I still believe that the best light on the 
true ethnic and geographical background of the Hebrew traditions 
is furnished by the list of the postdiluvian patriarchs, where Eber 
represents the Aramean nomads, or 'Abir,i vouched for by the 
Babylonian texts from the 22'^'^ century on, and Serug is a tribe. 

Practically all scholars have finally adopted the view that the Habiru are 
the Hebrews. Philologically there is no objection, since 'Abir would have to be 
written this vvay in cuneiform, and 'Abir, again, is the only natural source for 
Hebrew 'J&r, since intransitive verbs and adjectives of the fail form have a 
strong tendency in all the Semitic languages to become fi'l by umlaut. Since 
the Habiru appear so widely in cuneiform sources as a nomadic people (cf. JBL 
37, 135 f.) there is no objection historically. We must, it is true, distinguish 
between an Elamite or Kossean people called Ha-bir-'u (see Hiising, oj). land. 
p. 94 f.) and the Ha-bi-ru, who are mentioned repeatedly in the Larsa tablets, 
according to Miss Grice. Luckenbill has recently advanced the view that the 
writing Habbiru, alternating with SA-GAZ in the Boghaz-keui texts, in a single 

78 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

later a town near Harrun (Assyr. Sarugi), as is also apparently 
Nalior, while Terah appears as a personal name in the Safaitic in- 
scriptions, perhaps meaning '-ibex", and is probably in Genesis a tribal 
name. Also Reu and Selah are perhaps tribal names, though possibly 
mythical heroes like Methuselah and the shepherd Tammuz. Arphaxad 
is almost certainly equivalent to the district of Arrapachitis , south- 
east of Assyria proper, which appears as early as the time of 
Hammurabi (cir. 2100), and is frequently mentioned in the course of 
the next millennium, in the form Arraphum, Arrapha.i On the 
borders of the district of Arraphum 2 lay the important city of 
Arbela, mentioned repeatedly in the tablets of the ITr Dynasty 
(2474 2357) as Urbillum, and somewhat later as Urbel. The 
Assyrian explanation as Arla-ilu, "four-god," is simply a popular 
etymology to explain a non-Semitic proper-name. Arbela still exists 
as the provincial town of Erbil, preserving the same name and site 
after nearly 4500 years of recorded existence. I would then suggest 
that Urbel in Arraphum or *Arpah-sade, "Arpah of the hills," may 
be the historical prototype of IJr-Kasdim. It may then be, that 
Abram and his tribe, the Bene Ya'qob, were forced to migrate, first 
to w^estern Mesopotamia, and then to Palestine under pressure from 

passage, however, proves that habhiru is a fa"il form, equivalent to hahhilu, 
"bandit", a synonym of hahbatu = SA-GAZ (see Am. Journ. of Theol.-22, 37, 
notel; AJSL 36, 244 f.). This is unquestionably plausible, but the one occurence 
of the writing Habhiru, among so many Habiru, merely explains why SA-GAZ 
was taken as an ideogram for JIabiru; Habiru was contemptuously equated to 
habbilu, "bandit". It is unnecessary to add that the word habbiru -is unknown, 
as well as the stem habiru., in Assyrian. In the light of such transpositions as 
'Arabah = 'Abarah, etc. there can be no serious doubt that Haupt's explanation 
of the word '-Hebrew" as a transposed doublet of "Arab" is correct. One form, 
'Abir, was employed of themselves, in the sense of "nomad", by the Arameans, 
and disappears in the eleventh century as an ethnic term; the other, 'Arib, 
later 'Arab, was used in the same sense by the Arabs, first mentioned in the 
ninth century in the annals of Shalmaneser III. 

1 Cf. JBL 37, 135, 138, note 28. 

2 In a letter to the writer Olmstead has pointed out that in Assyrian times 
Arbela and Arrapachitis formed separate provinces. This is quite true, but the 
early Ijoundaries may have been different, as is so often the case (e. (j. with 
Kutmuh, above), and a triumphal inscription of an early Mesopotamian mon- 
arch, perhaps of Sanhar {De Geuouillac, Rev. cV Assyr. 7, 151 ff.) indicates strongly 
that Urbel (so the name is written) was then the capital of the independent 
state of Arraphum, still autonomous in the fifteenth century, as we learn from 
the Egj'ptian inscriptions. 

ALBRIGHT: A Eevision of Early Hebrew Chronology 79 

the Indo-Iranian hordes, which clearly grew intense by the end of 
the 18'^' century. 

Our chronological results, which will be stated and defended more 
elaborately elsewhere, may be tabulated as follows: 

Accession of Hammurabi in Babylon B. C. 2123 

Twelfth Dyn. in Egypt 1996 

Hittite Invasion of Babylonia; Fall of First Dyn. c. 1925 

Assyrian Empire of Samsi-Adad III. c. 1850 

Thirteenth Dyn. in Egypt; Decline of Empire 1783 

Kossean Conquest of Babylonia; Third Dyn. 1742 

Hyksos Occupation of Hebron; Abram in Palestine c. 1700 
Hyksos Occupation of Egypt; the Bene Ya'qob in Egypt c. 1690 
Invasion of West by Kudur-Lagamar of Elam c. 1675 

Conquest of Mesopotamia by Tukulti-Mer of Hana c. 1650 

Overthrow of Hyksos Power; Eighteenth Dyn. in Egypt 1580 
Invasion of Asia by Thutmosis III. 1490 

Amarna Age; Amenophis III. and IV. in Egypt 1400 1350 
Birth of Moses c. 1300 

Accession of Barneses IL, Pharaoh of the Oppression 1292 

Exodus of the Hebrews under Moses from Egypt c. 1260 

Invasion of Palestine by Israel c. 1230 

Defeat of Israel by Meyneptah c. 1225 

First Repulse of Philistines 1190 

Song of Deborah c. 1175 

Conquest of Coastal Plain by Philistines c. 1170 

Visit of Wen-Amon to Dor c. 1115 

Death of Eli and Loss of Ark to Philistines c. 1050 

Since the foregoing paper was written, new material has come to 
hand. Here may be noted two important articles, Bohl's "Die Konige 
von Genesis 14," ZATW 36, 6573, and Langdon's "The Habiru and 
the Hebrews," Expository Times, 1920, 324329. Bohl identifies Tidal 
with the Hittite king Tudhalia (IL), who reigned 1250 B. C, and so 
completely misunderstands the historical situation. He places Shinar and 
Ellasar correctly in Upper Mesopotamia, without connecting them with 
Hana and Alsi. Langdon points out that Winckler's Habbiri w^as a 
mistake for Habiri, which appears in the cuneiform text as now publis- 
hed. Accordingly the last philological objection to their identification 
with the Hebrews is removed. 





TO what extent can the Jews be said to retain their primitive 
national music? This question has been frequently investigated 
and variously answered, but never in the light of all the evidence. 
The music of only a section of the different Jewish centres has been 
examined, and what is the most serious omission insufficient atten- 
tion has been given to the music of the Jews of the East, where, 
after all, Jewish music originated. 

The Exile reduced the nation to scattered fragments which have 
never again become reunited, and only occasionally come into tempor- 
ary contact. They have had to keep guard over their culture against 
the encroachments of outside influences. Sometimes they have been 
compelled to compromise and suffer the intrusion of foreign elements, 
but this never passed beyond definite limits: if there w^as a danger 
of this limit being passed the national spirit rebelled and rejected 
the alien admixture. 

The course of the Exile saw the growth of more or less isolated 
centres of Jewish culture: in the East Babylon, Persia, the Yemen, 
Syria, and Upper Morocco; in Europe Spain, Italy, Greece, Ger- 
many, Poland and Lithuania. In each case this culture, including 
music, developed along lines determined by conditions of life and 
environment. Of these centres, those of Spain and Greece came to 
an end more than 400 years ago; while of those which still exist, 
the Syrian has been influenced by the Spanish, and the Polish-Lettish 
by the German. From Persia branched out the Bocharan and Daghes- 
tani Jews and the Aramaic-speaking Jews of Lesser Persia; from 

IDELSON: Hebrew Music with Special Eeference etc. 81 

Babylon a branch spread to India; and from the Polish-Lettish cen- 
tre branches have spread throughout both hemispheres. The isolation 
of some centres has been all but complete, notably the Yemenite; 
and the Persian has been touched only in slightest degree by the 
Babylonian, the Moroccan by the Spanish, and the Italian by the 
Spanish. These details are important; for if we find the characteristic 
musical motifs of individual centres, which have never come into contact 
with others, to be identical, or the basic elements to be akin in i essentials, 
we can conclude that they still preserve the same music which was 
theirs before the Destruction of the Temple. 

We leave out of account the music which arose after the Talmud 
period, the products of the last eleven hundred years, the music of 
the Piyyutim the traditional hymns for various festivals; the hazz- 
anite music the creations of the synagogue precentors for various 
prayers; the music of secular Jewish folk-songs in Hebrew and 
other languages Spanish, Arabic and German; and the Hasidist 
music, in all of which we find admixture of elements peculiar to the 
music of the surrounding G-entiles. We are concerned mainly with 
the musical intonations, inflexions, motifs, in the singing of the Pentateuch. 

This is the oldest part of Hebrew music. These intonations, we 
know, were sung by the aid of the accents added to the text by the 
Nakdanim, the punctuators, of the School of Rabbis at Tiberias 
accents which Ben Asher ^ was the first to explain. But these Tiberian 
accents are only the finished product: they are only an adaptation of 
the old Greek prosody accents, the Byzantine line and point accents 
of the 8*^ or 9*^ centuries. The names and shapes of these accents 
arose out of a much older system, common in the East and in Greece, 
according to which the leader of the music indicated, by raising or 
lowering hand or finger, the rise or fall of the voice the system 
known as CJieironomia^. Long before the invention of the shapes of 
the accents, they were given names, descriptive of the hand or finger 
movements, though the names varied in different centres; thus we find 
the names given by Ben Asher different from the names in the Baby- 
lonian accentual system, while both difi'er from the modern nomen- 
clature; and even now there are differences between the names in 

1 DikduTce T'amim of Ben Asher: ed. Baer and Strack. Leipzig 1879, pp. 1727. 

2 Mentioned in Berach. G2b: Said R. Nachman bar Yishak ... the finger of 
the right hand to show thereby the accents of the Pentateuch. 


82 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

the Spanish, Italian and German Systems. (Thus yethihhqadma; de 
]jitifha; hirparehhia; dnnorzarqa; slier e- seghol segholta ; nag- 
dalegarme; shofarmunah, qadmapashta etc.) 

The writer considers that the introduction of the accents into the 
Bible was a gradual process extending over some centuries. Originally 
there were only three accents: Ladma, athnah and sof-pasuk, marking 
the beginning, middle and end of the verse. The same three we find 
among other ancient peoples: udata, svarita and anudata among the 
Hindus; acute, circumflex and grave among the Greeks, and shesht, 
hirr and hutu among the Armenians. Among them all the shapes are 
identical ' " ' i. 

Already in the first century of the Christian era the Greeks began 
to feel the need of reading-signs and musical indications. The result 
was a system of ten accents: three with a musical significance iono/, 
viz. oxeia acute, hareia grave, ferispdmene circumflex; two with a time 
value chronoi, viz. makra long, hracheia short; two with dynamic 
value, the pneumata, viz. daseia spiritus asper and ^Jsi^e spiritus lenis ; 
and three, the jjai/ie with conjunctive or disjunctive value, apostrophos. 
hyphen, and hijpodiastole. These, on examination, will be found to 
correspond to the Hebrew accents, not only in their musical, tonal 
significance, but also in their dynamic and their temporal value. The 
Greek accents were added to in the 5*^^ and 6*^ centuries, and 
improved by the Byzantines in the 8*^'* century. Then, or soon after- 
wards, arose the existing system of accentuation of the Hebrew text 
of the Bible. The Jewish scholars in their anxiety to preserve the 
correct reading and interpretation of the Bible made use of this Greek 
system as the best which existed, and most suited to their purpose. 

1 These three accents seem to be referred to in the Tract Sofrim, section 13, 
where it says: "But in the Song of David which is in Samuel and in the Psalms, 
the careful writer arranged the versos with keys, with athnah and sof pasuq." 
There is a variant reading "with keys, letters and sof." A reason can be given 
for this variant: in the Babylonian system of accentuation which preceded the 
Tiberian, they had the accents qadma and athnah, found in the Tiberian system ; 
but for the others, they used the first letter of the name of the accent, taw for 
tehhir, yod for yethihh etc. (Similarly we find letters to mark the accents among the 
Armenians in the 6th century.) Hence the variant letters in the Tract Sofrim; 
for that was the system in Babylon, whereas in Palestine they used signs. On 
the Babylonian Punctuation, see P. Kahle, Die Massoreten des Ostens. Leipzig 
1913, pp. 171 &. 

IDELSON: Hebrew Music with Special Eeference etc. 






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Illustration 1 

j^4 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

The accompany iug table shows us the relation of the Hebrew ac- 
cents to the earlier systems. (Illustration 1.) 

The Talmud (Meg. 32a) says: "The reader without the tune, and 
the singer without the melody of him Scripture says: Even I, I have 
given them statutes which are not good." According to Rashi "tune"' 
and "melody" refer to the accents of Scripture. And commenting 
on "melody" the Tosaphoth say: "They were accustomed to repeat 
the Mishna to a tune when they recited it by heart, thus helping the 
memory." R. Shim'on Duran (Magen Aboth 55&) reports that the 
Mishna was pointed with these musical accents; and even the Talmud 
we learn {Dikduke Sofrim 11, xix) had its accents. We must con- 
clude from this that a well-known tune was learnt by heart from 
tradition for the reading of the Bible and also for the memorising 
of the Mishna. This tradition could be passed on from mouth to 
mouth so long as the cultural centre remained in Palestine. But se- 
vere legislation destroyed this centre and threatened the tradition. 
Consequently arose the necessity for inserting accents to assist in 
remembering the tunes proper to the Scriptures. Like the accents of 
the Greeks they served to indicate the group of notes, the inflection, 
the vocal movement, the rise and fall by definite intervals. 

The early grammarians, R. Hayyug,i R. Yehuda b. Biram2 and 
the Horayat Im-Qore'^ divided the accents into three species accor- 
ding to their respective functions, broadly corresponding with the 
Greek division; the division according to R. Hayyug is yedia, haa- 
mada and Hllui; according to R. Ben Bil'am yarim ha-qol, munah 
lia-qol and 'illiil ha-qol; and according to the Horayat ha- Qore gobah, 
shehiya and rum. 

(a) In the yedia, yarim or gobah category, they placed the accents 
pazer, teres and telisha; their purpose is to stress the voice i. e. 
they are dynamic rather than musical; and actually their intonation 
is little more than an emphasis. The Babylonians represented all three 
by one mark only, the letter tet for teres, while the Tiberians differ- 
entiated their particular nuances. This species corresponds to the 

1 Grammar, ed. J. W. Nutt, London and Berlin 1870, p. 129. 

2 Rides of Accents, Rodelheim 1826. 

3 Ed. Derenbourg, Paris 1870. 

IDELSON: Hebrew Music with Special Eeference etc. 85 

imeumata of the Greeks. The "double accents" may be placed in the 
same category, since these early grammarians made no distinction 
between double and simple (e. g. zaqef was either gadol or laton, and 
so also with telisha, tren qadmen, tarsen, merken and pazerA 

(b) In the ha'amada, munah or shehiya category, they placed yetliibh, 
zaqef, and atJinah. Shehiya they explained as that "which is neither above 
nor below but stationary", meaning that the voice neither rose nor fell, 
but simply marked time: i. e. it corresponds te the Greek chronoL 

(c) In the 'illui, or rum category, they placed zarqa, legarme, re- 
bhia, tebhir, tifha and silluq. These were held to have a musical signi- 
ficance, and so correspond to the Greek tonoi. 

Furthermore, there are, in the nature of accents, sofpasuq, inveV' 
ted nun, and poseq, which have the force of disjunctives. The Talmud 
(Shah. 116a) explains Inverted nun as "a sign signifying a section that 
stands by itself." The symbol for sof pasuq exists already in some 
of the old systems of writing as a dividing sign; 2 while posek is used 
to separate two similar words, e. g. "Abraham: Abraham", and the 
like. Thus they correspond with the Greek pathe accents. 

The Babylonians also possessed these twelve accents which are divi- 
ded into these three categories, and styled them mafsiqim or separ- 
ators. Instead of letters, the Tiberian scholars employed signs. Apart 
from these, the Tiberians added the eight "helpers" which accompany 
the disjunctives; but these have no set vocal inflections. 

From all this it will be seen that the Bible accents agree with 
the Greek system of division in general, though not in detail. For 
example, athnah is reckoned as one of the chronoi, whereas the circum- 
flex is one of the tonoi; and so with others. The reason is, apparently, 
that the Jewish scholars had to adjust the borrowed Greek accents 
to the popularly accepted Hebrew musical system. Apart from this 
it is clear that not all the accents have a true musical significance, 
and so do not all carry with them special inflexional motifs. This is 
seen when we consider these inflexions. 

The music of the Pentateuch is made up of certain special motifs, 
found among all the centres and sections of the nation mentioned 

1 On Pazer gadol and katon and the dift'erence between them, see R. Hayyug, 
p. 128. 

2 In the Babylonian punctuation the inverted nun is used to mark the end 
or the beginning of a verse; see Kahle, op. cit. in the MS facsimilia. 

56 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

above. Among some of them, the motifs are preserved in their eastern 
purity as in Baglidad, Syria (Damascus etc.) Morocco, Italy, and 
among the European Portuguese. Elsewhere they have been modi- 
fied owing to external influence as among the Spanish and German 
Jews. The scale of the Pentateuch music is the Arabic Makam 
'Irak or its derivative Siga, or the third Greek mode, the Phrygian, 
namely; MI-FA-SOL-LA-SI-DO, without completing the octave 
but descending from the lower tonic: MI-RE-DO. The tonic ap- 
parently is MI. The second note of the scale is sometimes, raised 
a quarter of a tone if the inflexion rises to the note above; and the 
fifth of the scale is lowered a quarter of a tone. These distinctions 

[ = quarter-tone flat; x = quarter-tone sharp] 


-^ ^ ^ 


Illustration 2. Maqam Iraq 

* also 

i^^ :^ ^;;^ i 








Illustration 3. Siga 

are lost in the European centres, semi tones taking the place of 
quarter-tones, as among the Portuguese of France and Amsterdam 
and the Ashkenazim. It so happens that the tonic is the third of 
the Ionic mode, which corresponds to the European major. This has 
induced the Ashkenazim in course of time to regard the 6*^ of the 
scale, or the third below the tonic, as the true tonic, owing to the 
influence of the major scale, and because there is no Phrygian mode 
in the popular secular music of Europe; and so they finish off the 
inflection on the third below the tonic, as though the music were in a 
true major. 

The Sephardim also modified the scale through the influence of 
the Arabs in Spain, and seem to have adopted the mdkam now called 


- .^ < ^ 

-=& <=^- 

}S> - 


Illustration 4. Kurdi 

"^ x- 


IDELSON: HebreAv Music with Special Reference etc. 87 

Jiiirdi, a derivative of the Irak or Siga. This was widespread in 
Spain till the end of the Spanish Caliphate, and it has left a per- 
manent impress on the music of the Pentateuch. The scale is: 
MI-FA-SOL (quarter-tone sharp) -LA-SI (semitone flat) -DO -RE 
(semi-tone flat); and descending: RE (quarter-tone sharp) -DO (quarter- 
tone sharp). The Sephardim use this scale for the Pentateuch in 
Egypt and Syria as well as in the Balkans, though using the correct 
scale for the Ten Commandments. The Yemenites are untouched 
by this influence: they read the Pentateuch with the inflexions proper 
to the Prophetical Books. 

It is a curious fact that the Ashkenazim have transferred the Pentateuch music 
to the Song of Songs, in which they preserve it in a purer form than in the 
Pentateuch a phenomena found in no other centre. Only by combining the 
Ashkenazi music of the Pentateuch with that of the Song of Songs can we restore 
the true music of the Pentateuch as it survives among the other centres. The 
reason for this exceptional use is not yet known to the writer. 

It has already been explained that each accent signifies a group 
of notes, an inflexion or motif, made up of risings and fallings of the 
voice; this is not exactly uniform throughout all the centres, except 
in the ending, which constitutes the groundwork of the inflexion. 

Silluq, athnaJi, segJiol, zaqef qaton, yethihh or ;pashta have the same 
motif, made up of two or three notes of the scale, rising or falling 
a third to the tonic. 

Rehhi'a, tehhir, geresh, and garshen have difi'erent motifs of a group 
of notes, undulating, and also ending on the tonic; telisha has an 
undulating motif ending on the third below the tonic; ^a^er and sTiaZ- 
sheleth have the same motif, ascending with undulations to the fourth 
of the scale; qadma has a simple motif, leaping the interval of the 
tonic to the fourth; and zarqa has an undulating motif ending on the 
second below the tonic. 

The first of these groups of accents, athnah, zaqef, etc., R. Hayyug's 
^'haamada" category, corresponding with the Greek cJironoi, which 
deal only with length or pause we saw that these have a single mo- 
tif between them of a final, cadential character. AVhat then is the 
difference between them? In course of time the feeling of their different 
nuances must have disappeared. Even silluq and seghol have the same 
motif as the haamada, though seghol was not regarded as a special 

88 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

Of the 'Illiii class, corresponding to the Greek tonoi.zarqa, le- 
(/arme. rehhi'a, tehhir and tiflja have special motifs; while in practice 
silluq is included among the ha'amada. 

Tlie yed'ia class, the pneimata of the Greeks, are indeed character- 
ised hy motifs of a more undulating and stressed nature. 

From the point of view of modern music there is no room for the 
distinctions drawn by the ancient grammarians; for except for the 
disjunctives like i^oseq,^ inverted nun, and sof pasuq, all the accents 
are musical, tonoi. But according to the musical ideas of 1200 years 
ago, the various divisions held good. 

RUTH and KOHELETH: The music of these two books is the same, and a 
branch of the music of the Pentateuch, being founded on the same scale and 
having a jjortion of its motifs; but only a portion, for it lacks certain of the 
dynamic)> accents. Thus shalsheleth is not included at all; pazer is found only 
once in Ruth (1 2) and zarka twice (4 1, 4). In Qoheleth jpazer is found five 
ties only, (Sis; 62; 810,11; 9 12), and zarqa only twice (814,17). Owing to 
the lack of these dynamic, more dramatic)) accents, the music of these two 
books assumes a more lyrical character. With the Ashkenazi and Lettish Jews 
it is nearer the music of the Pentateuch, since it is taken from the music of the 
Song of Songs. In the other centres there are changes in the accent motifs of 
the Ma amada category, since they close on the tonic by a downward inflection. 
Even in the music of the Pentateuch, in an Ashkenazi use, the tehltir motif has 
been transferred to garshayim; and in a Moroccan use that of zarqa to telisha 
qaiana: and in an Ashkenazi use, in the music of the Song of Moses, the motif 
of rebhi'a to that of tifha, before sof -pasuq; and the like. Similar transferences 
are found in the music of Ruth and Koheleth: qadma and azla to rehhi'a and 
telisha qaiana in Ashkenazi uses. Again, in the Ashkenazi use the inflexion of 
jiazer and telisha is higher by a tone than in other centres. 

The outward form of this music is that of recitative, but there is 
a difference. It has an internal metre, but logical rather than tem- 
poral, arising out of the collocation of the various motifs; it is melo- 
dious by reason of the recurrence and variation of the motifs, which 
lend it the character of music proper. In shorter verses only the 
simpler inflexions mentioned above occmpashta, athnah, zaqef qaton, 
tifha and silluq &.nA. these form the musical basis. In longer verses 
are added the tonoi SiCcentHrebhi'a, geresh, zarqa, tebhir and telisha. 
The dynamic accents, the stirrers). of Ben Asher, are of rare occur- 
ence only when there 'is need of unusual stress; as already explained 

1 In the eastern centres the poseq marks a definite break in the flow of the 
melody; but in the west the knowledge of poseq as a disjunctive is lost: it serves 
as a dynamic, a vocal stress. 

IDELSON: Hebrew Music with Special Eeference etc. 


they have no special motifs, employing that of geresli with more pro- 
nounced undulations. 

In conclusion it may be said that the music of the Pentateuch is 
a true national Hebrew music. It is found among no other people, 
and it may well be older than the destruction of the Second Temple. 
Such time as the cultural centre of Israel was in Palestine, this 
music spread throughout the world wherever a Jewish centre was 
founded. We do not find it in the music of the Arabs, or of the 
Jacobite or Nestorian Christians. In spite of its age it has a power 
and nobility, a freshness and elasticity, which have roused and still 
rouse the soul of the Jew in the bitter days of his Exile. It has 
afforded comfort to the suppressed soul of the afflicted Jew and at 
the same time given him a spiritual joy on every Sabbath and Fest- 
ival. It has been an echo from the country of his birth and from 
his glorious past. That it is to be found in every centre, preserved 
in affection and sanctity, withouth need of compulsion or supervision, 
without special ordinance (as in the case of Gregorian music), is a 
manifest sign that this music comes not from without, but issues from 
the inmost feelings of the Hebrew people, an expression of the soul 
of the nation. 


Exod. 12, 2122 

iT^-^zz^ ^ I ^^^= ifi=:]!^^^E^^ r 

d d " d ^ d Jd 

^ ^^ h r^^' 



Waj-jiq-ra mo - se le-hol ziq-ne jis-ra-el waj-jo-mer a-le- 



i- J J ^ j^-M ^_:j I , __. 


I J m M 




hem, mi-s^ - hu uq-hu la-hem son le-mis-pe-ho-te-hem 


Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 



wf a-hMu hap-pa-sah ul-qah - tm a-gud-dat e - zob 



ut-bal - t^m bad-dam a-serbas-safwe-hig-ga'-tem el ham-mas-qof 



y ^^r^^^^^^^^^ ^^^^? ?^ 



w| ^1 se-te ham-me-zu-zot min had-dam a-ser bas-saf we-at-tem 


^3:: J J- ^^ EEEg^^ 


lo te - se 


is mip-pe-tali be -to 'ad bo - qer. 



i ^-r^^ = 

^-^^ d S d m 



^^ ^ ^ 
Waj-jiq-ra mo - s le-bol ziq-ne jis-ra-el waj-jo-mr a le 


H ^ 



X* > ^ ^ ^ * 

^# J-^ 

d m d d m d. 


- 0- 

hem mi - se - liu uq-hu la - hem son le-mis-pe-ho-te-hem 



- - 



:tr-^j-^l^ x * d d dd.dTJ ^ ^ ^g^- 

we-sa-ha-tu hap-pa-sah ul-qah - tern a-gud-dat e - zob 

K^J^ /^ ^ 


ut-bal - tem bad-dam a-ser bas-saf we-hig-ga -tern el ham-mas-qof 

IDELSON: Hebrew Music with Special Reference etc. 





J5 h h ^ ^ g 

- 0- 



> ^ ' ^ 



we-el se-te ham-me-zu-zot mia had-dam a-er bas-saf we-at-tem 








--^ #^ 




is mip-pe-tah be-to 'ad bo - qer. 


I 1-4 


Ashkenazie Rite in Lithuania 





d ' ^ S i 



Sir has-si - rim a - ser li-lo - mo. ji-ga-qe-ni min-si-qot 





-*- * MS d -^ 


pi - bu pi to-bim do-de-ha mij-ja-jiu. le-re-ah se-ma-ne-ba to- 

1* ^ I I i h 

- M I I i I I - 



M .^-M .,^ a _- ^ ^- 

bim se-men tu-raq se-me-ha 'al ken 'a-la-mot a-be-bu-ha 







4 4 4_ 



: ^^4 i - 

mo-be-ni a - ha-re-ha na - ru - sa he-bi-a-ni ham-m-lh. 



:^5= r h h 


ha-da - raw na - gi - la we - nis-me-ha bah naz-ki-ra do- 

d - ha mij - ja - jin me - sa 


a - he - bu - ha. 


Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

Comparative table of accent motifs employed at the different 
centres in the intoning of the Pentateuch: 


















1 ^ 







r ^ 











*--iP r I I r 


-I ^ib 

- - 




pasta ^ (in the Song of Solomon) 







darga s 

tebhir } 

zaqef qaton 






-I I P * 


H I- 




- - 





IDELSON: Hebrew Music -with Special Keference etc. 








- -^- 




P^ Wi' 1 ^ 1&- 

1-1 ^^ati rl 1 



g -p ^ ;PE^ 


-H H-t-J gr*ii k^ > 



- J I- 

-h "^^ 




- - 





^^ azla geres "^ (in the 
Song of Solomon) 





-y 1 >- 

- I 

! h 

atnah a 

telisa gedola -o 

sof pasuq 




P*=# ^ 

-J ; f 


ni ^ - 

- ^ 

-1^ .'g 





"U,^ ^ 

T^ ^ 









-li f^ 


- P- 


-^-+-P ^ 

: - 








- - 

H 9- 


Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 



- g' -9 


-rs -? 

3/4 "V4 3/4 */4 3/4 V, 2/, 



-fi ^ 

Waj-jiq-ra mo 

( J ^ * - r- 1^ ^ #^ i^T^^ 

l^-ljol ziq-ne jis-ra - el 

waj-jo-mtjjr a-le-hem, mis 


uq - hu la - hem son 





1 I- 




le-mis-pe-ho-te-h^m we-sa - ha - tu hap-pa - sah 



a-gud-dat e - zob ut-hal-tem 

bad-dam a-sr bas-saf, we-hig-ga - tern el ham-ma- 







qof we-^1 e-te ham-me-zu - zot min had-dam a-s^r bas-saf 



tm lo tes - u i mip-pe-tah be-to 'ad bo-qer. 




THE first mention of this building occurs in the Survey of 
Western Palestine, P. E. F.,^ where it is described as the ruin 
of an ancient tower, 22 paces square, built of roughly squared slabs 
of stone, of which some three or four courses remained, but with no 
traces of mortar. On the south side was a large cistern, partly 
closed by a slab like those of the tower. 2 This is the description of 
the building as it appeared in October, 1874. 

The Eev. J. E. Hanauer and Dr. E. W. Gurney Masterman3 at a 
much later date published a brief note of this interesting building 
with a photograph, mentioning that the walls formed two sides of a 
square measuring 14x14 metres outside and 12.50x12.50 metres 
inside, and that the orientation of the building was exactly to the points 
of the compass. In the opinion of Messrs. Hanauer and Masterman, 
the two walls they were able to trace at one time supported an 
earth platform which was eventually intentionally thrown down. 

In April, 1919, Dr. Paterson of Hebron reported to the Military 
Administration of O. E, T. A. (S) that some of the blocks had been 
destroyed for road-metal and was successful in saving what remained 
of the building. 


The ruins which occupy but a small space of ground are locally 
known as Khurbet Bet Sawir^ and are situated on the western side 

1 Vol. Ill, page 351. Map ref., XXI. L. V. 

2 Xo longer to be seen. 

3 P. E. F. Quarterly Statement (1901) ; page 305. 

4 "Ruins of the House of Sawir." The name "Sawir" appears not to be of 
Arab origin. 


Juurual of the Palestine Oriental Society 

of the Jerusalem-Hebron road, about 250300 paces from the road 
itself and slightly to the north of the newly constructed reservoir, 
called Birket el Arrub. They can easily be seen from the road 
after one has become acquainted with their appearance. 


These ruins are especially noteworthy on account of the very 
large size of the blocks of limestone used in the construction of the 


Fig. 1. 

building. Four loose stones not especially selected for their size 
measure as follows: 

2.50 metres long by 1.80 metres wide by -40 centimetres thick 
2.30 1.61 40 




1-65 41 

The agreement in thickness of these measured blocks is easily 
explained as the natural thickness of the stratum of rock from which 

Observations on a Megalitliic Building at Bet Sawir (Palestine) 


the blocks were quarried. The quarry, an open one, may be seen a 
little way north-east of the building, but its ancient character has 
been somewhat destroyed by its being re-used in recent times. 

The blocks all show signs of having been roughly trimmed, but 
they are so badly weathered that all tool marks have been obliterated, 
if they ever existed. 

The blocks are also full of holes which appear to have been bored 
by gastropod molluscs after the blocks were quarried. 

Fig. 2. S. E. corner looking N. E. 

No mortar was used to hold the masonry together and the courses 
are on the whole very regular. All the blocks were laid flat on one 
another, each one extending the entire width of the wall. The slab 
which measures 1.80 metres in width, being wider than any of the 
walls, may possibly have been a roofing stone. 

The plan i shows the little that can be now made out without 
the use of the spade. It is important to note that the building is 
not correctly orientated, the compass bearing along the wall A to B 

1 Fig. 1. 

gg Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

being 75 cast of north. For the purpose, however, of this brief 
description avo will assume that the building is correctly orientated 

east and west. 

The walls rest on a natural stone platform which dips slightly from 
N\V. to SE., the dip being roughly about 10. This platform which 
extends for a certain distance outside the walls, is bare in places, 
but the portion enclosed by the walls of the building is covered by 
earth to a depth which can only be ascertained by digging. It 

Fis. 3. SW. false corner D locking NE. 

is probable that a rock floor was originally levelled inside the 

The south wall is fairly well preserved, especially the two corners 
A and B. At present it stands in parts some two courses above earth 
level. The thickness of this wall was difficult to ascertain with accuracy 
owing to its being encumbered with large loose blocks, but there 
are indications in several places that its thickness was the same as 
that of the two remaining walls, namely 1.50 to 1.60 metres. 

The south-east wall at B now stands 88 centimetres from the earth 
level and there are three courses visible, of which the lower one is 

Observations on a Megalithic Building at Bet Sawir (Palestine) 


entirely buried. As in the time of Hanauer's and Masterman's visit, 
only the slightest indications remain of the eastern wall, the portion 
it is still possible to measure being 5.55 metres long. The width, 
namely 1.60 metres, was measured at the corner where it was possible 
to do so with some fair degree of accuracy. ^ 

The south-west corner A is now two courses high and is 60 cms. 
above ground level, but the stones of the lower course are practic- 
ally buried. 

Fiff. 4. South Side of buildinof looking N. E. 

The north-west corner C is very difficult to fix, but the writer 
considers a large stone which appears just above the ground to be a 
corner stone. The western wall as measured from A to C is 12.85 metres 
long and 1.50 metres broad, but it has now practically disappeared 
at its northern end whereas at the time of the Rev. J. E. Hanauer's 
visit it stood in places six courses high. 2 The stones which formed 
this side are not even lying about, but small limestone fragments in 
the close vicinity indicate what has become of them. 

1 See Fig. 2. 

^ See illustration in Quarterly Statement, 

JQO Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

Though diligently searched for, no trace of a northern wall is to 
be seen, as was also the case at the time of Hanauer's and Masterman's 
visit The brief note in the Survey of Western Palestine mentions 
the remains of the building, but says nothing of any particular wall. 

Outside the south-west corner at D there are three large blocks 
superimposed which appear to have formed part of the original 
building. Of these, the uppermost has certainly- been slightly shifted, 
but the two courses beneath are in an exact line with the western 
wall. It is hardly possible that two or more masonry blocks un- 
secured by mortar should accidently fall into such a position, but 
their presence outside the walls is difficult to explain unless they 
once formed part of an outbuilding of some kind. The height of 
this group of stones from earth level is 1.35 metres, i 

Inside the present three walls of the building there are certain 
stones which may have had some connextion with the structure itself. 
On the plan they are marked as E and F. These stones appear to 
be placed on edge, i. e. are orthostatic, and each group forms a 
practically straight line. They all measure 40 centimetres in thickness, 
though they are otherwise not so large as the stones of the building 
itself. Another suggestive group of stones is to be seen outside the 
east wall at the south-east corner and is marked in the plan as G. 


The suggestion in the Quarterly Statement that the ruins of 
Bet Sawir are the remains of retaining walls to form an earth 
platform is, the waiter thinks, improbable. It is true that the northern 
wall cannot be traced, but the stones may have been taken from 
this portion at an early date. If the western wall which stood some 
six courses high in 1901 is now reduced to two courses in 1920 
without leaving any trace in the way of limestone chips, the total 
disappearance of a wall in a long period of time is easily com- 
prehensible. The number of blocks, moreover, outside the southern 
wall, some 70 or 80 in all, would if in position, bring the southern wall 
to a height far above the level of the northern part of the structure. 

1 To be seen also on left hand side of illustration of south side of building 
facing N. E. See Fig. 4. 

Observations on a Megalithic Building at Bet Sawir (Palestine) 101 

The writer would prefer, therefore, to explain the building as either 
the remains of a watch-tower or, preferably, a house which at an 
early period was purposely thrown down.i A fort would hardly have 
been placed in the position this ruin occupies, namely, on a gentle 
slope commanded by the rise of the hill above it and also at some 
distance from the ancient road which ran along the edge of the valley. 


No period can be ascribed to this building with any certainty 
until it has been excavated. There is no pottery to be seen on the 
surface of the ground and our only guides are the nature of the 
masonry and the style of the building. As far as has been ascertained, 
there is no other structure in Palestine with similar masonry. In 
Trans- Jordania, however, there are several megalithic buildings in 
the close vicinity of Amman which are rectangular and built of 
large flat slabs of local stone. These rectangular megalithic buildings 
belong to the later megalithic civilization and the ruins at Bet Sawir 
are probably, therefore, of that period. ^ 

The megalithic buildings at Amman, both round and rectangular, 
have a number of cellae within their enclosures constructed of stones 
set on edge. In the Bet Sawir building the existence of such cellae 
cannot be proved without excavation, but the groups of stones 
marked E and F in the plan may possibly be remains of cells, 
especially as they appear to be orthostatic. It is even possible that 
the large number of slabs outside the southern wall once belonged 
to additional cellae. If these cellae had splayed roofs on the principal 
of the false arch, as is the case in some of the megalithic residences 

1 That the stones of this building were purposely overthrown is proved, in 
the writer's opinion, by the position of the numerous blocks outside the southern ' 
wall. These are now lying one beyond the other at an angle of about 40 degrees 
and more or less buried in soil. As aptly described by the Rev. J. E. Hanauer, 
they resemble the broken ends of a series of limestone strata. Slabs of stone of 
the size found in these ruins could hardly from their nature have fallen otherwise 
than by human agency. 

2 See Megalithic Buildings at Amman by Duncan Mackenzie; Palestine 
Exploration Fund Annual, 1911. Also P. E. F. Quarterly Statement, 1901, 
p. 407, where Dr. Gray Hill ia a brief letter compares the Bet Sawir structure 
with similar structures at El Bukeia and between TJmm Shettah and Er Reuthah. 

1(^2 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

ut Kujiii el Molfuf, this would account for the curious positions in 
which the stones now lie. The cistern that was seen by the Rev. 
J. E. Hanauer on the occasion of his visit may, therefore, once have 
been inside a portion of the building. Moreover, the position of the 
wall I), that apparently projects from the SW. corner, perhaps bears 
out this theory; it may have formed part of another enclosure. 

The absence of mortar and the peculiarly large thin blocks point 
to a very early period (certainly pre-Jewish). The fact that the 
blocks are on the whole well shaped testifies to the builders possessing 
a certain degree of skill in masonry work, as does also the com- 
parative accuracy of the SE. and SW. corners of the building. i 

In conclusion, the writer would urge the necessity of the proper 
excavation of this site. It would entail little labour or expense as 
the ground to be cleared is not a large area. If the building should 
subsequently prove, as appears probable, to be of very eai'ly origin, 
it will be a Avelcome addition to the early monuments of Palestine, 
which are all too rare. 

' Each of the corners is two degrees less than a right angle. 




A case of murder took place in the district of Hebron some years 
ago, and attracted great attention. In spite of the strictness 
of the Turkish law, and the severity of the sentence which was passed, 
the clan of the murderer remained subject to the custom of blood- 
revenge, until the murderer at last gave the required satisfaction. 
One of the intermediaries, who brought about the reconciliation 
between the two parties, was the mayor and former Muhtar of Bet 
Jala, Jiryis Abu Dayi by name, from whom most of the material 
presented in this article comes. The specifically Bedouin part I 
received from the Muhtar of Bet Iksa Jubrtn, who lived long in 
Madeba, and is intimately versed in the customs and usages of the 
Bedouin. Since Palestine has become a British mandate, and my 
home-land the Lebanon, as well as Syria, has passed under French 
control, many of the native customs will disappear before the advance 
of European culture. The custom of blood-revenge will, if not ent- 
irely, at least in large part, vanish in the near future. In spite of 
the difficulties connected with the collection of such material, I have 
spared no pains to make it accessible to scholars who are interested 
in this field. The material has not been altered or embellished in 
the least detail, but is given just as heard from the lips of my in- 
formants; the investigator may rely implicitly upon the accuracy 
of the translation presented herewith. ^ 

1 I wish here to express my thanks to Dr. W. F. Albright, Director of the 
American School of Oriental Research, who showed great interest in my work 
and was always ready to help me with it. 

]04: Jounial of the Palestine Oriental Society 


When it liajipens that a person is murdered, his relatives come 
together and say at liis tomb: "You must sleep, but we must take 
revenge for you on the enemy; your bed is silken sleep and fear 
not."i After this they attack the clan of the murderer and steal all 
the property they can, such as domestic animals, money, furniture, etc. 
These things remain their own after the reconciliation and their value 
is not deducted from the sum to be paid. It is strictly forbidden 
to injure the women's honour. 2 

Three and a third days the relatives of the murdered man have 
the right to continue robbing. But as soon as they kill one of their 
enemies they lose all their rights. 

During this time both parties are in a state of war and therefore 
the murderer's relatives flee away. If they immediately ask for an 
armistice, 3 then it is entirely forbidden to rob, because the enemies 
are then under the protection of an honourable man^ of a neutral 
clan. If the injured party assassinates one of its enemies during the 
armistice it loses all its rights to compensation and at the same 
time it is regarded by the relatives of the protector as hostile, since 
this is a great shame for them, as they are responsible. Such an 
action is considered worse than murder or bloodshed itself. There- 
fore the relatives of the murdered man are now in a very critical 
situation, because they are considered as real enemies of both the 
protector and the protected. If one of the relatives of the murdered 
man should kill any one of his enemies during the armistice, they 
dip a rag in the blood of the murdered person and smear it with 
soot from a pot and hoist it in front of the protector's house. From 
this moment all the party of the protector goes over to the party 
of the first murderer, for the others have not kept their word. During 
the armistice both parties associate freely with each other. ^ 

1 '(>_Aivj V5 ^U r?.r2>- '^.io\ ji^ ?y^^ '-*-;^ 0^^5 fy*^^ '^^ CUil." 

3 ^^ks.; in modern Arabic <*Oi>a. 

* 25^^5 ^^^ ^9 \^^-^ k.^-vJL\ k^sx^ , Volume II, page 2, 225 s. v. ^-s>.^ 
8^^ _ f^^^ '^"tr*^ <:>v^.^J\ |j^iUw&\^ ~43J"bL<o (^\ ^^aJ\ s^^^ ^jjlib. 

5 _^ ^^ \y_<,js.-Oft ^ ^ ^^'j^. ^^ T^\^ <J-:~^^ tj-*^ ^5r:^^. J^ ^ proverb 
which means: The relatives of both parties associate freely with each other. 

HADDAD: Blood Eevenge among the Arabs 105 

If the reconciliation does not take effect, the enemies renew their 
robbing after the three and a third days are over. The property 
stolen during this time is deducted from the reconciliation money but 
the value of the goods is estimated at only half of the real amount. 


If no treachery takes place during the armistice both parties live 
in security. If the matter is not settled before the armistice is over 
and the armistice is not renewed, hostility is resumed between the 
parties. But if they renew the armistice punctually the danger is 
at an end. 

Peace can not follow directly after hostility. First must come 
the armistice, since it would be the greatest dishonour for the family 
of the victim to accept the reconciliation money directly. If they 
accept it at once, they are then despised by the whole neighbourhood. 
They may hear the words: "Shame! Are you so greedy that you have 
eagerly accepted the reconciliation money of your murdered one?" 

The ceremony of the armistice is as follows: The pursued party 
flees. By "pursued" we mean all male persons from the clan of the 
murderer who are more than twelve years old, because they are 
exposed to revenge. Aged men, blind men and all males with a 
defect, as well as scapegraces, are not exposed to revenge. The 
same is also true of all females. All such persons remain at home, 
since it is a shame to take revenge on them, and so they have no 
fear. "When the exposed party wishes to conclude an armistice it 
calls reliable men of a neutral family, either from the same village 
or from another. The latter must be strictly neutral. "When they 
open negotiations they take with them one to four animals for sa- 
crifice (as a rule sheep) rice and melted butter 2 at the expense of 
the murderer himself. They take also a hundred mejidis, or more, 
with them. When they reach the house of the relatives of the murdered 
person they give them the offerings. They kill the animals immediately 
and prepare food for all who are present. When the negotiators 
hand the money over they say the following words: "Gentlemen, we 
ask you for an armistice and we will try to carry out the usual 

] 06 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

customs." Some days before the armistice is over, they renew it 
but this time the offering is not necessary. They give only money 
and about 50 mejidis less than the first sum. It is possible to renew 
the armistice as many as ten times. Every time the sum which the 
negotiators jiay is less than the time before. 


If the clan of the murderer is composed of many families, all 
these families are exposed to revenge. If they wish to be secured 
from revenge they have then to pay a so called "nine of assurance."' 
The payment may be before or after the armistice. The families 
which paid the nine of assurance are not obliged to pay the expenses 
of the armistice or reconciliation money. The nine of assurance is 
either 9 Turkish pounds = 900 piastres or 90 mejidis. A family 
which fulfils this is then quite safe, remaining at home without having 
to move. Any family may do this and and live without danger, but 
it must not harbor the murderer nor have any dealings with him. 
If it violates the custom it loses the sum of assurance and is har- 
rassed like the enemy himself. The sum of assurance should be 
handed over by the mediator without an offering. If the enemy 
should not keep his word, he would be considered by the mediators 
as a dishonourable man. 


If the clan of the murdered person does not keep its word and 
breaks the familiar customs of the armistice, killing a man in revenge, 
it at once loses all its rights and is attacked by the protectors 
themselves. The person whom they killed is now considered as the 
equivalent of the first murdered person. All things robbed during 

1 ^ &^ d^JUM^ , 

- JjP = "perfidy" in l^s.-vJ.\ k;^s?^ , Vol. I, p. 143 s. v. jb = J^jJ \ j\> 

HADDAD; Blood Kevenge among the Arabs 107 

the first three and a third days should be given back, unless the 
other party has robbed their equivalent. The guarantors themselves 
begin at once to rob the traitors and even try if possible to kill 
one of them, since the latter have no right to take revenge for the 
murdered person, this case not being punishable in the law of the 
folk. In such a case the traitors send intercessors to negotiate 
peace. They must oft'er every thing demanded, and the intercessors 
say: "Behold, your enemy is in your power and it is for you to 
decide whether to free him or not." Then those who broke their 
word kneel down bareheaded in the midst of the circle formed by 
those present. Each turban must be unfolded and wound around 
the neck while the fez is held on the breast. To be bareheaded 
means to surrender. While they are kneeling down they ought to 
remain quite silent and are not allowed even to salute. If the 
guarantor has inclination to forgive them he rises and says to one 
of his men: "Rise and shave their heads, because I have forgiven 

During this interval some animals (sheep or goats) should be 
killed and a repast prepared with their flesh. After this they are 
allowed to cover their heads. 

If he does not wish to forgive them he demands, for instance, 
100 horses, 500 camels and 1000 sheep. He is not allowed to ask 
for money. Those who are present implore him to say how much 
may be deducted for the sake of God and the prophet (Mohammed). 
He then says: "I deduct 10 horses, 100 camels and 100 sheep." 
They ask him again: "How much can you deduct for the sake of 
Sheikh X.," etc. etc., and at last they ask: "What will you deduct 
for your bareheaded and barefoot enemies: They ask for mercy. 
It is noAv in your power to forgive and to be merciful or not. This 
is a habit of nobles and you are well-known as one of the most famous 
nobles. But these are people who trespass and you are the man who 
forgives." Should he deduct more now, it is due to his humanity, 
but they must in any case pay the remainder. If they have nothing 
ready they must bring guarantors. 

1 Shaving the head is considered a great disgrace, when it is inflicted as a 
punishment. The same is also true of the beard. One or both are shaved as 
punishment in the case of a crime affecting a woman's honour. 

108 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 


If both parties after the termination of the armistice are ready 
to be reconciled, the enemies have to bring 15 20 sheep and goats 
or perhaps more, and rice, coffee, sugar, salt, and all the necessary 
ntensils for cooking. As soon as they appear one of the victim's 
family has to go out and meet them, and lead them in to the house 
of the victim, where the meeting is to be held. He has the right 
to ask two pounds and a cloak for his protection. They go now 
with the guarantors and other nobles of the village into the house 
of the victim or into the guest-house of the family. One of the re- 
latives of the victim examines the animals, which must be without 
defect. Animals which have defects must be changed. He begins 
then to kill the animals or he orders another to kill them. But he 
must in every case kill the first one. His part in killing is a sign 
that he is satisfied with the reconciliation. The enemies must do 
the whole work. After the meal, the relatives of the victim ask that 
the murderer or one of the most respected sheikhs shall come. 

The negotiators tell him: "Stand up and sit down in the midst 
of the gathering." He follows their order, holding a long stick in 
his hand. This stick must be half again as long as a man. They 
bring five metres or more of white gauze. The nearest relative of 
the murdered man takes hold of the cloth and begins to roll the 
gauze round the stick, making knots at intervals. Every knot means 
1000 piastres. When he is through, the negotiators ask him how 
much he deducts for the sake of God. He unties two or more knots 
according to his generosity. After this they ask for the sake of the 
prophet, Christ etc. and at last they ask for the sake of the nego- 
tiators, who should be honoured with a knot or more. It depends 
much upon his generosity whether he unties fewer or more knots. 
Lastly they ask him how much will he deduct for the sake of his 
enemies. He answers: "They are welcome, and I am ready to untie 
for them two knots more." Now they count the remaining knots. 
The man who had untied the knots invites them to eat. They answer: 
"No, by your life, we will not eat till you set our minds at rest. You 
know that a man like this one (the murderer) commits a trespass, 
but a man like you forgives, since forgiveness is a virtue of nobles. 
X has died may God have mercy on him; it is a matter of fact that 

HA.DDAD: Blood Revenge among the Arabs 109 

a living person is worth more than a dead one, and nothing is sweeter 
than sweetmeats except peace after hostility. You are very celebrated 
for your generous deeds. ^ After reconciliation the required sum 
should be paid in instalments. The sum may be 150300 pounds 
or more. The legal ransom is 33,333 piastres and 33 paras. 


If it should happen that some one has been killed without the 
murderer being known, the relatives of the murdered man send 
messages to the men whom they suspect to be guilty and ask them 
to appear before court. The court is formed of men who are authorities 
in customs and murder-cases. After negotiation the time of their 
meeting together should be fixed. The relatives of the victim choose 
two persons; the suspected one can choose only a single person. 
One of these three persons is made the judge. Accordingly the ac- 
cused and the accuser choose one out of the three to be the judge. 
If they are not pleased with his decision they appeal to the second 
person; if they are then still unsatisfied they call upon the third one. 
The decision of the third one must be accepted in any case. Every 
one of the selected judges receives his wages, which may be as much 
as he wishes and is not less then 100 mejidis. As soon as the ac- 
cused person appears before the first judge, he is given a horse's 
bit, Avhich means that the horse is made the pledge, or a gun as a 
sign that the owner of the gun is the pledge. Alter both the ac- 
cused and the accuser have been heard in court the judge must 
repeat to them their statements during the trial. Many persons 
should be present to witness the process and confirm the decision. 
After this the judge asks for guarantors to be made responsible for 
the payment of his wages. As soon as they are selected he gives 
back the pledges. He then commences his work and says: "0 

1 Literally, you are the father of X, and brother of your sister. X here refers 
to the first-born son of the man addressed; if the latter has no children, X is 
the name of his father, as the first-born is expected to bear his grandfather's 
name. "You are the brother of your sister" is a proverb, and means "You are 
a good, energetic, and generous man." 

2 Jy^^"^- J^'- 

110 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society' 

auspicious wdtnesses, be kind and mediate peace between both parties 
and let them leave this place as friends; I am ready to forego my 
wages." If after discussion they do not come to a satisfactory result, 
he announces his decision. 


It is impossible to find perfectly just witnesses in murder cases, 
since the qualifications of such witnesses must be unattainably high. 
They must be blameless; they ought never to have desecrated the 
holy days, never to have laughed like Ham, that is to say, never to 
have mocked their parents; they must never have been treated un- 
kindly as guests, and must never have been slandered. Since the 
judge is naturally not able to find such a character, he must search 
for an honest, fair-dealing, frank man and swear him in. 


One must take oath in front of the door of a church or in the 
niche of a mosque. Besides the man who swears, five other men 
must confirm the oath. The accuser may select the one to swear 
from the suspected family, one who must not be removed more 
than five generations from the family in question. As soon as the 
one who swears reaches the door of the church or the niche of the 
mosque, he calls upon the relatives of the murdered man and says: 
"Come and take your rights." They ask him if he is ready to swear 
and they ask also where the five persons are who have to confirm 
the oath. At once the required five appear. Before -the oath he 
asks for a guarantor to protect him from his enemies after he has 
sworn and been declared guiltless. A guarantor is granted, and if 
then the rights of the swearer are not preserved, it is considered 
as perfidy. 

If the swearer is declared free, he must pay the aquittal sum, 
which is 999 piastres. He must swear three times and each time 
he pays 333 piastres. If the confesses to the commission of the 
crime, he must pay the ransom. If he is acquitted without swearing, 
he must pay 999 piastres, and invite all present to a meal. 


H ADD AD: Blood Revenge among the Ai-abs 111 


If the murder has taken place in a Christian community, the oath 
is taken in a church, and if in a Moslem community, in a mosque. 
The literal meaniDg of the oath is : "By God the Mighty, the Avenger, 
the Powerful, Creator of day and night, I have not made his children 
orphans, and I have not cut his skin or made his wife a widow." 


If a murder or the defloration of a girl should take place without 
the detection of the culprit, the suspected man and the accusers 
agree in the presence of honourable men to go to the "licker", and 
cause the ofi'ender to "lick". Each party has to pay 100 mejidis. 
The wages of the honourable man who accompanies them to the 
licker is five pounds. His task is to be witness of what he sees 
while at the licker's. Lickers are very rare. Today there is one in 
Upper Egypt, another is east of Madaba. The suspected person 
must lick a red-hot coffee-roaster, given him by the licker. If signs 
of burning are seen on his lips or tongue he is then considered 
guilty. The licker says to him: "May God help you to bear your 
load". If his mouth after licking the roaster is still not burnt, the 
licker says to him: "You are clean and guiltless". If the accused 
one is acquitted, the accuser must pay the licker 100 mejidis and 
give 5 pounds to the accused and vice versa. After returning home 
they begin to negotiate for reconciliation. 


The rights of a woman are exactly the same as those of a man 
with the exception that the ransom is only half of that of a 
man. If a man is killed because he has maltreated or has assaulted 
a woman, the relatives of the murdered man have no right to ask 
for blood-money, no matter how many of them may be killed by the 
relatives of the dishonoured woman. 

2 d^.x.xc^.^\ in ia^sxtl k.^'jsx-o Vol. I, p. 96 we read: A*Li.^5 Ls-tio ^.^^X.^ J-^ 
.^>JuJ\ ^\ j^^l '^ry^ d^jnJ^ ^,*'I'.-^tt ... 'ijy^\ *v-^iLl\ ... jxioJl ... L.<.V o ^Lo 


Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 


The Government may interfere and make a fair decision, nevertheless 
a real reconciliation between the two parties can not take place as 
long as the customs of the people are not satisfied. 


The following is still the practice of the Bedu. If the murderer 
asks for protection from the father or the nearest relatives of the 
murdered person, as soon as he ties the end of his kefffye (head- 
covering) and puts his hand in his belt without being previously- 
observed, and says: "I ask you to protect me," he is at once safe 
and the protector accompanies him to the boundary of his tribe and 
tells him: "Escape for your life and know that as soon as I see you 
again I will kill you." 






IT has hitherto been assumed that our knowledge of the Edomite 
language is confined to a few names of persons and places; and 
though it may be assumed that, like Moabitic, it was closely akin 
to Hebrew, the discovery of some inscription is necessary to throw 
further light on the question. The object of this paper is to suggest 
that we already possess what is at least as good as an inscription 
nearly two whole chapters of the Bible written throughout in the 
Edomite dialect, viz. Proverbs 30 i to 31 9. 

Ch. 31 begins: 1D8 "imD^ nty XtJ'D 1^0 ^^Itt*? nDT usually translated: 
The words of king Lemuel: the oracle, ^^0, which his mother taught 
him. Early writers saw in Massa a word which is elsewhere used 
in the sense of prophetic utterance. But an early Jewish scholar, 
Malbim, already felt that Massa was really the name of a place; and 
this idea has been revived by modern scholars and now finds a place 
in the R Vmg. : The words of Lemuel , king of Massa. This inter- 
pretation finds support from Gen. 25 14, which points to the fact 
that Massa was a place occupied by tribes descenced from Ishmael : 
The sons of Ishmael . . . Mishma and Duma and Massa . . . Tema . . . 
and Kedema . . . These are the sons of Ishmael and these are their 
names l)g their villages and by their encaui/pments. 

Furthermore these chapters are specimens of eastern wisdom; and 
we know from such passages as Jer. 49 7 (Is wisdom no more in 
Teman? Is counsel perished from the prudent? Is their wisdom van- 
ished?) and Ob. 8 (Shall I not, in that dag, destroy the wise men out 
of Edom . . . and thy wise men, Teman, shall he dismaged!) that 
Edom had a reputation for wisdom; and it is specially pointed out 
that the wisdom of Solomon (1 Kings 4 so) exceeded that of the 

children of the East. 


114 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

But if these verses of Proverbs are written in a non-Judaean 
dialect of Hebrew peculiar to the Edomite speech as used in Massa, 
we shall expect traces of this in vocabulary and perhaps also in syn- 
tax. And we do find features which lend support to the hypothesis. 

In the first few verses of ch. 31 are several passages which have 
always proved difficulties to those who would interpret them solely 
in the light of the Hebrew vocabulary and syntax as we know it from 
the Hebrew books of the Bible. The second verse runs: ntti ^13 no 
mi ni ntti ^it3D is of which our English version is: What, my son? 
and what, son of my womb? and what, son of my vows? The 
first point we notice is that the word for "son" is not the Hebrew 
word hen but bar; and this alone marks it out from the rest of bibli- 
cal Hebrew. The second point is the use of the word ma "what?" 
But the translation "what?" does not give good sense. The context 
demands some such significance as "Listen!" "Take heed!" Such a 
meaning of ma exists in Arabic. 

There is a difficult word in v. 3: Oive not thy strength unto wo- 
men, nor thy ivays to that which destroyeth kings. But to that which 
destroyeth is a very far-fetched translation of lamhoth, and the 
parallelism is not good. It is better to point it Vmahbtli, a plural 
noun meaning "delights" "playthings," "pastimes." 

In V. 4 as a parallel to the phrase ]''"^ nint^b we get IDtJ' IK. This 
ev is an unknown word, and the Q'n 'i* "where?" gives no help. We 
want a verb synonymous with "drink." So perhaps here we have an 
Edomite word with the meaning "drink up quickly" or the like. Cf. 
the Arabic JU* "to drink up quickly." 

In V. 8 we have: Open thy mouth for the dumb ^l^n ''il b'2 p"l b^ 
which is, literally, unto the cause of all those ready to pass away. 
This becomes less meaningless, and makes perfect parallelism, if we 
look away from Hebrew, and regard Vs not as a preposition but 
as a verb meaning "hasten," like the Arabic jT; and connect ^l^n 
with the Arabic root i^^. The verse then reads: Open thy mouth 
for the dumb and speed the cause of the unfortunate. 

In the preceding chapter, in the words of Agur the son of Jakeh 
the ''Massaite,''' occur several strange, or, as the hypothesis would 
assume, pecuUar Edomite words ]in in the sense of the Hebrew n 
"enough," (v. 15) and imi and p1p'? of unknown meaning (v. 31). In v. 9 
we have: Lest I become poor and steal Tisysm the name of my Ood. 

BEN YEHUDAH: The Edomite Language 115 

Here ti'Sn seems not to have its usual raeaning in Hebrew of "tal<e 
hold of," but rather "blaspheme," "revile." 

In V. 33 the last member of the verse is hastily rejected by 
modern scholars as a doublet: The pressing of milk brings forth 
butter, and the pressing of the nose (f]) brings forth blood, and the 
pressi)ig of D''St< brings forth strife. In Hebrew D^SN means nostrils, 
and so seems here merely to repeat the preceding clause. It is more 
suited to the context and the idea contained in the word 2^1 "strife" 
if we see in D"'DN a mispunctuation of an Edomite form of the word 
for mouth, such, e. g. as of mi. Compare the Aramaic and Arahicf um. 

The following are possible cases of Edomite syntactical peculiarities: 

Ch. 30 V. 2 runs: ty^ND ^DiS nj?:i ^D usually translated: Siirehj I am 
more brutish than any man. But this assumes a construction which 
does not exist elsewhere. It at once becomes simple if instead of 
me=min, we see in it the Arabic negative ma: Surely I am a beast, 
ma 'ish not a man. 

A more pronounced case occurs in v. 32: niDt DNI irinn2 n^ni D 
T\th n\ If we try to translate it in the customary way: If thou hast 
done foolishly in lifting thyself up, and if thou hast thought evil, hand 
to mouth! it lacks the necessary parallelism, and also gives n^Di a 
rendering which is unsupported. But by regarding 2 i^ fc^B'inn^ as 
a peculiarity of Edomite syntax with the same function as the Ara- 
bic particle fa, and the Hebrew iva following a conditional clause, 
the syntax becomes easy and the sense good: If thou sink down, then 
raise thyself up: and if thou purpose evil, remain quiet. 

An objection to ascribing these chapters to an Edomite source 
may be lodged, in that the divine name of Yahweh, the God of the 
Hebrews, occurs (30 9). But we have nowhere else any evidence for 
saying that the Edomites used any other peculiar name for their 
deity, as, for example, did the Moabites in the case of Chemosh, or 
the Philistines in the case of Dagon, or the Ammonites in the case 
of Milcom. Josephus certainly mentions Koze as the name of an 
Edomite deity; but it is nowhere else referred to, and the inference 
is, that if there were a god of such a name, it was an inferior god, 
or one of recent adoption. 

There is, perhaps, another trace of the Edomite language in that 

puzzling fragment of Isaiah 21 1112, "The Burden of Duma", which 

the writer hopes to deal with another time. 




(BERKELEY [CAL., U. S. A.]) 

IN the early Christian apocryphon called the Testament of Solomon 
there is a collocation of Solomon and the Shulamite which to me 
is new. As it exhibits an interesting development in the Solomonic 
legend and seems also to involve a peculiar interpretation of the 
Song of Solomon, I present it here in the hope that others may be 
able to contribute some parallel from Arabic, Jewish, or early 
Christian folklore. 

The Testament of Solomon may be safely dated in the fourth cent- 
tury of our era. The author is a Christian exorcist who attempts to 
work up the demonological and magico-medical knowledge of his 
syncretistic environment into a practical vade mecum. His materials 
go back ultimately to Babylonia, Persia, Egypt, Palestine and the 
Greek world. The thread upon which these materials are strung is 
the story of Solomon's use of the demons in building the Temple. 
The book closes with an account of the great king's ignominious fall. 
Though I have sailed but little oni, the sea of the Talmud and made 
but inconsequential excursions into the wilderness of Arabic litera- 
ture, I think I am safe in saying that the fall of Solomon in these 
literatures is usually ascribed to the great demon prince, Asmodaeus, 
who gets possession of the magic ring and usurps Solomon's place 
as a punishment for his presumption in trying to pry too far into 
the secrets of the universe. On the contrary, in Christian literature, 
his fall is usually ascribed to "woman-mania," ^r^Au/xavta, which leads 
to his building idol temples or to idol worship, and so to his loss 
of the divine favom* and his God-given power and knowledge. In this 
the Testament of Solomon agrees. The story is as follows: 

'EAa/3ov Se yi'i'ttiKas diro acTTjs -)((i>pas koI /3ao"tAeias, o)v ovk r/v dptu/ws. xai 
TTopevOrjv Trpus tov 'lefSovcraMV /SacriXea Koi ecSov ywauca ev Tjj ^ao"iAeta uvtidv 

McCOWN: Solomon and the Shulamite 117 

KOL rjyaTrrjcra avrrjv cr(f)68pa, koI ipeXirjcra avri^v fxi^ai crvv rats yvvai^i fwv. koX 
ecTTOV irpos tovs lepeis avTwy ^^Sore fiot ryjv ^ovvafitTijv ravrrjv, on riydirrjcra 
avTi]V (Tcjioopa.^' Koi inror Trpos fie' "ft lyyctTrrjo-as ri^v dvyarepa rjfiujv, 7rpo<TKVvrja-ov' 
Tous Oeovs rj/xiov, Toi' /xeyai' 'Fa<f)av Koi MoAd;^, Koi Aa/3e at'Tji'." eyw 8e ovk 
rideXfjira TrpocTKVvrjcraL, dW eTirov a.vTOL<i' "lyu> ov TrpocrKWU) ueoy dWoTpuo. avTol Se 
TrapefStda-ovTO Tr]v irapOevov AeyoiTes orf " eav ykvqraL trot ela-eXdav els tyjv fSacnXeiav 
2oAojuwvTOS, etTTt avToy 'ov KoifJi7]0')'i( /xera crov lav fir] ofioLCtidys tw Aaw fiovy 
Kal XafSe aKpiSas Trei'Tt Kal cc^a^at auras els to ovofia Ta(/)a,v Kat MoAd;(. lyw 
Se Sta TO ayaTTav /xe tt/i' Koprjv ws itpaiav oicrav Trai'v, Kai ws acn'veTos oji', owSei* 
evofutra Twv o.KplSon' to atfia koi eXafSov avras viro Tas ^et/Das )Uod /cat Wva-a 
els TO ovofia 'Fa(f>dv koi MoAo^ Tots etSwAoiS, koI eXaf^a rrjv irapOeyoy els Tov 
otKOV T^s /3a(riXeias fiov. 

Kai aTrrjpOr] to TTFeu/xa tou Oeov dir' efiov, Kal oltt' eKeivrjS ttJs rjfiepas eyevero 
ws A'^pos Ta p-qfiard fiov. Kal I'/rayKacre fie olKOvofirja-ac vaoi^s tuv eiSwAwv. Kayu> 
oil' 6 SiVtvjvos eTrolrfcra ttjv crvfij3ovXr]v avTrjs Kal rcAetcos aTrecTTTj 17 Sdga rou 
deov utt' e/xoTJ /cai earKoricrOrj to Trvevfid fiov , Kat eyevofirfv yeXcas TOis elScoXoLS 
Kal 3at/ioo"tv. 1 

One may translate as follows: "And I took wives from every coun- 
try and kingdom, of whom there was no number. And I went to the 
king of the Jebusites and I saw a woman in their kingdom and I 
fell exceedingly in love with her and wished to include her among 
my wives. And I said to their priests, "Give me this Shunamite, for 
I have fallen exceedingly in love with her." And they said to me, 
"If you have fallen in love with our daughter, worship our gods, the 
great Raphan and Moloch and take her." And I was not willing to 
worship, hut said to them, "I will not worship a strange god." But 
they laid injunctions upon the maiden, saying, /'If it should be your 
lot to enter into the palace of Solomon, say to him, 'I will not sleep 
with you, unless you become like my people; so take five locusts 
and sacrifice them to the name of Raphan and Moloch'." And because 
I loved the maid as being very beautiful and because I was without 
understanding, I did not consider the blood of the locusts but took 
them in my hands and offered them to the name of Raphan and 
Moloch, the idols, and I took the maiden into my royal house. 

And the spirit of God departed from me and from that day my 
words became like an empty sound, and she forced me to build temples 

1 See the writer's Testament of Solomon (Hinrichs, 1921), c. 26. 

118 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

of the idols. And wretched being that I was, I did her will and the 
glory of God departed from me completely and my spirit was darkened 
and I became a joke to the idols and demons." 

One recension of the Testament has a slightly different version 
of the story, in which Solomon first promises the maiden to do her 
will, and then she prepares the trap for him.i In this form the story 
is closely paralleled in Kebra Nagast.^ Here it is Pharaoh's daughter 
who seduces the king. She wishes him to worship her idols. On his 
refusing, she coaxes him until he promises on oath that he will do 
what she wishes. Then she fastens a thread across the middle of the 
door of the temple of her idols, brings three locusts, puts them in 
the temple, and says to him, "Come to me without breaking the 
woollen thread, by bending under it, kill the locusts before me, and 
twist their necks." When he has done so, she says, "From now on 
1 will do thy will, since thou hast made offering to my gods and 
hast prayed to them," The writer of the work exhibits the same 
apologetic attitude as the Testament explaining that Solomon did 
this to avoid perjuring himself, though he knew it was wrong to enter 
the idol temple. 3 

The figure of the fair seducer is a motif common enough in folklore. 
Jeremias suggests as parallels Ishtar and Gilgamesh, Herakles and 
Dejanira, Samson and Delila, and David and Michal.* Many a 
Tannhauser has had his Venusberg. 

The first point of interest in the legend of Solomon's fall as told 
in the Testament is that it agrees with the usual early Christian 
tradition in ascribing the wise king's overthrow to his inordinate 
fondness for women, and in leaving him to die in the darkness of 

1 Recension B, manuscripts PQ,; see critical apparatus to sec. 3, ch. 26. 

2 Prof. Dr. Carl Bezold, Kebra Nagast, Die Herrlichkeit der Konige, etc. c. 64, 
in Ahh. d. pJdlos.-philol. Klasse d. konigl. hayer. Akad. d. Wiss. 23 Bd. , 1 Abt., 
Miinchen 1905, p. 60 f. 

3 Georg Salzberger, Die Salomosage in der semitischen Literatur : ein Beitrag 
zur vergleichenden Sagenkunde. I Teil: Salomo bis zur Hohe seines Ruhmes. (Diss. 
Heidelberg) Berlin 1907, p. 96, says the same story is Found in Kisa'i: If the 
second part of Salzbergers woi'k has appeared, in which he promised to discuss 
this matter, I have missed it. Dr. W. F. Albright informs me that Tha'labi, 
Qisas aPanbid' (Cairo ed.) 224 227 has the story of Solomon's loss of his ring, 
a punishment for allowing Jarada, daughter of Sidon, one of his wives, to worship 
her father's statue. Curiously Jarada means "locust." 

4 Das Alte Test im Lichte d. Alt. Orients, 3. ed. 1916, p. 434, n. 1. 

McCOWN: Solomon and the Shulamite 119 

this eclipse of the divine favour; while Asmodaeus plays quite a different 
roll as a great demon prince, but not the chief of demons. Beelze- 
boul, as in the New Testament, is apxo)v Travrinv twv ^aijxovwv. Solomon's 
undue amorousness is ascribed to the incitement of other demons. ^ 
The Testament, therefore, as Kohler in the Jewish JEncyclopedia says,- 
represents pre-Talmudic demonology and also a pre-Talmudic stand- 
point in the development of the Solomonic legend. 

In one direction, however, it exhibits a development beyond pre- 
Talmudic times and this is the second point of interest in that 
it ascribes Solomon's fall to "the Shunamite." Who can this Shuna- 
mite be and where does that legend attach itself to the biblical 
accounts of Solomon? 

Two Shunamites appear in the Hebrew Scriptures, (1) Abishag 
the Shunamite of 1 Kings, the most beautiful maiden in all David's 
domains, and (2) the friend of Elisha in 2 Kings 4 36; there is in 
the third place the Shulamite of the Song of Songs. The friend of 
Elisha is out of the question and the writer of the Testament must 
have in mind one of the two others, either Abishag or the Shulamite 
of the Song of Songs, as the cause of the king's sin and fall. 
Differences in the form of the name do not enter into the question. 
According to all our trustworthy sources, there was in antiquity one 
Sunem, which is to be identified with the modern Solem or Sulem, 
a short distance east of El Fuleh at the foot of Jebel ed-Duhy, or 
Little Hermon.3 Eusebius and Jerome both locate it quite explicitly 
in this same spot.^ They also derive Elisha's benefactress from 
Sanim in Akrabattine, nine milestones east of Sebaste, but this is 
evidently due to a mistaken desire to account for some of the 
variations of spelling. Such a location is extremely unlikely, for it 
is in a desolate region off the line of Elisha's usual movements,^ 
and the derivation is phonetically impossible. On the other hand the 

1 HXdvi], Test. Sol. c. viii 9, Ka/cio-rT?, c. viii 11. It is to be noted that the Hol- 
kham Hall MS, usually the more original, with the Jerusalem MS after ascribing 
Solomon's death to the demons, quite inconsistently allows him to die in peace 
in his palace. This conclusion of the Testament in apparently original. 

2 Vol. IV, p. 518. 

3 Conder and Kitchener, Survey of Western Palestine, Mem. II 87. 
* Lagarde, Onomast. sacra 294 56 f. , 152 16. 

5 Robinson, Biblical Researches, Boston 1874, vol. II, pp. 324 f. , Lagarde, 
op. cit. 29586, 15318, and 8728, 21464. 

120 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

various forms of tlie word, Zovfiavlres and "EowaixLTis in the Testament, 

n^tp^^l^, Soi/zaverrts, 2ov/xav'iT);s in the Book of Kings, rr'tebliy, SovAa/xiTts, 

2ou/xumTts in the Song of Songs, and ^ovXafSms in some of the Fathers i 
are all derived by natural phonetic changes or possibly sometimes 
by scribal error from DJIU^, now Solam, which appears in the Septu- 
agint manuscripts as 2w/xav, StWa/^, "Ziwixa/x. 

Has our tradition Abishag the Shunamite of 1 Kings or the Shu- 
laraite of the Song of Songs in mind? Abishag was the unwitting 
cause of the death of Adonijah, according to the account in the 
Book of Kings and it would seem to be implied that Solomon took 
her to wife. But she was already in the royal harem before Solomon 
come to the throne and she is almost certainly an Israelite, not a 
worshipper of Raphan and Moloch. It seems impossible to suppose 
that any legend could fasten upon her as the cause of Solomon's fall 
into idolatry. The role she plays is quite different. 

As has been suggested by Budde and those who accept his inter- 
pretation of the Song of Songs as a cycle of marriage songs such as 
are still sung in this land, the fame of the beauty of Abishag the 
Shunamite, coupled with the romance of Adonijah's love for her and 
his death on that account, persisted down through the centuries and 
led to her being taken as the unapproachable type of womanly 
beauty just as Solomon became the paragon of manly excellence and 
glory. She therefore appears in the Song of Songs as bride, while 
Solomon is the bridegroom. Shunamite stands, then, for the most 
beautiful woman in the world.'- 

When, in the Testament, Solomon says, "Give me this Shunamite," 
he means, 'Give me this most beautiful woman.' The story in the 
Testament becomes, then, a confirmation of Budde's theory, an exam- 
ple of the usage he claims for the Song of Songs, which is otherwise, 
I think, without parallel. This far one can go without hesitation. 

It is possible that this brief sentence in the Testament witnesses 
to an interpretation of the Song of Songs which was held by those 
who opposed its admission into the Canon of the Hebrew Scriptures. 
It is well known that it was only because the Song was interpreted 
allegorically of the love of God for his people that the book was 

1 For example, Migne, Patrol. Graeca 17, 280, from a Vatican Catena. 

2 See the commentaries of Siegfried (Eandkommentar) and Budde, (Kurzer 
Sandkommentar), ad Cant. 7 i. 

McCOWN: Solomon and the Shulamite 121 

finally given the iwi'primatur of the rabbinical councils, i This same 
interpretation, usually altered to make Solomon a representative of 
Christ and the beloved maiden a type of the Church, was then adopted 
by the Christian exegetes and has persisted until the present. 

Both the Song of Songs and the Testament of Solomon are more 
easily understood, however, if we may suppose that there was current 
a legend or cycle of legends describing Solomon's love affairs. One 
may be justified in supposing that some of the unintelligible allusions 
in the Song of Songs would be explained if we had these legends 
before us and that others may possibly be due to the excision or 
modification of allusions which were unacceptable to a rigid monotheism. 
If this may seem to be going too far, it at least is within the range 
of probability that the Testament reflects an interpretation of the Song 
of Solomon which took it to describe his OrjXvfiavia and regarded the 
maiden whose ravishing beauty is so sensuously described as the 
cause of his downfall. Such a conception of the book was naturally 
repressed by the constituted authorities and could be preserved only 
in books like the Testament, which never received ecclesiastical 
approval but circulated among the less instructed along by and for- 
bidden paths. 

See Siegfried, op. cit, p. 18S. Budde, op. cit, p. IX f. 



(SEWANEE, [TENN., U. S. A.]) 

WHAT I have to say needs, in order to make it intelligible, to 
be prefaced by a brief statement of the origin and composition 
of the Psalter as I understand it. 

Psalms 3 41 were the first Psalm book of the Jerusalem Temple. 
Psalms 51 71 were in origin the Psalm book of the great Israelite 
temple at Shechem, the lineal ancestor of the Samaritan temple on 
Mt. Gerizim, as the original Deuteronomy was the law book of that 
temple. With the destruction of Samaria and the kingdom of Israel 
in the last quarter of the 8*^ century these writings were transported 
to Jerusalem and were instrumental in producing first the renaissance, 
then the reformation there, precisely as the transportation of scholars 
and books from the East to the West brought about first the Re- 
naissance, then the Reformation in central and western Europe after 
the fall of Constantinople in 1453 A. D. Out of the original Shechem- 
ite Deuteronomy was developed the Judaean law book, Deuteronomy, 
and out of the Shechemite Psalter a second Davidic Psalter, i. e. 
Psalter of the Jerusalem temple, which, I take it, is the meaning of 
the Psalm title "of David." These two Davidic Psalters were formed 
into one whole, framed by two new hymns. Psalms 2 and 72, and the 
double collection thus formed was entitled "Prayers of David Son of 
Jesse," so that the colophon at the close of Psalm 72 reads "The 
Prayers of David son of Jesse are ended." 

To this Jerusalem Psalter were added, but not incorporated in it. 
Psalms from the temple at Dan, and Psalms from the Temple at 
Bethel, the Psalms of the sons of Korah and the Psalms of Asaph, 
4249, 50 and 7383, and 8489. (By an early dislocation a part 
of these Psalms, 42 50, was inserted between the two parts of the 
great Davidic Psalter.) These Psalms, 289 (Psalm 1 is of later 

PETEES: Notes of Locality in the Psalter 123 

origin, a preface to the entire Psalter), constituted the Psalter of the 
pre-exilic period, the first three books of our present Psalter; later 
subjected, like the legal and prophetic books, to considerable editing^ 

Post-exilic psalmody is very different in character. Among other 
things, while the Psalms of the pre-exilic Psalter were regularly single, 
one Psalm constituting a liturgy, in the post-exilic period liturgies 
were framed consisting of a number of Psalms. This was due to the 
new requirements of Temple worship. The Temple at Jerusalem had 
become the one centre of worship for Jews not only in Judaea but 
throughout the world. The number of worshippers assembling at Jer- 
usalem for the great feasts was enormous and the number of sacri- 
fices offered at these feasts was proportional. The liturgies to be used 
on such occasions had to be increased accordingly, and so the new 
liturgies of that period are in general groups of Psalms, five or more 
in number, sometimes indicated as such by the title prefixed to the 
first Psalm of the group only. The first of these groups is the Prayer 
of Moses, 9099, like the commandments of Moses a decalogue, 
divided into two pentads. Like the Korah and Asaph Psalms this 
liturgical group retained an identity of its own as to title, not being 
designated as "of David," i. e. stamped with the hall mark of the 
Jerusalem temple. Psalms 103 107, headed "of David," constitute 
a liturgy of five Psalms very clearly marked for use at one of the 
great pilgrim feasts. Psalms 111 118 constitute the hallel, and were 
evidently brought together to form one liturgy. Similarly 145 150 
constitute one liturgy; or perhaps better 146 150 constitute the 
liturgy, in five parts, [prefaced by a sort of introduction, 145. We 
have also two collections and one very long acrostic in the latter books, 
which were often, if not generally used together, viz. that great acrostic 
praise of the Law, Psalm 119, consisting of twin ty- two Psalms of eight 
verses each; the Songs of Degrees, 120 134, a collection primarily 
of pilgrim songs, composed for and sung by pilgrims from Babylonia 
to Jerusalem; and the little Davidic Psalter, 138 144. Incidentally 
it may be added that at the time of the Chronicler the Psalter ended 
with Psalm 134, the close of the Songs of Degrees. Later there 
was a sort of gleaning which gathered in among other things- this 
little collection of old hymns, Psalms 138 144. 

Some of these collections have very strongly marked notes of 
locality. This is peculiarly true of the Psalms of the sons of Korah, 

124 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

i. e. The Psalms of Dan, as I tried to point out in a former paper. ^ 
The first Davidic Psalter has also a marked individuality in this 
regard. To a very considerable extent it is a collection of battle 
liturgies, belonging to the militant period of Judaean history. It 
must be remembered that ancient Jerusalem was a very strong, al- 
most impregnable fortress. It was largely for this reason that David 
chose it as his capital. Its reputation as an impregnable stronghold 
at that time is shown by the mocking reply of the Jebusites, when 
he called upon them to surrender, that "the blind and the lame'" 
could defend their fortress against him (2 Sam. 5, 6). That fortress 
lay on a narrow ridge of rock with almost precipitous sides, provided 
with a sufficient supply of living water from the Mary fountain by 
means of a tunnel and a shaft, through the failure of the Jebusites 
to guard which David won the city. He and his successors enlarged 
and strengthened the city, which became a series of strongholds, one 
of which was the Temple. Most ancient temples w^ere also strong- 
holds, but this was peculiarly true of the Zion of Jerusalem. Reso- 
lutely defended it was impregnable. The country might be overrun 
and devastated, but Zion and David's city could hold out indefinitely. 
The Temple safe, the invader could not maintain himself. Unable 
to obtain water he would soon be compelled to withdraw. So in 
Hezekiah's time Sennacherib's great army, although it overran and 
devastated the land, was obliged to retire from Jerusalem. Hence 
it was that the inviolability of the Temple, protected by the presence 
of Yahweh, became a doctrine, as in the prophecies of Isaiah. The 
invincibility of Zion and of Yahweh were identified, and trust in 
Zion and trust in Yahweh became one. These peculiar local condi- 
tions are reflected in a number of Psalms of the first Jerusalem 
Psalter, as 7, 11, 12, 14, 17, 27, 28, 30, 31, 32. Several of these are 
in fact siege Psalms, liturgies designed to be used in the Temple to 
obtain divine help when the country was overrun and the city 
threatened or beleaguered. The opening verse of Psalm 11, designated 
by its caption "In the Lord have I trusted," is: 

How say ye to me : 

Flee to your hill like a bird? 
which is very much what Sennacherib in his inscription's says of the 
Jews shut up by him in Jerusalem. 

See Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society, Vol. 1, p. 36. 

PETERS: Notes of Locality in the Psalter 125 

Psalm 27 pictures vividly the conditions of siege in Jerusalem, 
with Yahweh as the invincible fortress who shall defend His people: 

The Lord my light and my salvation, whom have I to fear? 
The Lord the fortress of my life, whom have I to dread? 

When the wicked pressed upon me to eat me up, 
My foemen and mine enemies, they stumbled and fell. 
Though there camp an host against me, my heart feareth not; 
Though there rise up war against me, I still will trust. 

One thing I have asked of the Lord, this I entreat: 

To dwell in the house of the Lord all the days of my life. 

To gaze upon the beauty of the Lord, and inquire in His Temple; 

For He hideth me in His covert in the days of trouble, 

In His secret tent He covereth me, He setteth me on a rock. 

And now mine head is lifted above mine enemies around me, 
And I would offer in His tent offerings with a shout, 
I would sing and make music to the Lord. 

Imagine that being sung in the Temple in proud confidence of 
deliverance by the strength of Yahweh and His stronghold from the 
foes that rage in vain below the walls! 
Note how in Ps. 28 8 Yahweh is called: 

The strength of His people, 

And the stronghold of the victories of His anointed. 

In Ps. 30 we have: 

Thou, Lord, of Thy goodness hast made my hill so strong. 

In Ps. 31 the appeal is for rescue "from the hands of my foes and 
from my pursuers", and the suppliant king is made to say: 

Be to me a strong rock, 

A house of defence to save me; 

For my crag and my defence art Thou; 

and then, in the Thanksgiving with which the Psalm closes: 

Blessed be the Lord, for marvellous His love to me in a strong city. 
And I I said in mine alarm: I am cut off from before Thee,. 

It ends with the confident cry: 

Be strong and let your heart be brave. 
All ye who wait upon the Lord. 

In Psalm 32 the invasion is described as a flood of great waters, 
the same figure used of the Assyrian invasion in Is. 8 7ff. 

126 Jounial of the Palestine Oriental Society 

Therefore all the godly pray to Thee at the time of acceptance (of sacrifice) ; 
In the flood the great waters do not come nigh him. 
Thou art my hiding place, from trouble Thou guardest me; 
' God of my song deliver me from them that surround me ; 

with the triumph cry of deliverance at the close: 

Great plagues befall the godless; 
Who trusteth in the Lord mercy surroundeth him. 
Be glad in the Lord, and exult, ye righteous. 
Shout merrily all ye upright of heart. 

One may well imagine this to have been a liturgy used at the 
time of the great deliverance under Hezekiah. 

But not only in these siege Psalms do we find this note of confidence 
in the great strength of Yahweh in His Zion fortress; it appears 
also in such Temple hymns as 5 and 23, and is a characteristic 
feature of this Psalm book as a whole, marking it off in local refer- 
ence from all other collections in the Psalter, 

The Asaph Psalms 50, 73 83, are characterised as Israelitic by 
the use of Elohim instead of Yahweh. The repeated use of Joseph, 
Ephraim and Manasseh indicates a Samaritan origin. To these tribal 
names is added in Psalm 80 Benjamin, suggesting Bethel as that 
Samaritan shrine which by its proximity had a relation to Benjamin 
as well as Ephraim and Manasseh, a relation brought out in the 
strange story of the war with Benjamin in Jud. 20 21, where, incident- 
ally, the Ark is mentioned as housed there (cf. Jud. 20 2528, 21 
24, 19). The relation of these Psalms to Bethel is further con- 
firmed by the frequent use in them of the title God of Jacob, and of 
El as the designation of the Divinity, a designation never used in the 
kindred collection of the Sons of Korah, from the temple of Dan, 
and rarely elsewhere. Further confirmation of their Bethel origin is 
found in their fondness for entitling God a rock or stone. Now 
Bethel was a great nature shrine connected primarily with stone or 
rock worship. Its sanctity was derived originally from a striking 
natural phenomenon, a field of huge stone pillars, the result of erosion. 
These stood on a sort of shelf above the village of Beitin northward. 
They looked like gigantic heaps of memorial or testimony, stones piled one 
on top of another as a memorial or testimony to God or some saint, 
such as one sees all over Palestine and Syria. Only the stone heaps at 
Bethel were colossal, produced by natural causes, such as no ordinary 
man could erect. Hence they were attributed to the mighty ancestor, 
Jacob (cf. Gen 28 1022). Above this stone field the hill rises to a 

PETERS: Notes of Locality in the Psalter 127 

crest or ridge, which separates the more plateau like mountain in the 
south from the broken mountain country northward. This crest gains 
from its position, as one approaches from the south, an effect of height 
quite out of proportion to its actual elevation, everything seeming to 
ascend to it from far south of Jerusalem northward. This crest, rising just 
above Jacob's pillars, was the "ladder" (ubD), fa word properly meaning 
promontory, like the famous "ladder of Tyre" on the Phoenician coast,) 
which Jacob saw connecting earth and heaven. When the Israel- 
ites conquered the country they took over both Jacob and his ancient 
shrine, identifying Jacob with Israel, and converting Luz into Bethel. 

I have described this site as I knew it before the war. During 
the war a road was run through the field of stone pillars, and the 
pillars themselves were broken up to make macadam. The road and 
the line of approach have altered also the effect formerly produced 
by the ridge itself. If one will look, however, from some such point 
as Nebi Samwil the Bethel ridge still appears as a crest to which 
all the land southward seems to rise, as it were a ladder heavenward. 

The Shechem Psalm book (51 71) does not contain such marked 
local references as the three collections already noticed. Its connection 
with Shechem is determined mainly by other considerations. Ps. 60, 
however, contains a clear note of Shechemite origin: 

Exulting I divide Shechem, 
And mete out the valley of Succoth; 
Mine is Gilead and mine Manasseh, 
And Ephraim the defence of my head. 

The verse in Ps. 68. "It snoweth in Zaimon" would also seem to 
indicate the neighborhood of Shechem (cf. Jud. 9 48); and the beaut- 
iful description of the harvest in Ps. 65 would best fit that region-. 

Thou didst visit the land and water it, 

Greatly Thou enrichest it 

(God's river is full of water); 

Thou preparest their corn. 

Eor thus Thou preparest it, 

Her furrows watering, her ridges smoothing. 

With showers Thou softenest her, her sprouting Thou blessest. 

Thou hast crowned the year with Thy goodness, 

And Thy chariot wheels drop fatness. 

AVilderness pastures run over, 

And the hills are girt with joy. 

The meadows are clad with flocks, 

And the valleys clothed with grain. 

128 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

In a similar direction point such phrases as."Witli marrow and fat- 
ness I am sated,"' in Ps. 53 (cf. the blessing of Joseph in Deut. 32). 
The local references in the post-exilic Psalter are quite different 
from those in the early books and deal chiefly with the pilgrims and 
the pilgrimages, showing incidentally also a larger connection with 
the outside world, including regions beyond the sea (cf. 107). Most 
vivid and most appealing to me are the references in the pilgrim 
hymn book or Songs of Ascent (120 134). I learned especially to 
know and love these when four times I made the pilgrim journey 
from Babylonia to Palestine, experiencing what those pilgrims experien- 
ced. Let me take a few of those Psalms to illustrate, and first Ps. 120. 

Unto the Lord in my distress I called, and He answered me. 

Lord, deliver me from the lying lip, from the deceitful tongue. 

What shall be given thee, and what be done more to thee, deceitful tongue? 

Arrows of the warrior sharpened with coals of broom? 

Woe is me that I journeyed through Meshech, abode among the tents of Kedarl 

Long time I dwelt with the hater of peace. 

When I would speak peace, they were for battle. 

It is the song of the pilgrim thankful for deliverance from the 
perils of the long journey from Babylonia through hostile and barbar- 
ous regions. How that journey was dreaded by peaceful travellers 
in the old time can be read in the book of Ezra (8 2123). Ap- 
prehensive of perils along the route the great caravan halted at Hit. 
Anxious to show their trust in the Lord they would not ask for 
military escort; but instead turned to (rod with fasting and suppli- 
cation for protection. That represents the normal condition of 
Euphrates travel, with Meshech on the north and the tents of Kedar 
on the south i treacherous in their dealing with the stranger, with 
lying lips and deceitful tongues, and sharp arrows ready at hand, 
haters of peace, who may return your saldni 'alelkum with a volley. 
So I found the journey in my day: peaceful caravans, in mortal terror 
of the bedouin marauders, seeking to attach themselves to some strong, 
armed or escorted caravan, always apprehensive of attack, alarmed 
at the sight of an Arab encampment, only free from tension when 
the land of the Arab was past. Every one loves Ps. 121: 

I lift up mine eyes to the hills. 
Whence cometh my help? 
My help is from the Lord, 
Maker of heaven and earth. 

PETEES: Notes of Locality in the Psalter 129 

May He not suffer thy foot to be moved! 
He cannot slumber that keepeth thee! 
Behold, the keeper of Israel 
Shall neither slumber nor sleep. 

The Lord is thy keeper, 
The Lord thy shade on thy right hand; 
The sun shall not hurt thee by day, 
Xeither the moon by night. 

The Lord keep thee from all evil! 

He will keep thy life.. 

The Lord keep thy coming and thy going 

Henceforth and for ever! 

The relief and joy at the sight of the hills on this journey appeal 
to all who have made it. What must it have meant to those Jewish 
pilgrims! Danger past, the goal of the weary journey almost in sight, 
among those hills the holy city, the desire of their heart, the abode 
of their God, the source of their salvation! How vv. 3 8 quiver 
with the life of the march, the watch at night who falls asleep, the 
sun of midday with intolerable heat, and the bitter, bitter cold of 
the night when the moon seems to exude frigidity! Yahweh, Israel's 
unsleeping night watch, and his shelter from both heat and cold, to 
guard him against all the terrors and ills of the pilgrimage, to 
bring him safe to Jerusalem, and safe back again to his Babylonian 

Psalm 122 pictures the gathering of the pilgrims for the journey: 

Glad was I when they said to me, 
To the house of the Lord let us go. 

Psalm 123 is the cry of the Jew of the Captivity, despised, fed 
on contumely by those whom he in his heart despises, appealing to 
God for pity on this occasion of his visit to Jerusalem, and pro- 
claiming his fealty to Him in a language borrowed from the servile 
submission exacted of him in Babylonia. 

To Thee lift I up mine eyes, Thou that dwellest in heaven. 

Behold, as the eyes of slaves to the hand of their masters, 

As the eyes of a maid to the hand of her mistress, 

So our eyes are upon the Lord our God until He do pity us. 

Pity us, Lord, pityus! for we have been filled full with contempt; 

Fully have we been filled with the mocking of the arrogant, 

The contempt of the insolent. 


130 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

And how beautifully Ps. 125 presents that vision of the holy city 
-svhich met the pilgrim's gaze at his journey's end: Mt. Zion, immov- 
able, abiding ever, Jerusalem engirdled with hills. 

The Songs of Ascent are folk songs, of which we have also two 
specimens in the gleanings at the close of the Psalter: one in 
Psalm 137, "By the rivers of Babylon," and the other, which has 
been generally overlooked, in Ps. 144. I have said that the little 
Davidic Psalter, 138144, is ancient in origin. It was passed down 
unofficially for a long period, and as a result the text of this collec- 
tion is in worse shape than that of any other part of the Psalter. 
The best evidence of both these statements is furnished by the closing 
Psalm of the collection, 144, This is a composite Psalm, the first 
part, vv. 1 11, based primarily on the great Davidic Psalm of 
victory, 18, but with many additions and modifications; the second 
part, 12 14 (15 is the closing benediction), an ancient folk song of 
a very peculiar metre, of which there is but one other instance in 
Hebrew literature, viz. Is. 3 1823, a Jerusalem street song, a Spottlied 
in mockery of female fashions, which Isaiah made the text of a sermon 
against the luxury of women. 

That passage reads as follows: 










]xn ^sii nivnun 


t^Bin ^nni 







( ) 



These verses consist of a string of nouns, the names of articles of 
female dress and adornment, so strung together that we have in the 
three lines of the first verse three masculine plurals in im, three 
feminine plurals in oth, and two masculine plurals with a feminine 
between. In the third verse this arrangement is precisely reversed. 
(The last word of the last line has been lost.) These two verses 
are separated by a verse of one line, commencing and ending with 
construct plurals, between which we have one masculine and one 

PETERS: Notes of Locality in the Psalter 131 

Vv. 12 14 of Ps. 144, as they have come down to us, read: 

hyn n^inn nntDno n-^HD li^niin 

As it stands the passage is quite unintelligible. By very slight 
transpositions and changes, indicated by the poetic form, and 
dropping the relative, "ItJ'N, whicli now connects this part of the 
Psalm with the preceding, we obtain a very intelligible poem of 
the same general form as that in Isaiah. 

( ) n^p^so D^'7D irito 

"irnnmn ( ) n^^:iD ii^Di^ 

This would translate: 

Our sons like plants waxed great in their youth, 
Our daughters comely, gaily clad in their homes. 
Our garners full, overflowing (from base to eave), 
No breakage, no leakage, no looting. 
Our flocks in thousands, in myriads in our fields, 
Our oxen (stalwart), heavy burdened in our streets. 

I have made, as will be seen, a slight change in the last word of 
the second line, following the suggestion of the last word of the line 
preceding. I have not been able to conjecture what lies behind the 
unintelligible conglomeration of letters at the close of e. 3, to which 
I have given a sense rendering in English, from hase to eave. I have 
resolved line 6, obtaining from it line 4 and the last word of line 6. 
One word is lacking in 6, which must evidently have meant some- 
thing like stahvart. 





IN poetry and oratory it is a normal thing to adopt some device 
to gain the attention of the hearer, to secure his interest, and, 
sometimes, to surprise him. Anything unexpected or out of the way 
which makes the hearer (or reader) think and puzzle out the meaning, 
serves both to attract him and to secure his co-operation. Such a 
device is the elli]psis where the orator or poet purposely leaves an 
expression incomplete, sure that the hearer will himself complete 
the idea in his own mind. The speaker stops short for a moment 
until the hearer discovers his intention, and then goes on with his 
discourse. This gives a certain piquancy to the narrative. In modern 
punctuation this device is indicated by a row of dots .... The device 
is found amongst the Arabs and, by writers on rhetoric (g^^x^i), it 
is known as *li.x^M\, that is to say, the poet is content with giving 
part only of what he has to say, relying on the hearer to discover 
and complete for himself what is lacking. We find the same use in 
the Bible, especially in the latter part of Isaiah, chapters 40 66. 
It occurs in various forms; and by having this usage in mind we 
are able to explain correctly various passages where the interpretation 
would otherwise be difficult or forced. 

In the Bible, as in all literature, we are accustomed to figurative 
expressions embodying the idea of extremes, whether of height, time 
or place, usually in the form '^from something unto something else." 
Of this type are from the least to the greatest (Jer. 6 is; 31 34), from 
the youngest to the eldest (Est. 3 is; Gen. 19 4), from everlasting to 

YELLIN: The use of ellipsis in "Second Isaiah" 133 

everlasting (Ps. 92 2; 103 17), Jrom the rising of the sun to the going 
down thereof (M.2ii 1 11), from the one end of the heavens to the other 
(Deut. 4 32), from one end of the earth to the other (Deut. 13 8; Jer. 
25 33), and the like. 

In such passages the writers in "Second Isaiah'" are at times 
content to introduce but one half of the sentence, relying on the 
hearer himself to complete the thought in accordance with the pro- 
phet's intention. 

1. In Is. 40 26 the Prophet describing the greatness of God says: 
Lift up your eyes and see, who hath created these? Who hrings out 
their host hy nimiber; to them all he calls hy name; f"'K1 D"'i1 2"1D 

*TTVi ^ ty^ riD from the great in poiuer and mighty in strength 

not a man is lacking. 

Commentators are hard put to it to explain the latter section. 
Duhm interprets: "In the presence of God, who is great in power 
and mighty in strength, not even one of them is lacking" but he 
feels the difficulty in the expression ]0 *nv^ and is hard pressed to 
prove its possibility. 

Even more difficult is the explanation ^^hecatise of the greatness 
of God's power and the power of his might, not a man of them is 
lacking". It is not easy to bring this idea into the words D'^i'iK DID 
no pOKI in the absence of the pronoun referring to God (ins, VilN). 

It is better to regard the words HD ^"'DSI D^ilW DID as referring 
to the stars with which the writer is dealing throughout the entire 
section. Then the meaning will be: "Lift up your eyes to the heavens 
and see. Who created all the myriads of stars? Behold this is God 
who brings them out by number, one by one, like soldiers attending 
a roll-call. He recognises everyone of them and summons him forth 
by name and all answer to their call; from the strongest (D'^ilN D"10 
rtD y^i^,)) . . . (here the listener completes the sense even to the weakest) 
not one is missing." 

The Prophet intentionally interrupts himself while mentioning the 
strong, leaving the completion, "even to the weakest," to the imagi- 
nation of his hearer. In dilating on the majesty of God he refers 
in his comparison only to the strongest among the stars. 

2. Is. 44 7: And who as I can proclaim [i. e. future events before 
they come to pass]? Let him declare it and set it in order before 
me, ub))) Dy ''12)U^ since L appointed the ancient people . . . 

134 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

Here the s])eaker abbreviates and the listener realises that he 
must add ntn DVn nyi even to this day. The meaning is: "Who of 
all created beings, from the time that I created the people of old 
till the ^present day, who of them can proclaim beforehand the 
things that will come to pass?" Or, the meaning may be: "Who 
like me can proclaim from the beginning the future things that will 
befall, from the time that I appointed an ancient nation to the 
end of time?" 

3. Still more elliptical is Is. 43 i3: Yea, since the day . . . I am 
he. This corresponds to the passage (44 6) I am the first and I am 
the last. The full phrase would be: Yea, since the first day until 
eternity I am he. 

4. 42 10: Siny to the Lord a neiv song; Ids praise f"lNn n^p^ from 
(one) end of the earth . . . and here the hearer is left to continue 
the thought pKH HiJp i;? even to the other end of the earth. 

5. Similarly in 56 ii: They all turn to their own way, each to his 
own gain; "inspD from the one extreme of them . . . where the idea 
to be understood is: All of them, from the one extreme to the other 
(i. e. without any exception) turn every man to his own way and to his 
own private profit, and not one attends to the sheep of his pasture. 


Another form of ellipsis in these chapters is the omission of one 
of two opposing expressions, where the speaker relies on the hearer 
to grasp his intention by understanding the opposition which is in 
the speaker's mind. 

6. Is. 49 17: Thy children (or, according to one Hebrew codex and 
Vulgate, supported by LXX, "J'^iU Thy builders) make haste ...... 

thy destroyers and they that made thee waste shall go forth from thee. 
The verb shall go forth implies that the missing word is its opposite 
shall come in. Then the completed expression would be: "Thy children 
(or, better, thy builders) hasten to come in] while, on the contrary, 
thy destroyers and they that made thee waste shall go forth from 

7. Is. 49 19: For thy ivaste and thy desolate places, and thy land 
that hath been destroyed here the reader or hearer has to supply 

YELLIN: The use of ellipsis in "Second Isaiah" 135 

some such expression as shall he built wp\ yet notwithstanding this, 
the Prophet continues: ^tJ^VD "*"l3n tJiou shalt be too strait for the 


Again, this elliptical device omits odd words or whole phrases, 
the speaker supposing that the hearer will understand by the help 
of the context. Bearing this in mind we can better explain the two 
following passages, the first of which, especially, is otherwise very 

8. Is. 41 2: (speaking of the victorious advance of Cyrus) IsyD ]n'' 
intyp ^li typD U"in He makes his sword as dust, his boiu as driven 

To compare the sword to dust gives no sense; while to compare 
the bow to driven stubble, when in the act of praising the deeds of 
the conqueror, gives even less. The present writer believes that 
before 1i"in his sivord, and int^p his boiv, certain words are intention- 
ally omitted and left to the imagination of the reader; e.g. he makes 
like dust mn ''^^n those slain by his sword; like driven stubble 
intyp ''ta^^S those who flee from his bow. And immediately after, he 
says of these: SDHT hepursueth them. Thus the sense of the passage 
will be: "Those slain by his sword are as countless as the dust of 
the earth, and those who escape from his bow are as feeble as stubble 
blown by the wind." 

9. Is. .51 13: And thou fearest all the day because of the fury of 
the op;pressor when he makes ready .... to destroy. After piD make 
ready, some such word as injyp his bow is lacking. Cf. Ps. 7 is. 

10. Is. 65 15: The Prophet speaks of those who forsake God who 
shall all bow down to the slaughter (v. 12), and he goes on to say: 
and ye shall leave your name for a curse unto mine elect: the Lord 
God shall slay thee: and he shall call his servants by another name. 

What is the meaning of The Lord God shall slay thee? Here we 
have only the beginning of the form of curse. When God's elect 
shall wish to curse anyone, they will say: May the Lord God slay 
thee .... and the reader is expected to continue in his own mind 
as he slew these men, if ye do, or do not do, this particular thing. 

In Jer. 29 22 we find a precise parallel to this: And of them shall 
be taken up a curse by all the captivity ofJudah that are in Babylon, 

1 36 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

saijing, The Lord make thee like Zedekiah, and like Alt ah, whom the 
king of Bahi/lon roasted in the fire. Here we get the complete curse 
formula with the word "!'? saging before it, which the writer in 
Isaiah, in accordance with his elliptical style, has omitted. 


Sometimes the ellipsis takes the form of omitting words which are 
similar in sound to a neighbour in the sentence: 

11. Is. 65 5: After speaking of the rebellious people that walk in a 
u-ag that is not good (v. 2) it goes on to say ''SN2 py n'?^ these are 
smoke in mg nostrils, a fire that hurneth all the dag. Here the 
meaning is: n^S b}} because of these, n'?iy goeth up smoke in mg 
nostrils, and afire that hurneth all the dag. The two words b); and 
n'piy are omitted owing to their similarity in sound to n'? these. 

12. Is. 41 4: WJio hath performed ayid done it E'^ID nnnn "iip 
proclaiming .... tlie generations from the heginning. After "l1p 
proclaiming, niTip events, occurrences is required: "proclaiming what 
has befallen and will befall the generations from the beginning of 
time." And the meaning of the whole verse is: "Who hath performed 
and done all the things described in the preceding verses [the deeds 
of Cyrus]? Who is he that proclaimeth and declareth from the 
beginning all the fortunes of the generations before their coming to 
pass? I, the Lord." 

13. Is. 44 12: T^'^t^ "rtin ty"in This is simply: The worker in iron, an 
axe, where the meaning demands the addition of a similar sounding 
word : isyis [7WV] '^"''^ ^^^^ ^in The worker in iron worked an axe. 

14. Is. 44 12: Yea he is hungrg n3 ]"'"! The preposition and pronoun 
'h to him is necessary, and his strength failetJi, but it is omitted 
owing to the similar sounding nV not which follows: ^)}^^) D''D nntJ^ sb 
he drinketh not water and is faint. 


Besides all that has been said above of the omission of nouns, 
verbs, and whole sentences, we also find in these chapters in various 
places the omission of the works 'h and U required, by the context: 

YELLIN: The use of ellipsis in "Second Isaiali" 


15. Is. 40 15: Behold the nations are as a droio in a bucket, and 
as the dust in the balance UtJTli are they accounted. Here, at the 
end, the word "1^ to him must be added; that is, in his eyes they 
are accounted so. 

16. Is. 44 19: 0^) ninn ^i nyt '?i 

17. Is. 46 6: 0^) Tmnty^ ) HJID^ 

18. Is. 53 2: imami {-b) nsnrs i?h^ 

19. Is. 60 15: nn) "imv rT niityi nnitj; -jnrn nnn 

20. Is. 61 3: (n) -issnn'? m.T j;t3 

21. Is. 47 15: (an) nyr ityx -j"? rn p 

22. Is. 52 11 : (U) |j;jn ^ NOD 

23. Is. 64io: li^nsN (U) ^^^'?^ itr.s unissm litrnp n^n. 


F.-M. ABEL 0. P. 


IES traditions secondaires qui sont venues se greffer au sanctuaire 
i de la sepulture des Patriarches a Hebron, telles que la deposition 
dAdam et d'Eve, le transfert des ossements de Joseph et des autres 
fils de Jacob n'ont jamais ete que des satellites autour de la memoire 
du grand ancetre, Abraham qui a fini par donner son nom a la ville 
d'Hebron, apres I'avoir attiree aupres de son tombeau. Ainsi fera 
Lazare a Betbanie, lorsque son tombeau ou Lazarium aura groupe 
a son ombre les demeures de I'ancien village pour former la moderne 

Encore fallait-il quAbraham jouit parmi ses descendants d'une 
primaute telle que la sepulture commune fut designee par son nom. 
Sa predominance incontestee s'affirme par le fait du vocable d! Abramium 
ou Ahrahamium confere au sanctuaire d'Hebron, ^ et qui suppose le 
grec 'Aftpd/jLiov retrouve d'ailleurs dans une inscription du Haram-el- 
Khalil, vocable forme sur le theme courant des derives designant 
soit un tombeau {Herodium, Lazarium), soit un temple (Tychaion, 
Marneion), soit une forteresse nommee d'apres son fondateur 
{Alexandrium, Hyrcanium). 

Ahramium s'imposait d'autant plus dans la circonstance qu'il com- 
prenait ici non seulement la sepulture dAbraham et son sanctuaire, 
mais aussi la residence et la citadelle en quelque sorte du Patriarche 
et de ses descendants, d'apres un developpement de la tradition 
clairement indique par le Livfe des Jubiles et dont saint Jerome 
lui-meme se fait le temoin. 

On trouve ce nom employe par les ante urs latins, Jerome, Augustin, Eugip- 
l^ius, Pseudo-Eucher, Pierre Gomestor etc. 

ABEL: La maison d'Abraham a Hebron 139 

* II fut un temps on Mambre parut perdre son autonomie pour se 
fondre avec Hebron en vertu d'une etroite comprehension de I'ex- 
pression Macpelah en face de Mambrew, vu qu'en realite Macpelah 
se trouvait en face d'Hebron. ' En fait, une Mambre distincte d'Hebron 
ne disparut jamais, puisque le Livre des Jubiles mentionne encore le 
premier sejour d'Abraham dans la montagne hebronienne au chene 
de Mambre qui est pres d'Hebron conformement a la tradition lo- 
cale enregistree par Josephe (Antiq. Jud., I, 10 4). Mais au second 
sejour qui debute par la mort de Sarah, la situation n'est plus la 
meme: Abraham vient camper en face d'Hebron qui est Qiriath- 
Arba', et acquiert le terrain de la caverne double situe vis a vis 
d'Hebron. 2 A nous en tenir a ce document, grotte, champ et lieu 
de campement occupent un meme point du territoire et font a la 
fois I'objet du contrat de vente. Desormais, Abraham habitera sur 
le terrain qu'il a achete a deniers comptants, tout proche, sinon au 
dessus du tombeau de famille. Done au sejour de Mambre a suc- 
cede un sejour a Macpelah. 

Au cours de I'histoire de la descendance d'Abraham, les Jubiles, 
passant sous silence et Mambre et la tente du nomade, ne parlent 
plus que de la maison d'Abraham, de la tour d'Abraham, edifice 
avec portes et appartements. C'est la qu'Isaac prend logement quand 
il vient a Hebron, c'est la que sejournent Jacob et ses fils en visite 
chez Isaac et Rebecca, tandis qu'Esaii vit, loin de ses parents, au 
mont Seir. Par suite de la resignation des droits de I'aine, la tour 
ou maison d'Abraham echoit en heritage a Jacob qui en fait sa 
residence ordinaire. Le but de cette fiction est evidemment de le- 
gitimer les pretentions des Juifs, fils de Jacob, sur le sanctuaire et 
le territoire d'Hebron et de couper court a toute revendication des 
Idumeens, fils d'Esaii. Projetant ensuite a I'epoque patriarcale les 
haines et les luttes des temps hasmoneens, la Petite Genese nous 
fait assister a la campagne des Edomites contre Jacob et ses fils 
installes dans la forteresse d'Abraham. Lorsque les gens d'Hebron 

' Sur cette question, on pourra consulter notre monographie sur Mambre dans 
les Conferences de Saint- Etienne, 190910, p. 145218. 

2 Charles, The Book of Jubilees or the Little Genesis translated from the 
editor's ethiopic text, Oh. XIV, 10; XVI, 1; XIX, 1, 5. 

140 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

vont avertir le pere des Juifs de rarrivee des ennemis, celui-ci est 
en train de celebrer, dans la tour, le deuil de Liah, ce qui n'etait 
point malaise, si I'habitation renfermait la grotte sepulcrale. On 
lerme les portes de la tour et Jacob monte aux creneaux afin de 
parlementer avec Esaii. Celui-ci, persistant dans ses intentions 
hostiles, regoit de son frere une fleche qui I'abat. Aussitot sur les 
quatre cotes de la forteresse, les fils de Jacob operent une sortie a 
la tete de quatre detachements et mettent la coalition en deroute.^ 
Une fois Esaii enseveli sur la colline d'Adora, Jacob revient dans 
sa maison. II n'est pas sans importance de noter ici le changement 
qui fait de la maison d' Abraham la maison de Jacob, et nous permet 
de saisir Tidentite de la domus Jacohi d'Etherie et du castellum 
Aframia de AVillibald.2 

La litterature juive n'a pas manque de broder sur le canevas de 
la mort d'Esaii devant la maison d'Abraham. Bien qu'il eut cede 
a Jacob tons ses droits sur la caverne double, le redoutable Edom 
se trouvait avec ses fils a I'entree de ladite caverne au moment oii 
Ton y apportait la depouille de Jacob, pour s'opposer a I'ensevellisse- 
ment. Une bagarre s'ensuivit au cours de laquelle Khousim, fils de 
Dan, fit sauter d'un coup d'epee la tete d'Esaii qui vint rouler pres 
du tombeau d'Isaac. 3 Ce que Ton retiendra de cette evolution le- 
gendaire, c'est le fondement qu'elle fournit pour etablir une relation 
etroite entre la pretendue residence d'Abraham et la necropole 


II est entendu qu'Abraham n'a rien bati de semblable autour de 
sa caverne, si Ton se tient aux sobres donnees du recit biblique; 
mais, faisant etat du precede qui consiste a composer I'histoire con- 
temporaine avec des noms et des circonstances empruntes a I'anti- 
quite, on pent legitimement se demandes si dans I'esprit de I'auteur 
des JubiUs cette residence ne repondait pas a quelque monument 

1 Ch. XXIX, 19; XXXI, 5; XXXIII, 21; XXXIV, 12. 20; XXXVII et 

2 Le texte d'Etherie conserve par Pierre Diacre decrit ainsi le Haram el-Khalil: 
domtis Jacohi, uhi ecclesia sine tecto constructa est. Geyek, Itin. HierosoL, p. 110. 
Cf. Itin. Hieros. Soc. Or. Lat. I, p. 268. 

3 Charles, The Book of Jubilees, p. 220, note sur XXXVIII, 2 et 3. Josep 
BIN GOKION, Die Sagen der Jtiden, Die XII Stdmme, p. 65, 74, 209. 

ABEL : La maison d'Abraham a Hebron 141 

reel existant a I'epoque des Hasmoneens. Le terme original qui 
designait I'habitation des Patriarches a Macpelah est de nature a 
nous mettre sur la voie. 

Jusqu'ici nous nous sommes contentt'', pour ne pas interrompre 
I'analyse du document par une digression philologique, d'user de la 
traduction ethiopienne repondant a tour ou maison d'Abraham. 
Les fragments latins toutefois emploient constamment I'expression 
Baris Abraham,^ ce qui suppose dans le texte grec dont ils dependent: 
Ba/Dts 'AfSpaafx,. L'original semitique, tres probablement hebreu, devait 
done avoir Btrath- Abraham, liypothese pleinement confirmee par un 
fragment arameen d'une source du "Testament de Levi)> et du Livre 
des JubileS)>. Levi raconte que, parti de Bethel avec Juda, ils vinrent 
loger a la Birath- Abraham Dmnx ni''3n chez leur grand-pere 
Isaac, et c'est manifestement a Hebron d'apres le ^Testament de 
Levi IX, 5.^ 

D'un usage assez repandu a la periode post-exilique, le mot blrah, 
auquel le grec donnait generalement un equivalent dans ySapis, signifiait 
une habitation somptueuse dans le gout perse, mais surtout une 
forteresse, un edifice crenele assez garanti pour offrir, en ces temps 
troubles, une residence, une retraite sure a quelque personnage 
important. 3 Par extension, les Chroniques I'appliquent au palais de 
Dieu, c'est-a-dire a I'ensemble des constructions du Temple de Je- 
rusalem (1 Chron., 29 i i9.) Le caractere a la fois sacre et profane 
de la Blrah d'Hebron, son plan quadrilatere, I'existence de ses portes 
et de ses creneaux, voila ce qui transpire du Livre des Jubiles. 
Regardee comme la residence d'Abraham et la protection du sepulcre 
ancestral, elle est un objet de dispute entre Juifs et Idumeens. Si 
grande que Ton fasse la part de la fantaisie du contour, il est diffi- 
cile de lui refuser tout credit en ce qui concerne la realite de quelque 
construction telle qu'une enceiute sacree autour de la caverne double, 
a I'epoque oii il ecrivait. Quant a pretendre que cette Blrath- 
Abraham soit identique au Haram el-Khalil actuel, nous ne le ferons 
pas, precisement en vertu des analogies que nous presente la Birah 
de Nehemie qui gardait le Temple de Jerusalem du cote du Nord. 
Restauree ou fondee par Nehemie, cette forteresse devint I'objet 

1 EONSCH, Das Bach der Juhilden, p. 52, 66, 74, 

2 Charles, The greek versions of the Testaments of the XllPatr., App. Ill, p. 247. 

3 VoirH.ViNCEXT sur la, Birthd de rAmmonitide dans Bev.Bibl., 1920, p.l89ss. 

] 42 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

de la sollicitude toute particuliere des Hasmoneens au point que 
Josephe leur en attribue I'erection et la denomination de Baris.^ 
Mais elle n'echappa pas, quelle qu'ait ete sa splendeur, aux remanie- 
ments radicaux qu'Herode fit subir aux constructions de la dynastie 
qu'il avait sup])lantee autant pour la faire oublier que pour flatter 
son gofit de Topulence et amadouer ceux des Juifs qui lui etaient 
ojjposes. Le Temple de Jerusalem prit part a ce renouveau archi- 
tectural tandis que I'Antonia supplantait la Birah des Hasmoneens. 
Quoi de plus naturel que le sanctuaire d'Hebron ne fiit point neglige 
dans cette renaissance et que I'indigence des temps macchabeens 
ait dii ceder la encore devant I'execution grandiose du plan herodien? 
L'histoire est muette sans doute sur le role d'flerode dans cette 
affaire; les auteurs juifs n'ont pas voulu probablement exalter I'ldu- 
meen a propos de ce lieu saint qui se presente toujours comme un 
objet de dispute entre Jacob et Edom. Toute obscurite n'a pas ete 
dissipee nou plus par I'examen de la Petite Genese, nous en con- 
venons, mais cette analyse nous donne la clef de plus d'une appellation 
posterieure et de la confusion qui s'est parfois produite sur la loca- 
lisation de la sepulture d'Abraham. Ce groupement de I'habitation 
d'Abraham et de son tombeau a du faire naitre la theorie de la 
sepulture du Patriarche au Terebinthe, le sejour d'Abraham le plus 
fameux et le plus populaire. Quant a la demeure de Macpelab, nous 
en retrouvons les echos a travers les siecles. L'apocryphe grec du 
II siecle, connu sous le titre de Testament dj Abraham distingue la 
maison, otKos, de la tente, 17 a-Krivi], plantee au carrefour de Mambre. 
La maison sainte de Samuel bar Simson (1210) est pour le russe 
Basile (1465) la maison d"Abraham)> identique au Haram el-Khalil. 
tin Grec de 1253 dit qu" Abraham est enseveli au milieu de sa maison 
{koX jxkcrov Tov oikov tov eVat o rac^o? rov). Ecoutons enfin le fameux 
voyageur Pietro della Valle (1616): La maison dAbraham lorsqu'il 
demeuroit en Ebron est proche de la caverne et unie h present au 
Temple dans lequel il n'est pas permis d'entrer. Ici, c'est le fortin 
contigu au Haram qui pretend representer la demeure patriarcale, 
mais en depit de cette legere divergence nous suivons encore la le 
fil de la tradition qui se rattache a VAhramium des Byzantins et a 
la Birath-Ahraham des Ju biles. 

' Nehem., II, 8, Antiq. Jiul, XV, 11, 4; XVIII, 4, 3; Guerre Juive, I, 21, 1. 




THE writer possesses a small hematite amulet, recently found in 
the vicinity of Nablus. It is remarkable in that it is the first 
known specimen of a bilingual amulet inscribed in Greek and 

On the obverse there is the following inscription in Samaritan 
characters '^t'^^Ol ZA^ ')(ttA {]M0'' ^3 ]^) "There is none like the 
God of Jeshurun" (Dt. 33, 36); and on the reverse eiC OeOC 
BOHOIMAPKIANHN "The One God. Help Marcian." 

This piece of hematite appears to have been originally mounted 
in a metal frame intended to be hung round the neck as a 

The characters on the inscriptions appear to be of the 4*^ or 
b^^ century C. E., and the name Marcian recalls the name of Markah 
the great Samaritan theologian. ^ Markah was the son of Amram 
son of Seted who lived in the middle of the 4*^^ century, about the 
time of Baba Rabba the son of the High Priest Nathaniel. Markah 
organised, together with Baba Rabba, the entire Samaritan Liturgy 
and a certain Commentary on the Bible, fragments of which are 
still preserved in the British and Berlin Museums. 

According to the tradition of the Samaritans the name Markah 
is another form of the sacred name Moses; and since no Samaritan 
dares to bear the name of Moslieh which is too sacred for ordinary 
use, Amram called his son Marlmh, replacing the shin of Mosheh 
by resli and qof, (resh and qof being numerically equivalent to 
shin: 200 + 100 = 300). 

See J. A. Montgomery, The Samaritans (Philadelphia, 1907), p. 294. 

144 Journal of tlie Palestine Oriental Society 

A similar bilingual inscription was discovered by Professor 
Clermont Ganneau in 1881 at the ancient Emmaus Nikopolis on a 
column, on one side of which were the Greek characters GIC 
G60C "God is one," and on the other side, in ancient Hebrew 
characters ^/.^o/. Y^W JY_9-^ (n'?"lV^ ^^^ T"^^) "Blessed be 
his name for ever."i 

Archives des Missions Scientifiques et litteraires. Ser. Ill, t. 9, p. 277 321. 



(An address at the Sixth General Meeting l^y the President, 

Professor J. GARSTANG, 

Director of Antiquities, Government of Palestine) 

IN accepting your invitation to the Presidency of the Society in 
this its second year I feel that nothing woukl be more fitting than 
to preface such remarks as I shall make this afternoon by a few 
words about our retiring President. 

Pere Lagrange is the father of this generation of archaeologists 
in Palestine where he founded on the 15*^ November 1890 the "Ecole 
practique d'etudes bibliques" in collaboration with a number of other 
French Dominicans. He was then 35 years of age. His work and 
publications subsequently bore out fully the promise of his previous 
studies in the domain of biblical and oriental archaeology. 

In 1892 he founded the Revue Biblique which he has edited ever 

In 1900 he inaugurated the publication of a collection of Biblical 
studies, including Commentaries, Histories &c. 

In 1902 he published a Commentary on the Book of Judges. 

In 1903 "Studies on Semitic Religions." 

In 1904 a volume on "Historical Method." 

In 1908 "Ancient Crete," 

and more recently a volume on the History of Religions. All this 

in addition to his work on the history and texts of the Sacred Books. 

Pere Lagrange is a Corresponding Member of the Institute of France, 

Honorary member of the Palestine Exploration Fund and of the 

American Oriental Society and other learned bodies. I think that 

the Palestine Oriental Society will do itself honour to make a record 

of the distinguished archaeological and philological career of its first 

President. Above all Pere Lagrange is a candid critic and esteemed 

friend of us all. 



146 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

I turn now to work accomplished in the field of archaeology 
during the past year, and as it will be appropriate to speak also of 
the future w^e may confine our attention for the moment to what 
has happened since the present Government came into being in the 
middle of last year. 

AVithin a few days of his arrival His Excellency the High Com- 
missioner called for proposals with a view to the organisation of a 
Department of Antiquities. There was to be no further question of 
recognising the unique importance and interest of the historical 
monuments and sites of Palestine, a point of view which, together 
with colleagues in Jerusalem and at home, we had not ceased to 
urge upon the British Government since the days when, soon after 
the war was over, I had been called upon to report upon these 
matters to the Foreign Office. 

Now a new spirit charged the atmosphere, and in rapid succession 
the Department was organized, an Archaeological Advisory Board 
was constituted and an Antiquities Ordinance was promulgated. 
These three steps were momentous. A Department of Antiquities 
as an independent feature of Government is almost without precedent. 
His Excellency had recognised that the situation here was not an 
ordinary one. The universal interest in the Holy Land led not only 
to that step but to the natural corollary of an Advisory Board in 
which the interests of the different communities and the societies of 
foreign countries engaged in archaeological pursuits in this country 
are represented. The Board has met frequently, its recommendations 
and decisions have been in all cases unanimous and have been in- 
variably adopted by the Administration. The unity to which the 
Advisory Board has attained while valuable in itself is a real source 
of strength to the young Department. Again, the Antiquities Ordinance 
was based not only upon the collective advice of numerous specialists, 
both archaeological and legal, but embodied the results of experience 
in neighbouring countries, enabling us to modify, as occasion required, 
the provisions that have not worked satisfactorily elsewhere. It is 
not an unfair compliment to the drafter of the Law to say that it 
is generally recognised as a good Law, is hardly more than 
a question of regulations to make it a workable code for the 
protection of the precious monuments and antiquities which are our 
heritage from the past. 

GAKSTANG: The Year's Work 147 

There is one principle whicii is paramount throughout its clauses 
the monuments and antiquities of Palestine belong to Palestine and 
to Palestinians. The interests of this country are maintained and will 
be maintained as the first duty of the Administration and without 
regard at all to the claims of privileged powers or of political influence. 

The second principle is the encouragement of a practical kind 
offered to scientific workers. The days are over when the individual 
could be allowed to turn over ancient sites in search of antiquities 
for their own sake alone. The results of an excavation are to be 
judged not alone by the objects discovered, but more by the in- 
formation as to the circumstances of discovery to be gleaned only 
by most patient method. The relation of an object to its surroundings 
is of far greater importance to history than the object itself. The 
learned professor and the enthusiastic amateur are equally capable 
of doing incalculable damage to historical evidence if untrained in 
archaeological method. Consequently the permits to excavate will be 
issued only to scientific bodies who will guarantee the excavators' 
competence. On the other hand the policy of the Department is to 
facilitate, in every way in which the Government can afford, the task 
of excavators working under these conditions. 

Involved in the operation of the new Law there is the registration 
of historical sites, and the inventories of dealers' stocks and private 
collections. The work is proceeding and in some respects rapid 
progress has been made. We now feel able, and feel it to be 
desirable, to publish an interim list of historical sites which will 
commence to appear shortly in the official gazette, beginning with 
the monuments of Jerusalem. Historical sites or buildings still in 
religious use are excluded from the ordinary application of the Law, 
though special powers are provided to ensure their conservation and 

I have alluded to the policy of preserving in Palestine all the 
best and all the most historical antiquities which the country pro- 
duces; this involves the establishment of a central museum, a task 
which has been entrusted to my colleague Mr. Phythian-Adams. An 
immense impetus was given to his effort by the recovery last year 
of over 120 cases of antiquities which had lain hidden in the city 
during the War. Some of these antiquities had formed the nucleus 

of a local collection in other days, while others seem to have been 


148 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

the fruits of recent excavations i)acked ready for transport to Con- 
stantinople. There is no catalogue and the provenance of each object 
had to be studiously determined by reference to publications and by 
comparative methods. Mr. Phythian-Adams has surmounted these 
difficulties, with the result that more than 6,000 objects were cata- 
logued and a proper inventory drawn up during the winter months. 
Some of the specimens are now arranged in the new cases, which 
have been designed and made in Jerusalem. A more complete display 
has been held back by reasons not attributable to the Keeper of 
Museums, but these difficulties are also overcome and during the 
present summer we trust to be able to ask His Excellency to declare 
the Museum open to the public. 

We propose to provide a home of a semi-permanent character in 
Jerusalem for only the smaller and more delicate objects and for 
objects of general historical interest or of special value. Local 
objects, for instance, architectural pieces and sculptures not of unusual 
merit, will be cared for, so far as possible, in the localities and near 
to the spot where they are found. The interest of such objects would 
be largely diminished by removing them from their surroundings, 
and it is desirable that each civic community should have its local 
collection to illustrate and stimulate interest in the past of its 
surroundings; so that the policy of local museums is adopted and 
steps are being taken to inaugurate such at Acre, Athlit, Ascalon 
and Tiberias. Needless to say the authority of the Department, 
through the Keeper of Museums, will be retained over these branch 
collections, but an effort will be made to render such local museums 
self-supporting and a source of local pride. In Jerusalem objects 
of architectural character and larger sculptures will be grouped, if 
possible, within the Citadel, wherein we should personally like to see 
housed also the central museum of Palestine. The rooms in the 
Hippicus Tower have been prepared by the Department for exhibition 
purposes and w^e look forward to taking further steps in that 

In the work of conservation a good deal has been initiated but 
it will be some time before results become visible. Repairs have, 
however, been executed to dangerous spots in the fabric of the 
Citadel and the City Walls of Jerusalem through the activity of 
the "Pro-Jerusalem Society," to whom the task of maintaining the 

GAESTANG: The Year's Work 149 

historical municipal buildings of Jerusalem has been confided by 
agreement with this Department and aided by Government subsidies. 

At Acre, thanks to the initiative of the Deputy District Governor, 
considerable progress has been made with clearing the debris from 
the crypts of the fine mediaeval building for which that place is 
famous. The engineers of the Public AVorks Department are safe- 
guarding the stability of the structure. It is here that we propose 
to establish a local museum. 

At Ramleh our attention has been called to the serious and almost 
dangerous condition of that very beautiful monument known as the 
Crusaders' Tower or otherwise the "Tower of the Forty Martyrs," 
and in collaboration with the Public Works Department and the 
Waqf authorities we trust to be able to do what is indispensable to 
safeguard the fabric and appearance of this monument. It is an 
admirable example of the work of the period: it recalls structurally 
and in appearance the Campanile of Southern France of Romanesque 
style while free from the restless effect of over elaboration. We may 
well believe that it is the product of Mohammedan art executed by 
European masons. 

At Ain Duk, near Jericho, the French Archaeological School 
(Ecole Biblique de 8t. Etienne) have completed under Pere Vincent 
and his colleagues, the clearance of the very ancient and interesting 
synagogue of that site where, as a result of the war, certain portions 
of the mosaic floor had been disclosed. A full description of the 
inscriptions and decorations of this very interesting floor must be 
naturally reserved to the excavators themselves. During the course 
of the work it became obvious that the mosaics would not resist 
exposure to the atmosphere and it became necessary for their con- 
servation to take them up, a task which was skilfully performed by 
Mr. Mackay, chief inspector of this Department. We hope at a 
near date to consolidate and arrange these specimens within the 
Citadel. A debt of gratitude is owed to the local proprietors for 
their good will in this matter; one may mention specially by name, 
Mr. Halil Zaki El Daoudi. 

Other works of conservation on a smaller scale have been initiated, 
notably at Jifna, Eamallah, Tiberias and Caesarea. In all these cases, 
the policy of this Department is to endeavour to interest the local 
authority and notables in the monuments of their own districts; this 

150 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

is not merely a method of husbanding the resources which the 
Government is able to put at our disposal, necessary and desirable 
though that is; it is equally desirable that everyone should awake 
to a lively sense of the value of history particularly in this country 
where the whole environment is historical, and there is no method 
so effective, it seems to me, as that of encouraging each and everyone 
to take a proper share in the very special responsibilities which 
devolve upon all who dwell in this land of Palestine. 

In the field of excavations I shall be brief, for it is only fair that 
the results of all excavations should in the first instance be regarded 
as the copyright of the excavators. The -'Palestine Exploration 
Fund" has, with the approval of this Department, opened an exten- 
sive excavation at Ascalon where work has been resumed after having 
been suspended for the winter. The immediate results there have 
been the uncovering of historical buildings of Graeco-Roman and 
Byzantine periods and the very evident trace of Philistine occupation. 
After studying the first results the work now resumed is directed to 
establishing a relationship between the remains of the Philistines 
and those of their predecessors on the site, also to a comparative 
study between the traces of the Philistines at Ascalon and the con- 
temporary evidences from other parts of the Philistine Plain and 
from the Eastern Mediterranean. 

At Tiberias the "Palestine Jewish Exploration Society" made last 
year a successful series of soundings, disclosing remains clearly to 
be identified with the period of the Talmud. The same Society 
under Dr. Slousch is now commencing excavations on the site 
examined last year, and is extending its investigations within a 
somewhat wider area in the vicinity of Tiberias. 

At Gethsemane the Franciscan Custody has completed, under 
special arrangements with this Department, the excavation of a very 
early church, probably of the 4*^ century, in which there may be 
traced three apses, the whole of the original outline, and various 
fragments of the original pavement. 

In regard to the future, the Franciscan Custody will shortly 
recommence its excavations under Pere Orfali on the interesting 
site of the Synagogue of Capernaum (Tell Hum), and the University 
Museum of Philadelphia is preparing to commence extensive work 
at Beisan under Dr. Fisher during the present summer. The site of 

GAESTA.NG: The Year's Work 151 

Megiddo has been provisionally reserved for the University of Chicago 
and that of Samaria for the University of Harvard. 

This brief outline of the year's work in archaeology would not be 
comj)lete without a reference to the activities of the various archaeo- 
logical societies, the centre of whose work is in Jerusalem. 

In connexion with the "Ecole Biblique de St. Etienne" I would 
mention particularly the very important "Studies of Monuments in 
Jerusalem" by Peres Vincent and Abel and the further important 
piece of work in relation to the Mosque at Hebron in which 
Mr. Mackay of this Department has co-operated. The old established 
"American School of Oriental Studies" has resumed and continued 
its labours unremittingly; Dr. Albright whom we welcome as Director 
is one of ourselves, and we hope he will not fail to give us an 
account of the very important topographical and other researches 
in which he has been engaged. 

The American School also attracted to Jerusalem last year two 
very distinguished colleagues. Dr. Peters and Professor Clay, and 
we were privileged also to have in our midst for a short time 
Professor Breasted of the University of Chicago. Their visits were 
appreciated and will be remembered by us all. 

A new feature of intellectual life in Jerusalem was largely due to 
Dr. Clay and it was no less than the founding of this Society whose 
second year we commence to-day. The Palestine Oriental Society 
fills a role of no ordinary character: it is the common meeting ground 
of all the different societies and of all the archaeologists and students 
of the Near East, The opportunity before this Society is very great, 
and it should be our effort to maintain the standard of the papers 
and the interest of these gatherings. It is clearly an immense ad- 
vantage to all men of science to be able to meet and discuss their 
points of view and exchange thoughts. It should play the part in 
Palestine that the Academie plays in Paris or the British Academy 
in London. 

I am also strongly persuaded that the ends we have all in view 
in promoting the objects of this Society will be very much stimulated 
by further opportunities of meeting in informal discussion, which is 
hardly possible in these sessions where we are all come specially to 
learn the newest results of individual research. I therefore propose 
at an early date to place at the disposal of members of this Society 

lo'A Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

and of other intellectual associations of Pnlestine a meeting place 
within this building where at fixed weekly or fortnightly intervals 
those desirous may be assured of an interesting and enlightening 
evening devoted to intellectual enjoyment. We all feel the want of 
such an opportunity and it seems to me that the British School of 
Archaeology could not adopt a better policy than that of providing 
facilities for such meetings, and I shall personally do all I can to 
make these evenings a real feature of our life in Jerusalem. I trust 
in response that all those who are members of this Society and 
others to whom I shall address invitations will accept them in the 
interests of ourselves and of those who wall come after us. 

AVe have accepted by our presence in Palestine a heritage of no 
ordinary value from the Past. The eyes of the whole world are on 
us. Let us see to it that the trust does not suffer in our hands. 





PALESTINIAN demonology, which is only a part of the general 
oriental demonology, is a very well worked out science. I do not 
intend in this paper to make a study of it in detail; I shall only try 
to give one phase of it: "Haunted Springs and Water Demons." 
I include under this study running springs (en, pi. Hun) as well as 
living wells. The Arabic word hir, which means the latter, stands 
also at the same time for cisterns. 

It is an old and wide spread belief in all Semitic countries, that 
springs, cisterns and all running waters are inhabited. We rarely 
find a holy shrine which is not directly attached to a tree, cave, spring 
or well (for the explanation of this vide infra). This idea has spread 
also to non-Semitic races. 

One asks: How has it come that this belief is so Avell founded in 
mythology and superstition? I shall try to answer this question. 

The cljinn demons live in the first place in the interior of the 
earth, whence they come out.i The Hebrew ob, the Syriac zakkurd 
and the Arabic pre-Islamic 'ahluVarV^ illustrate this.3 Up to the 
present day we meet with names for the demons which point to their 
origin : 

al-arudh el-ardiye = ea,Yth. spirits 

al-arudh es-suflvje = \ower spirits (subterranean spirits) 

al-arudh ed-djahanna^mye = \\el\ish. spirits. 

1 T. Canaan, Aherglauhe und Volksmedezin hn Lande der Bihel (Hamburg, 1914). 
- W. R. Smith, Lectures on the Religion of the Semites. 
3 Cf. Luke 8 29. 

154 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

They come from the lower world and therefore we meet them 
generally in places which have a direct connexion with the lower 
regions: trees whose roots go down into the interior of the earth; 
cracks, caves, springs and wells which have a direct or indirect 
connexion with the above named original abode of the demons. ^ 

Springs which appear suddenly in the dry country and continue to 
pour out their running waters for the benefit of human beings and 
of vegetation, were and are still in their origin and in their continuous 
flow a mystery to the oriental mind. This was the first reason for 
assigning to them some supernatural power a numen which was finally 
depotentized, becoming a spirit or a demon; and finally the above 
mentioned explanation was worked out. 

But there is another explanation or rather another phase of the 
above mentioned explanation. We know that the planets, in whose 
hands human fortune and misfortune lie, were divided by all Semitic 
races of antiquity, and are still by the Palestinian, into good and bad 
planets. To each one of these heavenly bodies, be it good or bad, 
language, science, metal, colour, trees, herbs, fruits, and animals, 
elements, are assigned. ^ According to the planet to which they belong 
these objects are good or bad. 

The two bad planets are Mars and Saturn, but the latter is the 
most ill-omened one. Now we read in ghdyatii'l-haMm '^ that springs, 
wells, caves, underground canals, and lonely valleys, * are assigned to 
this ill-omened planet. It is to be noted that every thing mentioned 
in this list has a direct connection with demons, talismans, or sorcery. 

This explains why wells and springs are thought to be always 
haunted and this belief is not at all a new one, characteristic only 
of the Palestinian. It formed a foundation stone of ancient superstition 
and mythology. Even in the Old and New Testament we have 
references to this belief; the demons are even characterized as loving 

> In one of the prayers in the Greek Prayer-Book (adjidzmdidri Jerusalem, 1884, 
pp. 180 185) eighteen places where demons live are ennumerated; in fourteen of 
them the above conditions are fulfilled. 

2 For further details about this point see Canaan, Aherglauhe, 

3 El-madjriti. 

* Other things belonging to Saturn are: the Coptic and the Hebrew languages, 
the spleen, black mountains, deserts, graves, the magnet, all black stones, black 
iron, the awl, and the raven. 

CANAAN: Haunted Springs and Water Demons in Palestine 155 

water and searcliing for it. ^ Very interesting is the teaching in the 
Prayer Book of the Greek Church,- where all sort of waters 3 springs, 
wells, cisterns, pits, seas, rivers, pools are thought to be inhabited. ^ 
While most of the springs^ are known by all the surrounding 
villages to be inhabited, there are others where only few persons have 
encountered at different times the guarding spirit. The most important 
conditions for a water course to be inhabited are the following two. 
Each one alone suffices to attract the djinn: 

1. Sources originating in a more or less deserted place, or in a 
thicket of trees. 

2. That the rays of the sun do not penetrate to the real source. 
This condition is fulfilled when a small cave, large crack, or an old 
canal forms the entrance to the spring. 6 

The above mentioned conditions, loneliness, desertedness, darkness, 
cracks, caves, canals, trees, combined with a spring, assure the habi- 
tation of that place. For every object with such a situation is there 
by a favourite abiding place of the spirits, since it has on the one 
hand a direct communication with the interior of the earth, and on 
the other hand belongs to the planet Saturn. 

A spring in the neighbourhood of a ruin, grave or ivelt is also 
inhabited and generally by the soul of the welt or of those who died 
in that ruin. 

Special attention must be paid to two sorts of springs periodical 
and hot springs. The abnormality in both hot water in the one and 
the periodical flow of the other has keyed the oriental imagination 

1 Cf. Luke 8 29, 33. 

2 Adjidzmdtdri el-kebir, pp. 180182 and 195. 

3 It is very interesting to note that, witli few exceptions, all the objects named 
in the list of this book as being inhabited correspond with the list of Ghdyatu'l 
hakim above mentioned. 

^ In the prayer of St. Gabrianus (Arab, text) we find the sea as the only re- 
presentative of inhabited waters. 

5 From some names used in the Bible for springs we may conclude that the 
inhabitants of Palestine had then the same belief: 'En-dor, "spring of dwelling," 
1 Sam. 28 7; Ba'al-perasim, "Owner of the outflow" 2 Sam. 5 20; Ba'al hamon, 
"Owner of the torrent," Can. 8 11 (L. B. Paton, Annual of Am. School of Oriental 
Research in Jerusalem, 1920). 

6 Even common cisterns which are built under a house, and where the only 
opening to the water is inside of a room, so that the rays of the sun never reach 
the water, are used for various medical and magic purposes. 

156 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

to its highest pitch and has resulted in a beautiful, superstitious ex- 

Periodical springs especially perplexed many minds: Why does the 
water of 'en-fawar,-' for example, flow now? Why did it not flow a few 
hours ago? At last they found an explanation which corresponded 
exactly to their demonology and was absolutely in accord with the 
religious belief of their ancestors. They now think that ' en-fawar is in- 
habited by two spirits, a hurr "free man" (master) and an 'ahd, 
"servant." The first is a white person, the second a negro (also slave- 
born) as the Arabic words themselves indicate. These two "power- 
ful spirits" are continually fighting each other. When the hurr 
gains the victory he allows the water to flow for the benefit of 
thirsty mankind. But soon the 'dbd rises and resumes the battle. As 
soon as he overpowers the Imrr he shuts off the blessing to avenge 
himself on the human race. 2 
This representation of 

good against evil, 

white against black, 

angels against devils, 

light against darkness, 

upper against lower world and 

God against Satan 3 
is a very old idea in Semitic religions and we could not have it better 
pictured than as reproduced by the simple imagination of a Palestinian 

It is not necessary to have two anthropoid spirits inhabiting a spring. 
The importance lies in the colours white and black. Thus we find 
a black and a white sheep inhabiting en ed-dj6z.4 

Naturally a question arises: Are all periodical springs inhabited by 
good and bad spirits which cause their abnormal flow? 1 must answer 
this question in the negative. Other explanations are easily found, 
'en silwan, also called 'en imm ed-daradj, for example, was formerly 

1 The continuation of 'en-fara. 

2 Canaan, Aberglaube. 

3 There are many references in the Bible which point to this representation. 
I will mention only a few: Job. 18 is; Zech. 3i; Rom. 16 20; Ps. 140 1; Prov. 813; 
Is. 7 15; Jerem. 884; Eph. 612. 

4 Near Ramallah. 

CANAAN: Haunted Springs and Water Demons in Palestine 157 

guarded by a bad sijirit appearing in the form of a camel. He used 
to drink a lot of water from time to time, thus stopping the flow for 
a short period. In the case of 'en sabima,i which is inhabited by a 
whole djinu family known by the name 'elet zdrurah the water dries 
up at those times when all the members of the family come to drink; 
therefore they say: ivirdat-hd 'elet za'rurah.'^ 

The hot springs were always a great puzzle to the oriental mind. 
Accordingly the Palestinian asks himself how it is that the water of 
the springs near Tiberias comes directly from the earth in a boiling 
state? Here again he solved the question. There are a great number 
of demons who continually heat the water before it penetrates to the 
surface. The fuel is brought from a great distance. In the case of 
the springs of Tiberias it comes from a cave in the valley Ed-djai^ 
near Der diwan.^ King Solomon ordered these djinn to perform this 
piece of work in order to give the inhabitants of Palestine a natural 
hot bath. And as these demons are blind and deaf^ they do not yet 
know that their master, King Solomon, has died, and dreading his 
punishment they still continue to work. A similar belief exists about the 
Turkish baths. The inhabiting djinn and every bath is inhabited 
help to heat the water, sukkdmih hyihmuh.^ 

Special mention of 'iun el-hasr'^ should be made. The peasant 
unterstands by this expression springs where at no time of the day 
or of the year do the sun's rays reach the source. The water is used 
to cure suppression and retention of urine. In order that such water 
sliall preserve its curative action the sun must never shine over it; 
so it is fetched only after sunset. If the place to which this healing 
water is to be carried cannot be reached during one night, the jar 
is hidden during the day in a dark place, and as soon as the sun 

1 Der gliassane. 

2 "The family of zdrurah (medlar tree) came to it (the water)." 

3 The valley is .inhabited by a much dreaded mdrid. The inhabitants of Der 
diwan pretend that although a large number of cattle gather every evening in 
the cave and spend the night there, the cave is swept clean by those djitm every 
morning and all the dung disappears. 

4 According to the peasants of Battir the djinn of Tiberias come every night 
to 'en djami"^ to carry away the dung. 

^ One of the many illustrations which show how the Palestinian attributes to- 
the djinn human qualities, weaknesses, and diseases. 

6 Translation: Its inhabitants (the demons) heat it (the bath). 
J Translation: Springs of supx^ression (of urine). 

158 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

goes down the journey begins anew. A curious fact about 'iun el-hasr, 
which was told me by a man of Bet-Surik, is that springs with a 
composite name, where the first part is het, can not be although they 
fulfill all the above named conditions 'ifni hasr. It was impossible 
for me to get any explanation for this belief. 

Some springs belonging to this group are: Bir es-sahar (to the north 
of Der tarif), en abu niaq, (Der ghassaneh), 'en el-wihra (Kefr tut) 
and 'en soba. ^ 

If we turn to study the number, shapes, customs, colour and 
actions of the djinn who haunt these places, we may divide them at 
once into two major groups: 

1. Springs guarded by good spirits, the souls of holy men buried 
in the neighbourhood, or other saints. 2 There are fifteen such cases 
in my list. 

2. Evil demons. 

1. This belief is common among Christians and Mohammedans. 
Some wells and springs inhabited by Christians saints are: Bir ona^ 
(Bet-djala) by the Virgin Mary, 'en karim also by the Virgin; 'en 
Kibrian4 by St. Gabrianus (St. Cyprianus). 

Springs and wells in which Mohammedan saints dwell are: 

'en qina by el-weli AbuTenen, 

'en el-bireh by shekh Ahmad, 

Bir es-sahar by el-weli Shu'eb, 

Bir Ayiib by en-nebi Ayub, 

Bir sindjil by esh-shekh Saleh ^ (or, as others think, by en-nabi Yiisif). 

These men of God 6 appear in the same form as they did in their 
lifetime and they try always to help human creatures. A girl of 
Siloah having been maltreated by her step-mother fled and threw 
herself into Bir Ayub. Before she took her last step she asked the 

1 Some of these are more important and more used than, others. The most 
important one of the list is 'en soba. 

2 The same idea prevailed in l)iblical times: B'er Elim, "well of gods" Is. 15 8 
Elim,"gods," Ex. 15 27; Nu. 33 910; 'en Shemesh, "spring of the sun," Jos. 15 7. 

3 It is curious that some believe they have seen an 'abd. 
* Between Bet-djala and el-Khadr. 

5 Some Mohammedans believe that in the neighbourhood of Sindjil, Joseph was 
thrown by his brethren into a pit (perhaps into this well). 'Omar Barghuti. 

6 Only in one case out of one hundred and twenty does an angel haunt a spring 
('en masiiin, according to Tiab of Ramallah). 

CANAAN: Haunted Springs and Water Demons in Palestine 159 

help and the protection of this saint, and she felt as she was falling 
down that that venerable shekh took her in his arms, i and, placino- 
her on a stone step, just above the water level, told her: "Do not be 
afraid, my child; soon you will be again in your father's house." A 
few hours later her anxious father, discovering that she was still living, 
threw down a rope and drew her up. ^ 

Some of these springs show a special miracle on the day consecrated 
to the holy person who guards them. Thus the water of Bir ona 
rises to the brim on the Virgin's day 3 and the stones at the well's 
mouth are dyed red.^ This sort of animation of lifeless objects is 
met with in different phases of Palestinian folk-lore. 

Such springs should never be approached irreverently. Therefore 
no pious woman would ever come near or touch such a spring while 
^'impure" through her menstrual blood. If she is careless, the holy 
man who dwells in that water will afflict her with some bodily ailments, 
or by stopping the flow of the source punish all that village. In the 
midst of the vineyards of Betimia is the source of Khirbet ntita which 
is guarded by the soul of esh- shekh vSaleh. From time to time the 
water gets scanty and may even stop flowing. This is always thought 
to result when an unclean woman approaches the opening. Once the 
water stopped flowing and as the inhabitants of Betunia searched in 
vain for the impure woman, a sheep was offered to shekh Saleh and 
the source was well cleared out, and the water flowed again, even 
more abundantly than before. ^ 

Among all the holy persons whose spirits dwell in springs there 
are only two females in my list: St. Mary (in two cases) and es-sitt 
Mu'minah^ ('en el-hadjar in Der ghassaneh). 

1 Christians have the same belief. The son of el-Qandalaft fell accidentally 
into a cistern and was saved by a holy man. The same thing hapj)ened in Dar 
ed-daw to another child. The shekhs or holy men are described nearly always as 
wearing white clothes (Imm. Ilias). 

2 The second day after the accident I was called to see the girl, who was not 
feeling quite well, and I heard the story from her mouth. 

3 On the eighth of September (Jul. Calender). 

* Most probably a vestige of menstruation, as will be pointed out later on. 

5 See Canaan, op. cit., p. 37. 

6 It is curious that in both of these cases bad spirits appear sometimes in 
the same springs. In Bir 'ona, generally haunted by the Virgin Mai'y, some have 
seen an 'abd; and in 'en el-hadjar (Der ghassaneh) guarded by Sitt Mu'minah a 
mdrid appears at times. 


1 60 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

2. Sources guarded by evil djinn. Under this class we have the 
very bad demons as well as the partly harmful ones. They take 
different forms when they appear. Some have the shapes of animals 
sheep, cock, hen, chicken, dog, camel, gazelle, donkey, goat, mouse, 
monkey or serpent. ^ Others look like negroes and negresses, and 
still others have the dreadful shapes of the monstrous ghid, ghvle and 
mdrid. This last group is the most harmful, and special care has to 
be taken when one encounters el-ghid, who is continually looking for 
his prey. 

Spirits appearing in the form of animals are not necessarly bad 
demons: they may even be indifferent to human beings, or even good- 
natured. When spirits in animal shapes are described as white they 
belong to the latter, when black to the former category. An exception 
is the camel, which always represents a bad demon. Even in the 
explanations of dreams given by the felWnn at present camels are 
always a bad omen.- 

An intermediate place between the two above-mentioned classes is 
taken by those springs which are inhabited by women, 3 generally in 
the form of brides.^ These spirits are almost always described as 
having a majestic stature and a charming form, wearing beautiful 
cloths and costly adornments. Very often they sit on a stone beside 
the flowing water and comb their beautiful long hair, which hangs 
partly over their shoulders and partly over their breast. These females 
have a particular inclination to human beings, following and imploring 
them to come and live with them. They promise men all sorts of 
riches and comforts and are very harsh towards women. If once 
entangled a person may disappear for several years, as the case 

1 In the Bible we have several springs which were guarded, as their names 
show, by animals: 'en-'eglaira, "Spring of two calves," Ez. 47 lo; 'en-gedi, 
"Spring of the kid," Jos. 15 62; 'en-hakkore, "Spring of the quail (or partridge)," 
Ju. 15 19; * en-hattannin, "Spring of the dragon," Ne. 2 is. (Annual of the American 
School of Oriental Research in Jerusalem, 1920. L. B. Paton.) 

2 The old Arabs had the same belief about the vamel. See "Ta'tir el andm 
ft ta'bir el-manani" by 'Abd el-ghani en-nablasi I i27 etc. 

3 Even in the Bible we have reference to a well haunted by a woman in 
Jos. 19 8, Ba'alatb'er, "Mistress of the well." 

4 Arabic 'ariis, pi. 'arayis. The clothes of these "brides" are like those used 
by brides of the neighbouring villages, except that they are richer in decoration 
and of a superior quality. 

CANAAN: Haunted Springs and "Water Demons in Palestine 161 

of the bride who inhabits en el-hammamV shows, where a man 
disappeared for seven years. When he came back he related his story. 
The djinmydt'^ employ sometimes different tricks to entangle men. 
In the case of 'en ed-dj6z3 the passer by observes at times a black 
she-goat. If he tries to catch her, she jumps from one place to 
another, thus leading him on and on to a deserted spot, where she 
changes into a bride who tries to charm and thus to gain him.4 

One may recognize these djinn ladies ^ from their eyes. The pupils 
are perpendicularly elongated. 6 A human being may escape their 
clutches il in the moment of temptation he repeats the name of God, 
a saint, the Virgin, the Cross, or says a prayer. If, on the other hand, 
he commits adultery with such a female djinn, he is lost. 

These spirits, although not so bad as the 'aM and the glifd group, 
may follow an escaped man and inflict upon him disease and weakness, 
even death.'' Some of them are described as drying up from time to 
time the water of springs. Such an event happens inevitably if they 
should be provoked by women approaching the place during their impure 
days. In Djifna the priest has to go on such an occasion to the dry 
spring to repeat prayers and burn incense, and thus reconcile the 
djinniye or force her to let the water flow. 

1 Bir zet. 

2 Fern. Plur. of djinn. 

3 According of Tiab of Ramallali. But see above, p. 87. 

* Demons are thought in Palestine to have the ability of changing their shapes. 

5 According to the wife of Ya'qub abu er-rukab (Ramailah). 

6 The same characteristic is assigned to the ghide. 

? The following story is an example : Ya'qub abu er-rukab went one day very 
early in the morning to gather wood from the gardens of 'en el-qasr. He fastened 
his donkey to a bush near the spring. As soon as he had sufficient wood for 
a load, he searched, but absolutely in vain, for his animal. At last he crossed 
himself and said: bism es-salib el-hayy , "in the name of the living Cross." At 
once the donkey was there where he had tied him. On the way back he felt an 
unseen power troubling him. Soon afterwards a female voice called him by his 
name: "Oh Ya'qub, wait a moment." He stopped and a beautiful bride, over- 
loaded with gold and jewels, walked up to him. The frightened hattdb (wood- 
cutter) knew that he had to do with a female demon. She implored him with 
her melodious voice to throw away his axe and follow her. But as he had not 
yet lost his presence of mind, he crossed himself repeatedly and said a prayei', 
and she vanished away. When he reached home, he spoke disconnectedly and was 
completely changed, since he talked only about the beauties of the "bride of 'en 
el-qasr." She afflicted her escaped prey with blindness, and soon afterwards he 
died (related by his own wife). 


162 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

In one case, Bir abu s'hel, the inhabiting female, called 'Aminririyei 
tells the future of the inhabitants of that village. If she is heard 
Aveeping or mourning, somebody in that village will surely die; if on 
the other hand she is heard singing, some good thing will take place.2 

It is a most interesting fact that among one hundred and twenty 
springs which I have listed, fifty-four are supposed to be inhabited 
by females (belonging to this group). 3 Among these springs are: 'en 
el-qasr, en el-16ze, en tarfida, en raindjid, en mizrab, 'en el-waladje, 
'en el-hanniye, 'en battir, etc. These spirits are as already stated 
very charming. The following story shows that they are at times 
refractory in love. Why and when such a condition happens I could 
not find out. While Husen from el-Waladje was on night duty 
protecting the gardens of 'en hantash against thieves, he beheld a 
beautiful and charming female sitting on a stone at the source of 
the spring, combing her long hair. He fell in love with her and 
gently approaching her, begged her to accept him as a lover. As 
she showed no inclination towards him, despite all his reqests, he 
committed suicide by cutting his throat, as he could live no longer 
without this enticing creature. 

In analysing the shapes which the inhabiting spirits take when they 
appear to human beings we find that in 40 cases out of 88 (i e. about 
half) female forms are chosen. If the instances of holy men whose 
spirits still haunt springs and all the cases where the sex is not 
specified are subtracted, we find that 80 jjer cent of the spirits are 
in female form. 

When the colour of the demon is specified, we meet only with the 
two antagonistic colours, white and black. The first one stands for 
good and the other for evil spirits. 

If we study the question from the point of view of the number of 
spirits which inhabit one water course, we find that most of the springs 
and wells are inhabited by a single demon. But there are some, in 
my collection 25 out of 120, where several live together. This last 
category we may divide into two subdivisions: 

1 'Ummdr (pi. of 'ammar which is the masc. of 'ammdrt?/e) is the name given 
generally to djinn who live in ruins or deserted houses. 

2 'Omar Barghuti. % 

3 The three cases, where the holy Virgin (twice) and es-sitt Mu'minah (once) 
haunt springs, are not counted among the number mentioned above. Out of the 
54 we have only two black women. 

CANAAN: Haunted Springs and Water Demons in Palestine 163 

1. Springs inhabited by two spirits, which represent with one 
exception i a bad black and another good white one. I have six such 

2. Springs haunted by many djinn. G-enerally they are members 
of one family and in four out of thirteen cases belonging to this 
subdivision the djinn have taken the shape of a hen with her chickens. - 
It is believed by some that if a human being has the exceptional 
chance of catching one of these chickens, it will change at once 
into a lump of gold.^ 

These spirits, to whatever category they belong, appear as all the 
demons only during the night and in the dusk. They also are only 
to be seen when a lonely traveller passes by, as they never like to 
face several human beings at once. Many of them try to injure the 
passer-by by frightening him with their noise, shape or misbehaviour. 
If they attack him, he gets sick or may even die. 

If a human being has the opportunity of meeting one of them, he 
observes that the opening of the spring, guarded by this spirit, has 
changed to a large doorlike crack, and sometimes a peep inside 
will reveal great riches. A woman passing near the spring of Halhul 
just before the sun began to be visible, saw grazing beside the water 
a sheep which to her great astonishment hadrushed out from a rather 
large crack. She looked through this opening and beheld to her 
amazement heaps of gold, silver and precious stones. Without hesi- 
tation she rushed in to get as much as possible of these wordly riches. 
But with one jump the sheep darted in, and the crack closed. She 
had to tear her clothing, which was caught in the crack, to get 
free. 4 

These spirits go out during the night and act quite free by; but they 
never go far from the spring. Some of them look for grass and herbs 
(sheep, camel, gazelle, donkey, etc). The hen takes her chickens and 
goes in search of grain. Brides and young females are mostly described 
as combing their hair. SheJchs welis and saints are in meditation, 

1 In one case of a female and male spirit living together, 'en el-farkha wid-dik, 
(near Salt) inhabed by a cock and a lien (Imm. Elias H.) 

2 Other sources belonging to this subdivision are inhabited by camels, a flock 
of sheep, djdn (pi. of djinn), the family za'rura etc. 

* 'Omar Barghuti. 

3 Imm. Djordj M. 


164 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

while (ibcls, mdrids and ghiils roam around the source searching for 
their prey.^ 

Yery interesting is the story I hear eel lately from a woman of 
Siloam.'- The spring of Jericho is inhabited by a woman who once a 
year for 10 12 hours has her menstrual period. At this time the 
water is tined red. But this redness occurs only during the night of 
that day. At daybreak the normal colour returns. This is the only 
case I have known, where popular superstition gives female spirits the 
human capacity for menstruation. A vestige of this belief is perhaps 
to be found in the superstition regarding Bir ona, inhabited by St. 

The following belief about Hammam esh-shifa is a very primitive 
conception of the animation of water. 3 The Mohammedan women of 
Jerusalem go on the tenth of Moharram^ and take a bath, as it is 
believed that the waters of Zemzem overflow on this day and mix 
with the waters of this bath,5 also called Hammam 'ashura.^ According 
to some even en imm ed-daradj (Silowan) receives on this day some 
water from Zemzem.'^ 

A Mohammedan ladys whom I asked lately about Hammam 'ashura 
gave me another explanation, quite different from that which I have 
already mentioned. The prophet Job, who was afflicted with the 
worst kinds of skin eruptions, took a bath every day, but without any 

1 In sorne springs, 'en Djariiit for example, the jjasser-by will see a whole 
demon wedding procession, and is able to hear their songs and see their dances. 

2 Imm. Dahud the wife of 'Abd. 

3 Cf. also Bir 'ona and the signs on the Virgin's day. 

* The anniversary of the death of Husen the son of Fatme, the daughter of 
the Prophet. 

5 As a proof of the truth of their superstition the following story is told: 
An Indian pilgrim lost his water-cup in Bir Zemzem. One year afterwards he 
happened to be in Jerusalem, and while on the day of 'Ashurah he was taking 
a hot Turkish bath in 5ammam esh-shifa, the bath-keeper, drawing water from 
the well, fished out a cup. This was recognized at once by the Indian pilgrim 
to be his own cup, which feU down into Zemzem while he was at Mekka. This 
proved to everybody that the water of the holy Zemzem mixes on this day with 
the waters of this well. 

6 From 'ashara, "ten," i. e. the tenth of the month. 

^ Some Mohammedans believe that on this day the water of this holy well 
at Mekka mixes with all springs of Mohammedan countries, thus giving every 
Moslem the ojiportunity of drinking from Zemzem. 

8 Hustun R. 


CANAAN: Haunted Springs and Water Demons in Palestine 165 

result. It happened that on the tenth of Moharram he took a bath 
in Hammam esh-shifa with the result that he was cured. This of course 
proved to all that this water has on this day particular curative 
action. This offers a marked parallel to John 5 2. 1 

Another observation is not without interest: 'en Silwan was for- 
merly inhabited according to some peasants by a demon in the 
shape of a camel. This camel died. In its place now lines a hen 
with her chickens, i. e. the place of one demon was taken by several, 
very much as in Matth. 12 45,2 Everybody I asked informed me that 
no camel has ever appeared to anybody during recent years in that 
spring. The bubbling sound of the water is explained as being the sound 
of the chickens. 3 Death of demons is also known in other cases. 

Nobody dares to approach a spring and take water without first 
repeating the name of God or that of the saint living in that place.'* 
This rule is specially important during night-time or when one passes 
quite alone near water which flows in a deserted place. If such a 
precaution is not taken, one is sure to be troubled by the demons. 
If the guardian spirits are excited in any way the intruder will be 
surely punished. We have seen already some examples of this con- 
ception. Another one is that if a person urinates in flowing water 
he will get some genito-urinary trouble. 

I do not doubt that several of the springs and wells which are thought 
at present to be inhabited were believed in former times to be sacred, 
and were devoted to the cult of one of the numerous gods of Palestine. 
And it is not improbable that some of the old deities continue to 
haunt the same springs, although ages have passed by. Of course the 
name, the character, and the manner of appearance have changed, 
but the fundamental thought still exists. This is only one of the many 
survivals which point to the primitive religious practises of Palestine 
and still more or less known at present. 

This explains why many waters are used at present, as they were 
in Bible times, for medicinal purposes: the 'inn el-hasr have been 

1 While in John 5 2 the curative power was due to an angel, in this case 
the apparent cause is not seen. We must probably look for the explanation to 

2 Also Luke 11 26. 

3 Hens and chickens represent bad spirits. 

* A custom which is becoming gradually less frequent. 

166 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

mentioned; Siloam and the bath of Sitti Mariam ' especially the 
first are renowned for their help in cases of sterility in women.'- In 
fever one resorts to bathing in 'en imm ed-daradj. Some believe that 
Hammam esh-shifa cures certain skin eruptions. For the same reason 
we find that: 

(a) Offerings are brought in some cases to the guardian spirit.^ 

(b) No unclean person (especially a woman) should approach such 
a spring, which is the abode of a holy spirit (probably that of 
a former deity). ^ 

(c) Prayers are offered and incense burned on some occasions. ^ 

(d) In 'en esh-shekh Yiisif,6 which is haunted by the spirit of that 
shekh, one may even hear saldh it bakhkhur, u sot djumhur, 
"prayers and incense and the voice of a gathering." ^ 

A final observation has still to be made. The periodicity of several 
manifestations connected with the springs is very striking. The waters 
of Zemzem mix once a year with those of Hammam 'ashtira and of 
Siloam. The lady of 'en es-sultan has her menstrual flow once a 
year. St. Mary causes the above mentioned miraculous sign of Bir 
'ona only on her anniversary. A spring in Nablus stops its flow once 
a week on Sundays, as it is inhabited by a monk, who must fulfil his 
religious duties on this day. In some periodical springs battles and 
victories take place regularly and periodically between good and bad 

All the spirits inhabiting waters are known by the collective name 
el-afdnt. Of cource saints and ivelis do not come under this heading. 
Sometimes the word rasad, pi. irsude^ is used. But this expression 

1 They take their bath in the djurn (stone basin) in which it is supposed that 
the Virgin Mary took a bath. 

- Such a woman has to take with her seven mashdkhis (see Canaan, Aber- 
glaube), seven keys of doors which open to the south, and seven cups of water, 
each from e different cistern, where at no time of the day do the rays of the sun 
shine over its opening (Husun R.). 

3 To Hammam sitti Mariam candles, flowers, etc. are vowed (Husun R. and 
Imm. Djordj). To others oil lamps are lighted. 

4 Examples of this have already been mentioned. 

3 Cf. what has been said about 'En Djifnah. 

6 To the north of Ramallah. 

V Tiab of Ramallah. 

8 Waters which run from places where hidden riches are to be found, are 
guarded by a rasad. 

CANAAN: Haunted Springs .and Water Demons in Palestine 167 

stands also for other sorts of demons. An inhabited source is called 
maskune or marsude. 

At the close of this paper I have still to mention that not all 
statements one hears from different persons about on and the same 
spring correspond. But the fundamental idea, which is the basis of 
their belief, is as sound as any other one we meet with in Palestinian 

The following is an analysis of the one hundred and twenty in- 
habited springs which I have noted: 
In 24 cases the spirits are good. 

4 of them are Christians saints. 
29 are Mohammedan tvelisA 
15 very bad spirits are met with. 
35 we encounter brides and young women. 2 
54 the demons take a female shape. 
29 the djiiin in animal forms are met with. 
25 several spirits live in one source. 

6 times two antigonastic spirits haunt the same water. 
19 times, more than two live together; 
14 the colour black is specified, and in 6 other springs 
one of the inhabiting spirits is black, while the other 
one is white; 
7 a cock, a hen, or a hen with her chickens guards the 

5 a camel, 
8 one or more sheep; 
9 the shapes which the djhm take are not specified. 

In the 'iun el-hasr the form is also not given. 
The following is a list of eighty eight of the inhabited springs. 3 

I. Springs inhabtied by good spirits: 
1. By Welis, Shekhs and Mohammedan saints: 
Bir es-sahar Der Tarif Well Shu^eb.4 

En el-Bire el Bire SUkh. 

1 One of these springs is inhabited by an angel. 

2 The Virgin Mary and es-sitt Mu'minah, as well as a black woman are not 
added to this number, 

3 Some of these springs are mentioned in Canaan, Aberglaube und Yolksmedizin. 

4 For further details see Canaan I. c. 


Journal of the Palestine Orientel Society 

Jiir Ayub 
Bir Siudjil 
Bir Sindjil 


'En Qina 


'En esh-sliekh Yiisif 
'En el-liadjar 
'En Djakiik 


'En el-amir 
'En Masiiin 

2. Christian Saints: 
'En er-Rahib 
En Karim 
Bir 'ona 
'En Kibirian 
Hammam sitti Mariam 





N. of Ramalluh 

Der Ghassane 

E. of en-nabi Samwil 

E. of en-nabi Samwil 



'En Karim 


W. of Bet-djala 


en-nabi Ayub. 
esh-shekli Salib. 
en-nabi Yusif. 
el-weli Abu el'enen.^ 
esh-sbekb Yusif. 
es-sitt Mu'minali.2 

Sullah and Awlia. 
An angel. 

Monk. 3 

The Virgin Mary. 
The Virgin Mary. 2 
St. Gabrianus. 
The Virgin Mary.^ 

II. Springs inhabited by very bad spirits: 

A spring in wadi Beni Hammad 

Wadi Beni Hammad 


'En Hasban 

Transjor dania 


'En Djariiit 

Der Diwuan 


'En Flefle 

Bir Zet 


'En el-'araq 

Bir Zet 


Bir Sridah 

Der Ghassane 


'En el-Hadjar 

Der Ghassane 


Bir abu S arris 

Der Ballut 


A spring Qarfis 

Kefr Tut 


'En in wadi Ed- 


Der Diwan 


'En 'Abbasin 

between Battir and Hiisan 


1 This well, it is said, does not always protect his prox^erty in the right way. 
Once a peasant, who was disappointed hy this saint, offered him an oil lamp 
and vowed: "0, weli, if you do not protect your lamp this time I shall never ofter 
you anything more". Next morning the j)easant found near the spring a dead wolf 
with the lamp in his mouth. This, of course, was a sufficient proof that the 
saint had exercised his power. 

2 Inhabited at times by a bad spirit; see seet. V. The bad spirits appear very 

3 Imm. Elias H. from Jerusalem. 

* There is no spring in the bath. The belief about St. Mary I heard only 
from one person. 

5 Jaussen, Coutumes des Arahes. 

CANAAN: Haunted Springs and "Water Demons in Palestine 


III. Springs inhabited by bad spirits (less harmful than the last group). 
'En abu'l-karzam Ramallah Black dos. 

'En Misbfih 
Bir esh-Shami 
'En es Sef 
'En Silwati 
'En en-nasbe 
'Birket Hadjia 

Ramallah Camel. 

Bet-Iksa Camel. 

el-Waladje Donkey, i 

Siloam Formerly inhabited by a camel. 

Ramallah Camels. 

Jerusalem Hasad, who devours a victim every year. 

IV. Springs inhabited by brides and young women : 

Enes-sitt Hasna Es-sifla. s 
'En el-Qasr Ramallah. 

'En el-L6ze 
'En Tarfida 
'En Mindjid 
'En Mizrab 



'En el-Hanniye el-Hanniye. 
'En el-Waladje el-Waladje. 
'En Battir 
'En Harrashe 


'En el-Baqiim 
'En el-Qas'a 
Bir abCi S'hel 

En el-qabu el-Qabu. 

'En 'Atan 'Aitm. 

'En Farrudje Solomon's Pools. 


'En Hammam Bir Zet. * 
'EnDabbagha Bir Zet. 


'En es-Sultan Jericho. ^ 

'En Hantash NW.ofBet-djala. 

'En Djifna Djifna.4 

'En Kafriye Ramallah. 

Mazra'a gharbiye. 'En Milke near Bet Hanina. 

Kefr Tut. 'En abu Ziad near Bet Hanina. 

NE. of el-Bire. 'En el-Dj6z Ramallah. 


Der Ghassane. En-el-mfdha el-Malha.6 

"V. Springs guarded by several spirits: 
1. By two antagonistic spirits: 

'En ed-Dj6z 


'En Artas 
'En Fawar 


En Fawar 
Bir 'ona 

En el-Hadjar 

Ramallah White and a black sheep. 

Artas . White and a black sheep. 

E. of Jerusalem White and a black sheep, 
E. of Jerusalem Free man and a negro. 


Der Ghassane 

St. Mary and at times an 

es-Sitt Mu'minah and at the 

some time a Mdrid. 

1 Lie. Kalile, P. J. 

2 The female saints, two negresses and one gliiile are not mentioned in this list. 

3 Lie. Kahle, P. J. 

* The peeuliarity about this spring was mentioned in the text. 

5 Has once a year her menstrual period. 

6 She wears an izdr. 


Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

2. By several 

spirits : 

'Ell Ma an 




'En el-Halazon 

near Bir Zet 

'En en-Nasbe 


'En Djariiit 

Der Diwan 


'En Sabimah 

Der Ghassane 

'En Hidcliye 

between Husan 

and Battir 


'En Djanii 

near Battir 

'En Djenan 


'En Lifta 


'En Silwan 


Bir Haile Der Ghassane 

'En el-Farkha wid-dik Salt 


Djinn who heat the Avells. 

Flock of sheep. 


A djinn marriage procession. 

The family of Za'riirah. 


Djinn who carry fuel to the 
springs of Tiberias. 

Hen with her chickens. 

Hen with her chickens. 

Hen with her chickens (for- 
merly by a camel). 

Hen with her chickens. 

Young hen and a cock, i 


'En Adjab 


'En Qashqale 
Bir el-Hummus 
'En e d-d jib 


'En el-Farume 
'En Halhul 
El 'Audja 
'En Suilk 
'En el-Wihra 


'En Marde 
'En Soba 
En Abu Niaq 

Springs which have not been mentioned: 





Bir Zet 

near Hebron 

N. of Jericho 

Bet Surik 

Kefr Tut 



Der Ghassane 

White cock. 








Monkey. - 


'en hasr.'^ 

'en Jiasr.^ 

1 Imm Elias H. 

2 Has a curative action in supression of urine. 





IL existe un phenomene philologique des plus j^irimitifs^ tres caracte- 
ristique pour le langage enfantin et le parler iJO])ulaire, qui se 
rencontre egalement dans les idiomes de maintes peuplades sauvages 
et de certains peuples anciens. Les traces n'en sent pas rares meme 
dans les langues modernes, surtout de la famille romane, qui, comme 
I'italien et le frangais, preferent souvent Texpression concrete et 
intuitive a I'abstraite. 

Ce phenomene, si curieux dans sa simplicite naturelle, consiste a 
repeter le mot ou seulement la racine pour en renforcer la significa- 
tion ou y insister d'une fagon quelconque. 

Un enfant, au lieu de dire '<tres petit, par exemple, dira petit- 
petit. II en fera autant pour d'autres adjectifs, en pretant a la 
repetition un sens superlatif. De meme, en matiere d'adverbes, il 
preferera vite-vite a bien vitew ou tres vite, Dans les verbes, 
nous verrons indiquer ainsi surtout la duree ou Viyiinterruption: il 
court-court signifiera done dans ce langage il court sans s"arreter. 
Quant aux substantifs, c'est la grande quantite ou le grand nomhre 
qu'on fait ressortir par ce procede. Certains mots frangais, comme 
hotibon (superlatif) et joujou (iteratif), par ex., doivent tres probable- 
ment leur origine a ce langage enfantin. 

Les memes remarques sont souvent valables pour le i^Sirler pop idaire 
ou familier, en general. 

Parmi les langues anciennes, c'est le sumerien qui est le plus 
frappant a ce point de vue. En effet, moyen primitif par excellence, 
il- forme regulierement le plurieU des substantifs, et meme des 

1 Voy. Fr. Delitzsch, Grundziige der sumer. Grammat., p. 44. 

172 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

adjectifs, par la repetition pure et simple du singulier: tir = foret, 
tir-tir == forets; hal = hache, hal-hal = baches. La repetition de 
I'adjetif pent, en outre, signifier le supe7datif: gal = grand, gal-gal 
= tres grand. 

On croit meme trouver en hebreii des restes de ce pluriel^ dans 
les mots ''O""^ les eaux et nVS'^iS doubles trandiants qui ne seraient 
que des reduplications de % et de ns. Mais, si nous preferions voir 
dans meme, au lieu d'une reduplication du singulier mai, un pluriel 
secondaire du pluriel maiim (^-Ji\ g-o-4-) comme il y en a, dans I'hebreu 
postbiblique, un autre avec terminaison feminine niD'^D membtli, nous 
pourrons trouver des examples tres siirs en arameen et en syriaque: 
aram. ravr'vin, grands, du sing. rav\ syr. daqd'qe, petits, du sing, daq 

Or, si les langues semitiques, notammant I'arameen et I'arabe, ont 
conserve des restes plus ou moins isoles de cette primitive habitude 
de langage, il sera d'autant plus curieux, suggestif peut-etre, de 
constater la loortee generale que ce phenomene a gardee en Jiebreu 
et de suivre toute I'interessante evolution qu'il a pu subir depuis la 
Bible jusqu'a nos jours oii il continue, d'ailleurs, de vivre et de creer. 
Se differenciant en plusieurs procedes grammaticaux ou syntaxiques, 
ou en series-types d'expressions idiomatiques, la repetition de la racine 
a fourni a la langue hebra'ique, par voie de formation sjgontanee, 
souvent meme populaire et sous I'influence de Paction analogique, des 
ressources precieuses pour rendre d'une fagon plus vive et intense, 
surtout plus concrete et intuitive, certaines nuances d'expression sur 
lesquelles on tient a insister sans les affaiblir par un langage abstrait. 

Voyons d'abord le procede le plus simple et primitif, c'est-a-dire 
la repetition du mot tel quel, sans changement sensible de forme 
grammaticale. Les exemples abondent dans la Bible 2 et dans la 
litterature posterieure pour les usages suivants: 

10 Dans les interjections pures, comme iri'in (Am. 5i6), ''"i""'1S 
(Ezech. 16 23), nsn nn (Ps. 70 4), M-^1 post-bib. 

20 Dans V apostrophe ou discours direct affectant un nom propre 
aussi bien qu'un nom commun, par ex. Htyc TWCt oh! Moise, DHI^t? 
nn"Q oh! Abraham, 'hi^ "bi^ oh! mon Dieu, ^in ^in oh! mon fils, 

1 Brockelmann, Grundriss der vergl. Gramm. der semit. Spr. I, page 440. 
- Voy. D. Qinihi: "jl^Dtt, p. 6061, ed. Lucques. Ce grammairien entrevoyait 
deja I'importance de la Repetition en hebreu pour renforcer le sens. 

EITAN: La Repetition de la Eacine en Hebreu 173 

'3N "'IIX oh! mon pere. Kemarque. On pourrait attribuer la cause 
de cette clerniere sorte de repetitions au manque, en hebreu, d'une 
particule vocative speciale comme Ij id en arabe ou oh! en frangais. 

3"J Pour exprimer la douleur localisee dans un certain organe, 
par ex. 't^i^'^ ""tys-i oh! ma tete, '^y '^7 oh! mon ceil, 'V^ ^ytt (Jer. 4i9) 
oh! mes entrailles, etc. 

4'^ Pour indiquer le superlatif dans les noms et surtout dans les 
adjectifs et adverhes, par ex. ^lin p^S pliJ i (Deut. 16 20) tu suivras la 
justice la plus exacte, pby pby (Eccl. 7 24) tres profond, nn^n D'lh'n 
(Gen. 25 so) = Pesitta: stimqa sumqa tres roux, J^l 1)^ (Pr. 20 u) tres 
mauvais, innK-jnn^ (p. b.) le tout dernier; nn)2y nnna (1. Sam. 2 3) 
avec heaucou^p de hauteur, nS'^TTD'' (p. b.) tres bien, t3i<^"t35<^ tout 
doucement, 1N'0"7ND extremement, Di<nS"j;nD tres soudainement, "D''2D 
^20 (aram. s'Jwr's'hdr) tout autour, ']"1D"")'1D (p. b.) a la fin du compte, 
bb^) bh^ (p. b.) pas du tout, IITinp de tout temps. 

50 Pour donner un sens distributif, iteratif ou de continuite in- 
interrompue, aux noms, adverbes ou verbes, par ex. ti'''t<"tJ'''t< quicon- 
que, chacun, "iDn m"i2"n"nfc<D (Gen. 14 10) pleine de puits de bitume 
(vallee), D'i'in"D"'i1Dn (Joel 4 i4) des foules qui se pressent, Tl^^b ']'? 
n^^b ^V (Num. 31 4) mille par tribu, nynty-nynty par sept, D^it^-D^ity 
par deux, n^t^b *in ty^ inx ty^^ (Num. 13 2) un homme de cJiaque 
tribu, t3V0"Dj; (Ex.23 zo)])eu djjeu = Pes.: Vqalil-qaUl, "inn nn (Ex.30 34) 
a parties egales, mtya nity (p. b.) idem; DT^'DV chaque jour, DJ^S.,,DJ;d 
(Pr. 7 12) tantot . . . tantot, D^sn Dj;S3 comme chaque fois (= comme 
toujours), "ipDi'lpan chaque matin, i"ij;a"n"iyD chaque soir; ntDDTItao 
toujours plus bas, n^VOTlVj^O toujours plus haut, piT^'ini"" (Ps. 68 13) 
ils fuient toujours, 12b HID (Eccl. 1 6) tournant sans cesse. 

60 Dans les imperatifs pour insister, presser ou encourager, comme 

nbyn^V (Nah. 2 9) arretez-vous done, 

lOni "iDni (Is. 40 1) consolez do?ic, 

"niD mo (Thr. 4i5) retirez-vous done, 

D'^ny^l my lllj^ (Is. 62 10) passez done par les portes, 

n'?D)3n "l^b "iVb (item) aplanissez done le sentier. 

1 Septuag.: StHato)q rb SUaiov Sidb^ri; Vulg.: Juste quod justum est persequeris. 
Les deux tournent done par un adverbe: tu suivras exactement la justice. Quoique 
ces traductions ne soient pas toujours grammaticalement adequates au texte hebreu, 
il n'est pas exclu en cette occurrence qu'un des deux pIlJ ait eu originairement 
la valeur d'un accusatif adverbial (tres frequent en arabe). 

1 74 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

Remarque. On pourrait toutefois considerer ce genre d' expressions 
comme simple figure de rlietorique, reduplication, qu'on aurait le 
droit de traduire dans les autres langues par la meme repetition, 

70 Parfois, pour signifier la dissimilation ou Vimparite, par ex.: 

]n1 pN deux sortes de poids = justes et faux, 

nS"'1 nD"' deux sortes de mesures = idem, 

"nST i"?! 2'?n (Ps. 12 3) ils parlent avec un cmur double. 

80 Pour mettre fortement en relief un nom, un pronom et meme 
une conjonction, ou pour exclure le contraire et le different, par ex.: 

^1V Hin "'H "'H (Is. 38 19) mais c'est le vivant qui te celebrera (et 
non point les morts), 

in ^iN ^ii (Deut. 32 39) moi seul je suis Dieu, 

DDOmo in 'DiN 'DiS (Is. 51 12) voyez, c'est moi qui vous console, 

]V^y\ ]V^ (Lev. 26 43) c'est Men parce que ... 


C'est a ce plienomene primitif que doivent egalement leur origine 
tons les nombreux verbes avec leurs derives consideres comme 
quadrilitteres et qui sont, en realite, formes secondairement par redu- 
plication d'une racine qu'on pourrait appeler hilittere, les deux 
membres du groupe restant accoles dans un radical commun au lieu 
d'etre separes en deux mots differents. Ces quadrilitteres peuvent 
facilement tirer leur origine de toutes sortes de racines faihles aptes, 
par consequent, a se debarrasser d'une de leurs trois radicales, mais 
avant tout des verbes creux et gemines. La reduplication donne a 
ces verbes de formation secondaire une nuance nettement iterative: 
ils indiquent done des actions, plutot faibles, se produisant a coups 
repetes, a pen pres comme les frequentatifs latins a infinitif en itare 
(crepitare, cantitare, volitare etc.) et surtout comme les verbes frangais 
craqueter, voleter, toussoter, pleurnicJie)'- etc. En hebreu, les exemples 
abondent dans la Bible aussi bien que dans la litterature postbiblique. 
Yoyons-en les plus usuels: 

1 Ben-Jehuda: Thesaurus, p. 1051; ce Kin aurait perdu le iod initial par suite 
de rencontre avec le iod final du mot precedent. Le sens est ainsi parfaitement 
parallele avec celui de I'liemistiche suivant: ''n D\n'? y^^ 

- Comp. aussi les verbes allemands en eln, comme: Idcheln sourire, Tilingeln 
tinter etc. 

EITAN": La Eepetition de la Racine en Hebreu 175 

nimnem (p. b.), sommeiller, de Dli; 

gilgel, faire avancer en roulant, de bb^-, 

hilbel (p. b.), embrouiller, confondre, de "r^n; 

gilgel (p. b.), sonnailler, tinter, de bb':i\ 

WW (P- b.), degoutter, de f]l3i; 

ligleg (p. b.), tourner en derision, de ^yib\ 

hirher, allumer la querelle, faire des intrigues, de 1"in; 

nidned (p. b.), secouer, branler, de Tii; 

ni'cmcC (p. b.), idem, de Vli; 

tiltel, balancer, lancer de ci de la, cahoter, de bltO; 

nifnef (p. b.), brandiller de ^\^; 

qilqel, secouer des fleches, gater (p. b.), de "^^p; 

hitlihalhal, etre saisi de tremblements d'angoisse, de ^^n; 

Upef (p. b.), frotter, de 'Jlty; 

qisqes (p. b.), tinter, frapper, de B^pi; 

ziUel (p. b.), deprecier, mepriser, de ^^t; 

pigjjeg, fracasser, de pS; 

kirker, danser (en tournant), de T0\ 

pirper, eifaroucher; p. b. gigotter, emietter de IIS; 

hithmarmer, s'exasperer, de "no. 

On voit bien que la grande majorite de ces verbes secondaires de 
la forme pilpel tirent leur origine d'une racine biblique, meme quand 
ils sont post-bibliques. Certains de ces derniers ont penetre en 
hebreu de I'arameen ou, d'ailleurs, ces iteratifs ne sont pas moins 
frequents qu'en arabe. 

II faut rattacher a ce groupe, certainement comme les plus primitifs 
de precede, les quadrilitteres onomatopoietiques qui ne font que repeter 
deux fois un bruit natiirel, comme: gifgef gazouiller, qirqer (p. b.) 
glousser ou coasser, gitngem (p. b.) begayer, ki'ka' (p. b.) toussoter, 
girger (p. b.) crier (grillon). lis se sont multiplies surtout dans 
I'hebreu moderne, par ex.: zimzem^ bourdonner, tiqteq faire entendre 
le tic-tac (montre), risres bruire (froufrou de feuilles ou d'etoifes), 
digdeg chatouiller = ar. '^Ss>, etc. De meme, le substantif biblique 
haqbuq, bouteille, reproduit le glouglou de I'eau. II va, d'ailleurs, 
sans dire que les quadrilitteres, comme les autres verbes, nous ont 
fourni toutes sortes de noms derives, par ex. galgal roue, zalzal 

1 Ar. ^j^j = marmotter, parler entre les dents, barrir (chameau). 

176 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

sai-ment (comp. ar. JJJj vaciller,i chanceler), kiahiim recreation de 
VVty V'i'y'i'- Pourtant, I'existence de ces noms peut etre inclependayite 
de celle de verbes quadrilitteres correspondants, par ex. gaaguim 
gravures (comp. ar. ^L-o former, fagonner), ginreneth panier ou bocal, 
qanqan (p. b.) cruche. 

Quant aux racines trilitteres saines, ne pouvant pas facilement se 
repeter en entier, ce qui produirait un radical secondaire de six 
lettres inapte a la conjugaison, elles se sont contentees de redoubler 
les deux dernieres radicales pour former ainsi des soi-disant quin- 
quilitteres. Comme verbes, ils ont surtout un sens suijerlatif: 

s'Jiarhar (Ps. 38 lo) etre tres agite (coeur); 

flitji^-i (^Ps_ 45 3^ i^ gs plug beau qii' aucun . . .; 

X^ qah-qoaJi (Is. 61 i) ouvrir largement ou grande ouverture des 

ahabhu-hebliu- (Hos. 4 is) = ahabhhehhii ne s'occuper que d'amour; 
homarm'ru me'ai (Thr. 1 20, 2 11) mes entrailles sont tres-emues 

(= fermentent; comp. ar. C^^^); 
panai homarm'ru (Job. 16 le) mon visage est tout-rougi, comp. 

Jiittamm'hu t'malm (Hab. 1 5) soyez extremement etonnes. Dans ce 
dernier exemple, toutes les trois radicales ont ete repetees. 

Ces quinquilitteres ferment aussi un groupe d''adjectifs indiquant 
surtout les couleurs avec un sens iteratif, comme si elles se repetaient 
par petites quantites: pIpT verdatre, imnty noiratre, mtt1 rougeatre; 
en hebreu moderne: nn^Hif jaunatre (couleur d'or), bnbn^ bleuatre. 
Parmi les adjectifs du meme genre n'indiquant pas de couleurs, 
citons comme exemples: bpbpy tortueux, brbnS) entortille (faux). 

De meme que les quadrilitteres ci-dessus mentionnes, les quinqui- 
litteres aussi ont donne naissance a maints substantifs derives, comme 
*)1DDD populace, mp^p^n endroits tres glissants (ou intrigues, arti- 

1 En hebreu, le nom seul est ici quadrilittere, mais le verbe reste trilittere au 
nif'al. Voy. Gesenius-Buhl: Handwort, rac. I bb), p. 199. 

2 Notons toutefois que les exegetes sont loin de I'unanimite generale en ce qui 
concerne uotre expression. Voyez la Vulgate, aussi Ben-Jehuda (Thes-, :in:ir:i(). 
Douteuse aussi, plus ou moins, I'expr. iirhaq-hoq (Mich. 7 11) il est tres loin, 
oil certains voudraient corriger hoq en huqqi et traduire: ma frontiere s'etendra 
loin (== s'elargira). 

EITAN: La Eepetition de la Racine en Hebreu 177 

lices), nillllian taches parsemees (panthere), misisn (Is. 2 20) rats- 
taupes, etc. 

Mais, si les verbes quadrilitteres et les adjectifs quinquilitteres sont 
des formes bien vivantes en hebreu jusqu'a nos jours meme, les verbes 
quinquilitteres sont tombes en desuetude des les temps anciens, ne 
nous laissant dans la Bible que quelques rudiments isoles. 


Si, apres avoir examine la repetition pure et simple du mot, nous 
venous maintenant a suivre Vevohition ou plutot la differ end ation 
subie par ce phenomene, notre attention sera tout d'abord retenue 
par les siihstantifs ou nous aurons a distinguer plusieurs manieres: 

10 Construction du singulier civec le singulier, accompagnee de 
changement de type nominal ou de genre, mais surtout d'adjonction 
d'un suffixe pronominal, par ex.: 

nnonp mp ^ (Is. 23 7) sa Jiaute antiquite, 

]inaty nn^ (Ex. 31 15, 35 2) repos absolu, 

IDin "lin (p. b.) le fin fond de. 

Notons que, parfois, le genitif peut etre remplace par une particule, 
comme dans nri!3^ DDS (p. b.) la verite complete. 

20 Construction du singulier avec lepluriel pour indiquer V excellence: 

D"'nny "tnj; le plus vil des esclaves, 

wb^n b'zn la plus pure vanite, 

D'^Ttyn T'ty le plus illustre de tous les chants, 

Qityip ^Ip saint des saints, sacro-saint. 

De meme dans certaines locutions adverbiales, comme DTliJi nifi^ 
en toute eternite, D''1"n yClb pour toutes les generations. C'est ainsi 
que Dieu est designe par la triijle repetition: D"'D'?)3n ''D'?^ "J^D le roi 
des rois des rois. 

30 Construction du phiriel avec le pluriel, surtout dans des ex- 
pressions adverhictles , avec signification superlative dans un sens 
qualitatif ou quantitatif: 

D'tynpn ^^Ip (Lev. 21 22) la part des pretres dans les dons sacres^ 

D"'aty ""Dty cieux sulAimes, 

D"'t?'?S ^i?h^ granules merveilles, 

1 On pourrait rattacher a ce groupe I'expression post-biblique nnPTiJ?'? en 
attendant (m. a m. au temps de maintenant), ou 'atta, morphologiquement I'accu- 
satif adverbial du nom nj?, remplit le x'ole d'un nom au genitif. 


178 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

D'^'^n ^"^n des tas et des tas, 

D'^tDID ^15"1D (aram.) heaucoiqj de details, 

D^Di ""Di grands miracles, 

omn mri: en grcmde cachette, 

Ca'piJ? 'd'tij;'? a tout jamais. 

D"!"?23 ''bSiD (duel) j)lusieurs fois le double. 
La plupart des exemples de cette derniere categorie sont postbibliques. 
Nous avons, d'ailleurs, I'occasion d'y rencontrer de curieux phenomenes 
d'analogie qui vont, pour ainsi dire, jusqu'a hraver la grammaire. 

En effet, uue fois que la terminaison masculine du pluriel construit 
(>^^ = e) s'est fixee par I'usage comme caracte^istique de ces sortes 
d'expressions superlatives, on I'appliqua egalement aux noms masculins 
dont le pluriel regulier est a terminaison feminine i ni = otJt, par ex.: 

niin "'"in de longues generations, 

mVlp "'^Ip: (crier) a tue-tete, 

nniD mO: tres secretement, en grand secret. 

Plus encore, et c'est le comble de I'audace au point de vue 
grammatical, I'analogie est allee jusqu'a traitor de la meme maniere 
des noms purement feminins avec les terminaisons typiques a (i\) au 
singulier et utli (Hi) au pluriel; par exemple: 

mj^lDty ^yi^tyn V2vi 2 preter mille serments ou jurer sans discontmuer, 

niliJ ''l^ grandes miseres, 

r\'\bb'p ''bbp toutes sortes de maledictions, 

mj^lin 'Vliii: avec force gestes, 

n"i22"l ''2*1 des myriades sans fin, 

ri)b''2n "h'^^n un encombrement de paquets. 

Enfin, d'une fagon tout a fait inattendue, cette analogic a atteint 
des noms dbstraits meme et de vrais adverhes dans plusieurs locutions 
adverbiales, comme: "Plt ''5?''D (ou b)m b'^D) a tres bon marche, r\)bl ''^'in 
sans le sou (dans la misere noire), Din ""in^ pour rien, presque gratis. 
Ces expressions et plusieurs des precedentes semblent bien etre de 
formation plus ou moins jJoimlaire qui seule aurait pu se permettre 
ime pareille liberie dans I'analogie. En effet, tout en etant tres 

1 Meme phenomene morphologique, mais sans la differenciation de sens ici en 
question, a constater dans les expressions talmudiques : lolade tvladoth (Bekhor. 2 i) 
des petits de deuxieme generation, pere peroth les revenus des revenus. 

2 Dans Ezech. 21, 28, cette expression est peu claire; par contre elle est tres 
courante dans I'hebreu post-bibl. dans le sens indique ici. 

EITAN: La Repetition de la Bacine en Hebreu 179 

usuelles meme dans le \a,nga,gejudeo-allemancl, elles n'ont pas beaucoup 
cours dans le style litteraire hebreu et ne sont pas, pour la plupart, 
enregistrees par les dictionnaires.i 

Done, pour resumer ce qui concerne les substantifs, nous pouvons 
dire que les trois manieres citees constructions du sing, avec le 
sing., du sing, avec le pluriel, du plur. avec le pluriel ne sont que 
des variations du meme principe general qui attribue un sens suj^er- 
latif a I'etat construit avec repetition. 

Un deuxieme principe, general seulement pour la S*^'"^ maniere, 
c'est que la terminaison masculine e (\ ) du pluriel construit pent 
s'appliquer, sans exception, a tons les noms quels qu'en soient le 
genre ou le pluriel absolu. 

Enfin, il ne serait peut-etre pas inutile de signaler entre les ex- 
pressions, surtout du 2^ et du 3 groupes, une certaine difference 
dans le mecanisme, pour ainsi dire, de la repetition; d'autant plus que 
cette difference n'est pas sans en entramer une dans notre faQon de 
])ercevoir I'acception de ces locutions. En effet, dans le troisieme 
groupe, base sur la construction du plur. avec le pluriel, la repetition 
est regressive: etant donne un plur. absolu, nous le faisons loreceder. 
de son etat construit, de D'^N^S merveilles nous faisons D'k'ts ""K^S 
grandes merveilles. Tout en percevant I'expression comme un seul 
mot a rediiplicatio7% , nous finissons pourtant par distinguer que la 
nouvelle nuance de signification le superlatif a ete produite 
par la partie ajoutee en avant. Or, il n'en est pas de meme du 
2^ groupe aii la repetition est progressive: nous sentons sans difficulte 
que, dans les expressions comme ""ehed 'ahadlm vil esclave, c'est le 
premier mot, au singulier, qui est le principal et que c'est le pluriel 
dont on I'a fait suivre qui lui ajoute le sens superlatif, ou d'excellence, 
en remplissant ainsi le role d'un adjectif special qui, lui aussi, aurait 
du suivre le nom. 

1 Ben-Jeliuda, Thes. p. 945, ne signale que I'exp. b' dalle dalluth chez quelques 
rabbins du moyen-age, entre autres cbez Rasi, qui, d'ailleurs, negligeant toute 
preoccupation litteraire, nous ont souvent conserve des faQons de parler populaires. 
J'ai, moi-meme, eu I'occasion d'entendre des rabbins espagnols se servir de 
I'expression nWD Titb tout au moins, comme si I'adverbe pahoth etait un nom 
pluriel. lis m'ont affirme que c'etait la une fagon de parler tres courante chez 
eux, employee surtout par les gens de la vieille generation, qui n'ont pas appris 
leur hebreu dans les ecoles modernes. 


180 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 


Si nous nous aclressons maintenant aux adjedifs proprement dits, 
nous rencontrerons d'abord un superlatif posthihlique qui, pour unir 
les deux termes de la repetition dont le 2* est generalement un 
pliiriel, remplace I'etat construit par la double particule ^ qui (puisse 
se troiiver) +3 dans (parmi); par ex.: 

U'bpZ^ bp de tres peu d'importance, 

n^^i^Dty ""iy extremement pauvre, 

D'^VV^nii' rhVKi le plus remarquable, 

D^mnD2ty mns le plus bas (vil), 

Cti^nn^JJ' ti^lT] le plus nouveau (moderne), recent. 

Cette faQon caracterise plutot le style familierA Elle provient, 
tres probablement, d'une doid>le origine consistant dans la superposition 
du superlatif arameen hebraise au superlatif hiblique. En effet, la 
preposition 3 ha est la caracterisfcique de ce dernier, comme dans 
Jiaiiafa bannaslm (Cant, cant 1 8) la blus belle des femmes. Quant 
a la particule ^ se dont I'usage se fait deja bien sentir dans les 
derniers livres de la Bible, elle correspond au relatif "l {d\ di) qui, 
remplagant I'etat construit, caracterise egalement d'ailleurs avec 
repetition du nom le superlatif arameen, par ex.: 

]n-n ]m grands mysteres, NIDItrT SlSlt^O du plus beau, etc. 

En outre, il n'est pas sans interet de noter qu'a ce superlatif 
arameen correspond plus exactement encore un autre superlatif post- 
hiblique, beaucoup moins usite il est vrai, dans lequel c'est la pre- 
position min, de, qui unit les deux termes de la repetition. Cette 
derniere pent, d'ailleurs, comme en arameen, affecter un singulier 
aussi bien qu'un pluriel: c'est une sorte de YQ]iQi\i\o-Q. pure et simple'^ 
a I'aide d'une preposition, par. ex. daqqa min haddaqqa (Joma 4 9) 
tres fine, hamm'hadd'rin min hamm'liadd'rln (Sabbath 21) les plus 
exacts, meticuleux ou empresses (dans I'observance). 

Or, les adjectifs ont un procede de repetition bien plus original-^ 
il ne consiste pas, comme on pourrait le dire pour les deux cas 
precedents, dans une sorte de periphrase, aussi breve qu'elle soit, de 
I'etat construit, mais il exprime le superlatif absolu (sans comparaison) 

1 C'est sur ce type qii'a ete formee aussi I'expression injurieuse courante dans 
le langage popiUaire: D'^a^DDE' 2^3 chien de chienl 

2 A noter pourtant Varticle qu'on ajoute toujours au deuxieme membre de la 

EITAN: La Eepetition de la Racine en Hebreu 181 

par voie plutot morphologiqiie. Le principe est tres net: on repete 
la racine de I'adjectif sous forme d'un participe passif quelconque. en 
accordant la preference a la forme intensive. Les exemples ne 
manquent point depuis la Bible: 

Itrii Iti'^ (Lev. 26 lo) tres vieux, 

n^DSno n^ODn (Prov. 30 24) extremement intelligents, 

VJyno J^tJ'li (pop.) tres mechant. 

II en est de meme pour des suhstantifs ahstraits a sens adjectif 
ou participe: 

TD-IO ^D12 (Is. 28 16) fondation solide, 
nrvra nns (pop.) grandes miseres. 

Les deux termes peuvent aussi etre unis par un 1 ivaw conjonctif: 

^tfl^DI ^133 complHement nul ou annule, 

^"11301 ijnD mille fois beni, 

nrr^DI "l*n"' ahsolmnent unique, 

na^OI nyV2} tout ce qu'il y a de plus different, 

VlDtt1 bo arc7w-plein, 

pnioi pin"i3 if^s eloigne, etc. 

1 n"'a3 b'^yo h'^'l (Ex. 12 9) ciiit, prepare a Veau n'a rien a voir ici, n'etant pas 
une repetition pour renforcer le sens. En effet, n'3 h^'l'Q n'est qu'une parentliese 
ou une apposition pour determiner I'acception precise de ^B'a a laquelle on fait 
allusion dans ce j>assage, le merae terme etant employe ailleurs dans le sens de 
cuire au fen, rotir (2. Chx". 35 13). Quant a B^Esno vsn (Ps. 64?), le texte y est 
trop douteux et trop obscur pour nous permettre de reconnaitre la vraie valeur 
de cette expression. 

2 noiO n'est pas, comme I'admet Gesenius (Handw., no^), nnhof'al qui rendrait 
superflue la reduplication de la 2e radicale. Car, si la Massora nous a conserve 
ce dages fort malgre I'apparente exception, c'est que nous sommes en presence 
d'un archaisme. En effet, la voyelle precedant ici la reduplication n'est longue 
qu'en apparence; en realite, c'est un u href (ii = .) qui a recule pour remplacer 
un sheva mobile: 1D10 provient de nD), mussad < niwussad. Le phenomena est, 
d'ailleurs, bien connu comme affectant, dans les memes conditions, la lettre alef qui 
devient alors quiescente comme notre ivatv ici; par ex. D^nstt < D^nN, D''E''i < D"'U'X") 
etc. Or, m'wussad est la forme archaique de tniussad, le verbe appartenant aux VS. 
Done, c'est le partic. passif de la forme Intensive (]}VLal) sous laquelle, d'ailleurs, 
ce verbe est si usite dans la Bible. Une bonne raison contre le hof'al est deja 
ce fait que nous ne trouvous guere IC sous la forme causative. Quant au 
phenomene meme du recul vocal, il n'est pas isole chez le ivaiv., nous le retrouvons 
dans Job 5?: iullad j)rovenant de i'lvullad, passif du qal. 

3 Le meme procede a tres probablement i^reside a la formation des expressions 
nominales abstraites: npUttl npn (Nah. 2 n) grande calamite = <^Aib, nxitflil nxb? 

182 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

Ce dernier type cl'expressions nous fera saisir facilement comment 
a pu se former I'etonnant juron, repandu chez les Juifs espagnols, 
pour taxer quelqu'un de la plus grande mecliancete: ymsoi yi mediant 
et lepreiix. On se demande ce que le lepreux pourrait bien avoir a 
faire ici, car on ne voit guere en quoi la Itjjre caracteriserait la mechan- 
cete. Or, la chose est bien simple. Notre lepreux est tombe ici par 
un pur hasard, victime d'une a^^rt?o^^emalencontreuse: voulant renforcer 
yi mechant, selon la maniere habituelle, par la repetition sous forme de 
j^artic. pass, intensif, on se heurta centre une difficulte pbonetique ou 
grammaticale sortant un peu de I'ordinaire, I'adjectif en question derivant 
d'une racine geminee avec 2^ et 3^ radicales gutturales, VV^- Or, dans 
ces circonstances, rien n'etait mieux fait pour trancher la difficulte 
que le qualificatif ^"11313 Upreux, donnant par sa forme satisfaction a 
tous les besoins de I'analogie: il rej^e^e par sa derniere syllabe I'ad- 
jectif a renforcer, il a aussi la forme intensive du part, pass., requise 
dans ces occasions. De plus, le sens propre de m'gora', ne representant 
egalement rien d'appetissant, ajoutait a I'expression une nouvelle nuance 
pour rendre aussi le degotd inspire par la mechancete. 

Pour des raisons analogues, nous rencontrons dans I'usage moderne 
I'expression "itlOl 11 ^ tout a fait etr anger, quoique 1110, employe 
isolement, ne signifie que bizarre. 


Si nous passons aux verbes, nous pouvons y rencontrer le meme 
precede que chez les adjectifs. Pour renforcer le sens, on repete le 
verbe a un autre theme, en preferant V Intensif par ex.: 

nmyn nsi ITyn D2 (Cant. 2 ?; 3 5; 84) que vous n'eveilliez point 
ni ne reveilliez! 

(Sopli. 1 lo) grand malheur = cyui. Le ivaw conjonctif remplit, en outre, un ru- 
le assez important, dans ce que I'on pourrait appeler la repetition mixte, ou il sert 
a unir des categories grammaticales bien sensiblement differentes, par ex.: 
' idclan w"iddanim (aram.) bien lougtenips, hafle' ivafele' c'est merveilleux, lifnai 
tv'lifnim tout a I'interieur, ros tv'rlson le tout premier. Nous le retrouverons 
aussi plus loin, dans les verbes. 

1 intt ne se trouve qu'une fois dans la Bible (Ps.69 9). La version syriaque traduit 
t<''"i3131 = hebr. Ill et etranger. Les modernes corrigent It 103 comme un etranger. 
Le raot,pretendu done douteux, est pourtant tres courant dans I'usage post-biblique. 

2 II serait un peu risque de ranger ici les deux express, peu claires d'/s. 29 a: 
)VVf) 1J?tfyntrn, inom "inonDnn (comme triple repetition alors); car d'autres sont 
tentes d'y chercher des verbes differents, mais simplement homonymes. Pour la 
meme raison, nous laisserons encore de cote ici "iB'Ipl Itrtflprir! (Soph. 2 1). 

EITAN: La Eepetition de la Racine en Hebreu 183 

niiiDDI 1 mjb (Jos. 6 i) close et fermee avec soin, 

nonai n^mty ^O (Lev. Eabba 22 1,2) qui desire ardemment 

Nous arrivons ainsi au precede original et classique dont dispose 
la langue hebraique pour renforcer le verbe et dont les traductions 
anciennes ne savaient que rarement rendre les nuances, C'est une 
repetition qui se fait par VInJinitif, surtout par celui du theme qui 
afifecte le verbe interesse, par ex.: D^pn Dpn (Deut. 22 5), T^n 2^n 
(Deut. 24 2,13), hibhoq tibboq (Is. 24 3), Mllem i'kdlem (Ex. 22 13), 
Ti^iJ Sill (Gen. 40 i5). Mais cet Infinitif peut aussi, sans egard au 
theme du verbe qu'il repete, se mettre au Qal, comme dans: saqol 
issaqel (Ex. 21 28), tarof f or af (Gen. 37 33), ganobh iggcmebli (Ex. 22 ii), 
mot hithmot'ta (Is. 24 19) etc. Notons que c'est presque toujours 
VInfin. cibsolu et que, generalement, il precede son verbe. 

Quoique le fait meme de cette Repetition infinitive soit classique 
et qu'elle releve plutot de la syntaxe, essayous au moins d'esquisser 
les principales nuances de signification qu'elle sert a exprimer et 
qu'on ne saurait rendre dans une autre langue qu'a Taide de particules 
conjonctives speciales ou d'expressions adverbiales. 

Signalons tout d'abord deux nuances deja rencontrees souvent au 
cours de cette etude et qui, sans etre bien caracteristiques du verbe, 
s'y rencontrent pourtant egalement. Ce sont VIntensite et Vlteration. 
C'est dans un sens iw^ey; si/ qu'il faut entendre des expressions comme: 
SOS asls (Is. 61 10) je me rejouirai beaucoup; halokh lialaklita (Gen. 31 so) 
Vulgate: ire cupiehas = tu tenais a t'en aller; nikhsof niMsafta (item) 
Ostervald: tu souhaitais avec passion. Mais, seul le sens iteratif 
conviendra a d'autres exemples: hakho tihhke hallaila (Thr. I2) Osterv. : 
elle ne cesse de pleurer pendant la nuit; aqohh ia'aqobh (Jer. 9 3) 
idem: il fait metier de supplanter, etc. 

La plupart des nuances de sens mentionnees jusqu'ici sont objectives. 
En effet, quantite ou nombre, distribution, continuite, iteration, 
intensite toutes ne nous renseignent que sur des modifications 

1 La vocalisation biblique, donnant a miD la forme active, semble bien sur- 
prenante. II se peut bien que nous soyons en presence d'un ancien partic. j^ass//" 
du qal: sugereth a I'instar de ukkal (Ex.3 2) = iikal; mais, un pheuomene de 
dissimilation, produit par le verbe passif immediatement suivant, aurait change 
sugereth en sogereth. 

184 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

affectant le monde exUrieur au sujet pensant. Or, le vrai role, 
special it la Repetition infinitive, est de caractere subjedif et cnergique: 
elle exprime des relations du sujet qui n'obligent en rien la realite 
meme, notaniment elle fait mieux ressortir differents degres d^energie 
dans VaJJirmation et dans Vantithese. 

Dans r Affirmation, positive on negative, la repetition infinitive 
pent servir a rendre: 

1" des declarations exprimant une certitude, une conviction, une 
promesse ou une assurance, par ex.: 

'elolumimqdd ifqod 'etlikhem (Gen. 50 24) Osterv. : Dieu ne manquera 
point de vous visiter; 

tarbf toraf ibsef (Gen. 37 33) idem: certainement Joseph a ete 

ia'klwl tnklial (I.Sam. 26 25) tu viendras surement a bout; 

l^j; 2''t3"' atO'^n (Gen. 32 13) je promets de te faire du bien. 

2^ un droit accorde (ou refuse) ou un devoir vivement recommande, 
par ex.: 

nilDDn '? "liOl (Deut. 21 u) Vulg.: nee y endere jyoteris = mais tu 

n'auras pas le droit de la vendre-; 
"h lin^trn ntrn (Ex. 23 4) tu deiras le lui ramener. 

3" une loi juridique ou un ordre impose pouvant, au besoin, etre 
executes par voie coercitive, par ex.: 

Mllem i'sallem (Ex. 22 13) Vulg.: reddere compelletur = il sera 

ohlige de rendre; 
moth mmath (Ex. 21, passim) il sera puni de mort immanquable- 


Quant a I'Anti these, la repetition infinitive sait lui donner plus 
de relief de plusieurs manieres: 

1^* sous forme de question energique a laquelle on attend une 
reponse negative par ex: 

l'2b^ ah IID^I nnn-)0 ^Sn'?J;^^ (Am. 3 5) leverait-on le filet de 

dessus la terre avant d'avoir rien pris du tout? 
)yb)} ']'?Dn "j'ron (Gen. 37 8) est-ce que vraiment du regneras sur 

2'> en relevant des cas particuliers ou des circonstances speciales, 
par ex.: 

EITAN: La Kep^tition de la Eacine en Hebreu 185 

. 1j;n n^'pty ^ann bhn ns (Ex. 22 25) dans le cas on tu prendrais en 
gage le vetement de ton prochain; 
'im tarof iittaref (Ex. 22 12) dans le cas oii il (boeuf, ane etc.) 
aurait ete dechire. 

3" en com^arant ou en opposant entre eux deux etats ou actions 
contraires, comme: 

n:"!n n^ Ni . . . nbm l'?^ -Jlbn (Ps. 126 e) il ira en pleurant . . . il 

reviendra avec un cri de joie; 
npy i^b np:^) , , . D^2 "jIH "n (Num. 14 is) Dieu est lent a la 

colere . . . mais il ne laisse point (le coupable) impuni. 


Si nous venons maintenant a resumer les differents phenomenes 
de repetition de la racine passes en revue dans cette etude, nous 
pouiTons les grouper assez nettenient en cinq categories, comme 
il suit: 

P la Repetition pjwe et smiple] 

20 la Reduplication sous forme de radicaux quadrilitteres et qidn- 

quilitteres ; 
3" la Repetition genitive, ou construite; 
40 la Repetition paronymique, ou sans construction; 
5^' la Repetition infinitive. 

Comme phenomena de Repetition le plus simple, on pourrait 
signaler la reduplication de la 2^ radicale, qui constitue a elle seule 
par la repetition d'une seule consonne le theme Intensif des 
verbes. Mais, s'il s'agit de determiner le phenomene de repetition 
le plus primitif dans le temps, il faudra certainement s'adresser a la 
"Repetition pure et simple du mot, sans aucun changement de 

La tendance paronymique etudiee jusqu'ici, etant basee sur 
Vetymologie, a done un double caractere, semantique aussi bien que 
phonetique. En se dissociant, elle pent done engendrer deux autres 
phenomenes de repetition: 

1" la ReT^etition synonymique, ne se preoccupant que du sens, qui 
est tres repandue en hebreu, par ex.: 
n^SKI "jcyh ol)scurite complete, 
ilDI Ipa^ absolument faux. 


Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

]OTO"l ]D!ia tout prOt, 

]^"i DDK rien de rien, etc.; 

20 la Repetition paronomastique, faisant cas surtout de la ressem- 
blance des sons sans s'occuper de leur etymologic, qui a fourni a 
Varahe une assez riche vegetation d'expressions a Failure Jcmtasqiie, 

^J^ jSJ^ (kidar niadar) disperse ci et la, 

^Jw ^S^^ {(jidci midd) de tout cote, 

^N) jiLo {sa'iij IcCig) de facile deglutition, 

Julf '^-^^ Qiartlia haitha) disperse, 

J^ J^ (qalll hcdil) peu; 
ou a I'air plus raisonnable, comme: 

iJ-etTo, \Z( par terre et par mer, 

u-^-li^ ,_,^^ (Jiasal ivanasdb) merite propre et noblesse d'origine,etc. 

Mais ces deux nouvelles especes de repetitions sortent completement 
du cadre de la presente etude. 




WE read Deut. 2 23 : And the Awwim, who dwelt in villages (or, 
fortified camps i) as far as Gaza the Kaftorim who came from 
Kaftor destroyed them and dwelt in their stead. Jos, 13 3 also 
mentions the 'Awwim as an appendix to a list of the inhabitants of 
the five Philistine cities, but the name may. be merely an archaistic 
ornament, and not indicate that this mysterious people- was still in 
existence at the time of composition. In all our sources Gaza appears 
as the southern limit of the Canaanites proper. Gen. 10 i9 states: 

1 The term haserim (sing, haser) means properly "enclosed camps," being 
etymologically related to the place-name Hasor. The cognate Arabic word is 
hasirah, "enclosure for cattle, sheep-fold," though hddar, fixed settlement," in 
distinction to Bedu camp, which appears in Aramaic as hertd (whence the place- 
name al-Hira) "permanent camp" may have fallen together with it in Hebrew. 
In Gen. 25 16 (AV, "castles") and Is. 42 11 the word refers unmistakably to the 
permanent, and hence enclosed, or fortified camps of Arabia Petraea. This seems 
also to be the meaning in our passage. Later, in Palestine proper, the word 
comes to mean "village" in distinction to the walled, "mother" cities (cf. esp. 
Lev. 25 11). 

2 2 Kings 17 31 we hear that 'Awwim were among the peoples transported 
by the Assyrians to Samaria, where they still paid honour to their gods, Nibhaz 
and Tartaq. Hommel (OLZ, XV, 118) has pointed out that the gods are clearly 
identical with Ibnahaza and Dagdadra, which appear in an Assyrian list of 
Elamite divinities, though never mentioned in Susian texts, and hence certainly 
not Elamite in the narrow sense. His association of the 'Awwim with the city 
of Awan on the Elamite-Babylonian frontier hardly commends itself, though the 
city is unquestionably one of the most ancient in Mesopotamia. "While the 
perfect agreement in name may be purely accidental, it is worth bearing in 
mind. Nor is it impossible that the Ghawwim (so read, since the J? in non-Semitic 
words usually indicates a gh) of the Negeb were really a Zagros folk whom the 
Hyksos settled here, and whom the Pharaohs of the Eighteenth Dynasty replaced 
with Cretan mercenaries. 

188 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

And the territory (lit. border) of the Canaanites was from Sidon, as 
thou goest in the direction of Gerar (i. e., southward) as far as Gaza. 
Similarly, as Gardiner has pointed out (JEA^ VI, 104) the southern- 
most town of the Canaanites, called by Sethos I dmyt n p^ Kn'n, 
"city of 'the' Canaan," was Gaza. But beyond Gaza were arable 
stretches of ground, gardens, and palm-groves, 2 which, combined with 
the profitable caravan trade, supported many flourishing towns, 
Gerar (perhaps Tell Jemmeh, in the Wadi Ghazzeh, two miles south 
of Umm Jerrar) Raphia (Eg. Epli, mod. Rafa'), Sharuhen (variant 
Silhim, which the Eg. Sr(l)hn indicates should be pronounced 
Silhon), etc. Since the term "Canaanite" seems to have been very 
elastic, it is strange that this district is not assigned to them. 

The answer to this problem is indicated by the passage in 
Deuteronomy already cited. The author of this work from the 
seventh century, whether using older sources or not, is obviously 
endeavouring to place himself in as archaic a background as possible. 
Accordingly, he takes care not to put in Moses's mouth anything 
incompatible with the historical situation as he conceives it to have 
been. Knowing that the Philistines were later intruders who did not 
occupy the coast until many decades after the Judaeo-Israelite con- 
quest of the hinterland, he does not mention them at all; the Caphtorim 
who occupy the coast south of Gaza have nothing to do with the 
Philistines who came in during the twelfth century, but were an 
independent body of much earlier immigrants. 

Now we are ready to unterstand 1 Sam. 30 u, where the Egyptian 
slave of the Amalekite says, We made a raid upon the Negeb 
belonging to the Kreti (Cherethites) * * * and upon the Negeb 
belonging to Caleb. The latter is the region of Beersheba, and the 
former is the district between it and the sea. Verse I6, however, 
refers to the land of the Cherethites under the general head, "land 
of the Philistines." This is perfectly natural, since both the Philistines 
and the Caphtorim are said to come from Caphtor or Crete, and 

1 Xote the ablireviations JEA = Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, OLZ = 
Orientalistische Literaturzeitung. 

2 Every traveler on the railway from Egypt to Palestine remembers that 
even today there are long stretches of arable lands in the country between El- 
'Aris and Gaza, a distance of fifty miles. The palm-groves of El-'Aris are 
wonderfully beautiful in the autumn. 

ALBRIGHT: A Colony of Cretan Mercenaries on the Coast of the Negeb 189 

hence possessed similar cultures, whether their languages were similar 
or not. The same loose usage is shown by the prophets; Ezekiel 
(25 16) and Zephaniah (2 5) use the terms PeliUim and Kretim 

The twenty-sixth chapter of Genesis can now be interpreted with 
some hope of success. As is well-known, the parallel story told in 
Ch. 20 of Abraham is merely an Elohistic doublet to our Judaic 
document, and has no independent value. Isaac, representing the 
Hebrew tribe of the Bene Yishaq, has a controversy over some lands 
and wells with the subjects of Abimelech, the "Philistine" prince of 
Gerar. Isaac dwells in Beersheba, thirty-five miles southeast ot 
Gerar in a straight line, and makes a treaty with Abimelech after 
being compelled to yield ground. There is no reason to doubt the 
essential historicity of the account, nor of the names. Phichol, or 
Pikhol (^3"*^) the prince's military aid, bears, as Spiegelberg has 
seen, an Egyptian name, of a common type, meaning "The Syrian" 
(cf. Phinehas, "The Nubian").^ However, the modern term "Philistine", 
has been substituted for the more archaic "Kaftori," or "Kreti." If 
we may judge from the name, the Cretan colonists had lost, or were 
losing their language, and adopting the Canaanite vernacular, Hebrew, 
just as the Philistine did in his turn. The date of our episode is 
quite uncertain, and it may have happened anywhere between 1700 
and 1300 (cf. the writer's article on "A Revision of Early Hebrew 
Chronology"), though a date in the Eighteenth Dynasty is perhaps 
more likely than one in the Hyksos period. 

We have already noticed the Egyptian military colouring of the 
Cretan colonists in Gerar. We may further note that as late as 
David's reign the Cretans (Cherethites) are regarded as particularly 
reliable mercenaries, and hence serve as David's personal bodyguard, 
just as Rameses HI. has a Sardinian bodyguard, and the Byzantine 
emperors their Varangian guard of Norsemen. David may have won 
their attachment during his early days in Ziklag, just as he won the 

1 In Egyptian Pi-Jfirw, a very common name in the New Empire. The 
Egyptian term HI, for Palestine, is just as obscure as Btn and Dh, and we maj- 
suspect that they are heirlooms from the most remote antiquity. At all events, 
HI cannot be explained as identical either with the name Hortm, or with the 
Harri, a Mitannian people who occupied Palestine during the first half of the 
second millennium, to judge from the proper names of the Amarna period. 

190 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

affection of Ittai and the men of Gath, but the fact is characteristic. 
If the Cretans had considered themselves as Philistines, his pro- 
verbial hostility to the Philistines would be dangerous, to say the 
least. The evident truth is that they did not. 

The Cretan colonists on the coast of the Negeb are to be regarded 
as an Egyptian frontier garrison. Evidence regarding the use of 
foreigners for this purpose in the Eighteenth Dynasty is unfortunately 
lacking, though the extensive use of mercenaries in this period is 
certain, and in the Saite period we know that Carians and Jews were 
employed to garrison the frontiers. The Egyptians have never been 
a military people, though quite capable of savagery in a riot. The 
proof of our thesis comes from an indirect source. 

Gardiner, JEA VI (1920) 99 116, has published a very important 
article on "The Ancient Military Road between Egypt and Palestine." 
In the Nineteenth Dynasty there was an elaborate chain of fortresses 
stretching along the military road from Sele ("Zaru"), the modern 
Qantarah, to the Egyptian frontier at Raphia, still, curiously enough, 
the official frontier. On this route there were some ^ twenty-two 
fortresses, an average distance of two hours, or a Babylonian heru, 
apart. The list of names in the reign of Sethos I. (1313 1292) 
shows that he had renamed most of them; probably they had fallen 
into disrepair or ruin during the preceding half-century. The existence 
of such a chain of forts and stations was a prerequisite for the 
success of the success of the campaigns of the great Pharaohs of the 
Eighteenth Dynasty. We can trace them to a still earlier date. 
The Hyksos Empire, partly in Asia and partly in Egypt, with its 
capital at Avaris, in the northeastern corner of the Delta, required 
a strong line of fortresses to insure an unbroken liaison between 
the two halves of the realm, so we may safely assume that it goes 
back to their rule, and that the Egyptians of the Eighteenth Dynasty 
merely maintained a system to which they had fallen heir. After 
the loss of Avaris, the Hyksos retii-ed to the Syrian end of this line, 
and were able to hold Silhon (see above) three years against the 
attacks of Amosis I., as we learn from the famous inscription of the 
admiral Amosis son of Tbn. We may suppose that the Cretans 
passed from Hyksos to Egyptian service without difficulty, just as 
the Jews of Elephantine passed from Egyptian to Persian a millennium 

ALBRIGHT: A Colony of Cretan Mercenaries on the Coast of the Negeb 191 

We are justified in asking the question, at least, What was the 
real relation between the Pelistim, the Kaftorim, and the Kretim? 
Some have sought an answer to it in Gen. 19i3f.: And Misrayim 
begot the Ludim, and the 'Anamim, and the Lehabim, and the 
Naftidiim, and the Patrusim, and the Kasluhim, and the Kaftorim. 
There can be no reasonable doubt that the words "from whom came 
forth the Pelistim" are a misplaced gloss explaining Kaft(3rim, owing 
to the fact that Amos says the Philistines came from Caphtor. In 
interpreting our passage we must bear in mind that, for all its 
archaistic tone, the tenth chapter of Genesis was written, at least in 
its present form, as shown by vv. 23 and 12, about 700, or perhaps 
a little later. Four of these names are known. The Liidim are else- 
where the Lydians (it is hard to divine the theory which made our 
author include Lud among the Semitic peoples in v. 22); the Lehabim 
are the Libyans of Marmarica; the Patrusim (correctly Patresim) 
are the inhabitants of Pathros, or Upper Egypt (Eg. jji ti-rsy, Assyr. 
Paturisi); the Kaftorim are the inhabitants of Crete, according to 
the almost universal view of scholars, for which new evidence will 
be adduced below. The Naftuhim and the Kasluhim have not been 
explained, and the attempts so far made had better be relegated to 
oblivion; the similarity in ending with the Katmuh (whence the name 
Commagene) and Karduh (Carduchians) of Armenia is doubtless 
accidental, despite its closeness. The name 'Anamim appears, I believe, 
along with Kaftor in a remarkable cuneiform geographical manual 
from the reign of Sargon IL of Assyria (722^705), published by 
Schroeder, KeUschrifttexte aus Assiir verschiedenen Inh alts {Leii^zig, 
1920), No. 92. Lines 4144 read: A-na-mi (text AZAG, which is 
impossible) -M Kap-ta-ra-U KtR-KTJR BAL-RI [A- A] B-BA 
AN-TA Tihmn-Jd Ma-gan-na-ld KUB-KUR BAL-R [I] A-AB-BA 
8TJ-A Sa Sarru-gi-na sar kissafi adi salsi-su qdt-su ik-su-du = "Anami 
and Kaptara, lands beyond the Upper Sea, Tilmun and Magan, lands 
beyond the Lower Sea, and the lands from the sunrise to the sunset, 
which Sargon, king of the world, subdued up to the third (year of 
his reign)." In view of the character of the orthographic mistakes 
occuring repeatedly in our tablet, I cannot believe that any other 
reading except Anami is tenable; a similar slovenliness in the writing 
of KAP has prevented Schroeder from recognizing the cuneiform 

192 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

equivalent of Caphtor. Our text adds this much to the discussion 
of the problem, that Caphtor is certainly not Cilicia, as Wainwright 
proposed.! Nor can it be Cyprus, which is always Yadanan in late 
i\.8syrian inscriptions. We can feel a renewed sense of security; 
Caphtor is Crete. If Peiser's very probable suggestion be adopted,"^ 
the Asssyrian Nusisi, mentioned on a text of Esarhaddon discovered 
at Assur, and published by Messerschmidt, is Cnossus, the old capital 
of Crete; Chapman's identification with the Peloponnesus is im- 
probable.3 Anami would seem to represent Cyrene, which is very 
near Crete; moreover the 'Anamim (note the Hamitic y) are mentioned 
just before the Libyans of Marmarica, between Cyrene, modern 
Tripoli, and Egypt. 

It has been suggested, among others by Sir Arthur Evans, that 
our passage implies the African origin of the Cretans, but no 
archaeologist or anthropologist working without bias has been able 
to find more concrete basis for this extraordinary hypothesis. The 
Biblical writer may have had some such theory in his mind, like the 
Greek speculation regarding the Egyptian origin of their own culture^ 
but there is a much more natural explanation. In surveying the 
difierent peoples in Egypt and the adjoining territory, he noted the 
Cretan and Lydo-Carian military colonists, and supposed that they 
were related to the Egyptians in race. The Kaftorim, or Kretim, 
had been on the northeastern frontier, and perhaps elsewhere, for 
many centuries ; the Anatolian mercenaries appear in Greek sources 
as Carians, but in Hebrew as Lydians (so unquestionably in Jer. 46 9 
and Ez. 30 5, both of the sixth century. Though the Lydo-Carians 
first appear under Psammetichus II., they must have been employed 
as mercenaries much earlier. 

J- See Annals of Archaeology and Anthropolog//, Vol. VI, pp. 6975. It may 
be observed, in this connection, that "Wainwright's archaeological arguments 
against the identification of the Kftyw with the Cretans are sound; Kftyw, 
however, is not the same word as Kaftor, though perhaps combined with it 
by popular etymology, but is an Egyptian appellative, meaning "strangers," or 
"barbarians," from the verb l-f, "to ward off," and is thus a parallel formation 
to JSftyio, "foes," and Ywntyw, "enemies." The term was early specialized to 
designate "northern barbarians," and thus included the Cretans, along with other 
Mediterranean peojDles. ' 

2 See OLZ, XIV, 475, and XV, 246. 

3 See OLZ, XV, 59, and XVI, 347-349. 


ALBRIGHT: A Colony of Cretan Mercenaries on the Coast of the Negeb 193 

It is hardly likely that there is any intimate connection between 

the Philistines and the Cretans, aside from the fact that they both 

came from Crete. In my paper, "A Revision of Early Hebrew 

Chronology," I have shown philological reason for identifying the 

Philistines with the Pelasgians; the historical and archaeological 

argument has convinced many, despite the philological difficulty. For 

the Pelasgians, Crete was merely a station on their career of conquest, 

but though many of them migrated again from Crete at the time 

of the Achaean invasion, we still find them on the island in the age 

of Homer. In a famous passage of the Odyssey the poet says (t, 175): 

that there were five peoples, all speaking different tongues, on the 

island, Achaeans, Eteocretans, Cydonians, Dorians, and Pelasgians. 

Of these we may safely identify the Eteocretans, or "true" Cretans, 

Cretan aborigines, with the Caphtorim, or Cherethites. Greek 

tradition, based on Cretan sources, derives the lapygians, or 

Messapians, as well as the Lycians, from Crete; the little known of 

the language spoken by the Messapians of southeastern Italy shows 

it to have been nearly the same as Lycian (e. g., the Messapian 

genitive suffix aihi and ihi is identical with the Lycian alii, ehi). 

Hence we may suppose that the Caphtorim spoke a dialect of the 

same tongue. On the other hand, we know nothing yet of the 

Pelasgian language. It may have been related to Lycian-Cretan- 

Messapian; it may belong with Hittite-Luyya (i. e. Lujja)-Lydian- 

Carian,! or with the so-called Proto-Hattian, which seems to have 

been the native Cappadocian tongue. It is not so likely that it 

belongs to the Harrian-Mitannian-Chaldian group. The renewed 

study of the place-names in the light of the Boghazkeui material 

may help somewhat, though it is not alone enough to settle the 

affiliations of the Pelasgian language and people. For this we may 

have to wait until the decipherment of the Cretan inscriptions, begun 

1 The Hittite and Lydo-Carian proper-names are closely related, and Forrer 
{Die acht Sprachen cler Boghazkoi-Inschriften, Berlin, 1919) has shown that the 
two languages are related; of. esp. p. 1035. Ferrer's Luvian should be however, 
Luyyan, as Hrozny has pointed o\i.i{jJber die Volker und Sprachen des alien 
Chatti-landes, Leipzig, 1920, p. 39). One can hardly doubt that Greek Ludia and 
Hittite Luyya, whose inhabitants speak essentially the same language, and 
worship the same god Sandon, are identical; the native form of the name may 
have been Lujja (i. e., Ludzza). 



Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

auspiciously by Evans and Sundwall, is completed. The Palestinian 
archaeologist may contribute by exploring the mounds under which 
lie buried the remains of the civilization transplanted to Palestine 
by the Cretan, Pelasgian, and Sicilian colonists. ^ 

1 This long-desired task has now been begun by the Palestine Exploration 
Fund, under the very competent direction of Garstang and Phythian- Adams, now 
at work (May, 1921) in the Philistine strata of Ashkelon. In this connection 
the writer wishes to express his indebtedness to Mr. Phythiau-Adams, since it 
was under the stimulus of his keen and independent criticism of current views 
that the foregoing paper grew. 





(2 Samuel 81) 

FEW passages of the Bible have caused greater difficulty to 
translators and commentators than the present one. This is 
hw Hasting^s Dictionary of tJie Bible (1900) summarises the various 
renderings proposed: 

AV and RVm in 2 S. 8 1 "David took Metheg-ammah (TiKii^n :no) 
out of the hand of the Philistines." AVm has "the bridle of the 
mother city." This last rendering is pronounced to be "probable" 
by Driver (Text of Sam.), who points out (see his references) that 
DK has the sense of mother city or capital in Phoenician. "The 
bridle of the mother city" would mean the authority of the metro- 
polis or capital of the Philistines, namely Gath (so Ges., Keil, 
Stade). Budde (in 8B0T) makes various objections to this, and 
leaves the expression blank in his Heb. text as irrecoverably 
corrupt. The LXX reads rjjv d({)(ji>piar[j,evr]v, which may, according 
to AVellhausen, imply a reading ntyiino. Wellh. himself (Sam. 174) 
emends to T]\p^T\ n3 "Gath the mother city," comparing 1 Ch 18 1 
rfnii^l na ("Gath and her daughter towns"), which he argues may 
have arisen from the text he postulates in Samuel. Klostermann 
attempts to obtain from the two texts (of S. and Ch.) nSTlK 
nrs"* nbDiTlKI "Gath and her border to the west." Thenius emends 
to iTHlsn :in "bridle of tribute," i. e. "David laid the Philistines 
under tribute." Lohr despairs of recovering either the meaning 
or the text. Cheyne (Expos. Times, Oct. 1899, p. 48) emends to 

D'n imp ni-IB^-n, "Ashdod, the city of the sea." Sayce ('ilif,414n) 


196 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

suggests that ri?3n Jino is the Heb. transcription of the Bab. meteg 
animati (for meteq ammati) = "the highroad of the mainland" of 
Palestine. The reference would thus be to the command of the 
highroad of trade which passed through Canaan from Asia to Egypt 
and Arabia; but the appearance of such distinctly Babylonian 
words in Hebrew of this date is extremely improbable. 

(Cf. HDB s. V. 'Metheg Ammah'.) 

The most natural translation of this verse would be the literal 
one, viz. "the bridle of the cubit," according to the usual translation 

of :nD. 

The particle n in nn jriD n denotes that :in?3 must be the 
name of a definite kind of object well known to the public. This 
object stands in some connection to the cubit (HttS), the unit of 
measurement common in the country at the time of the compiler of 
the Second Book of Samuel; if it referred to any other cubit than 
that commonly used at the time the writer would have defined it 
and would not have called it, in a matter-of-course way, the cubit. 
Furthermore the object described as "the iflD of the cubit" must 
have been of great importance in the eyes of the Hebrews. This is 
evidenced by the following two facts. 1. The action of taking the 
riDSn ino out of the hand of Philistines was considered by the author 
of the passage worthy of being recorded in history. 2. The taking 
away of it is represented as the only lasting result of a victorious 
campaign, for DyiDM does not necessarily mean placing the vanquished 
people under permanent subjection; indeed David's campaign partakes 
rather of the character of a raid than of that of a regular war, and 
in contradistinction to what is claimed about the Moabites, the author 
does not pretend that the Philistines became tributary to David. The 
net result of the successful raid seems thus clearly to have been the 
mere carrying away of the HD^n ir\Ki. The conclusion seems there- 
fore justified that the HONn iHD was something of very great import- 
ance to the Hebrews. On the other hand it cannot have been considered 
of very great importance by the Philistines, for otherwise they would 
certainly have taken steps to recover it; as a matter of fact it is 
never mentioned again. It may be noted in this connection that the 
translation "David took the Metheg-ha-Ammah out of the hand of 
the Philistines" may convey a wrong impression; the Hebrew text 

TOLKOWSKY : Metheg ha-Ammah 197 

n^nti'^S T^ may simply mean "out of the hand of Philistines," a 
rendering which would accentuate again the unimportance of the 
object in question to the Philistines. As to the nature of the :inD 
noNH itself, it seems certain that it was a movable object, such as 
could be easily taken hold of and carried away in the course of a 
rapid raid. 

What is the meaning of uno? The word is used five times only 
in the Bible, viz. in 2 S. 81 (the passage under consideration), 2 K. 
19 28, Is. 37 29, Prov. 26 3, and Ps. 32 9. In all these passages it is 
translated "bridle." Rabbi David Kimhi defines unio as follows: "the 
long iron which is put into the mouth of the animal to guide it, 
and it is what is called in the vernacular ]''"1S, and it is similar to 
a ]D1 but is not made after the same pattern." Now, the word ]"''1D 
of Kimhi (= frein) is the French name for our "bar bit;" and ac- 
cording to his description he has in view more particularly the very 
plainest pattern of a bar bit, the one which the French call mors 
troyen (= Trojan bit), and which is the ^ 

typical bit used by the ancient chariot ^ * 

drivers, as illustrated for instance on the 

Egyptian monuments. On the other hand the ]D"1 is nothing other 
than the "ring bit" used to this day in Palestine and the East for 
saddle horses ; its shape is quite different and more complicated. ]D"1 
occurs four times in the Bible, viz. in Is. 30 28, Ps. 32 9, and Job 30 11 
and 41 5. It will be observed that the earliest mention of the bit 
in any of its two forms occurs in the passage now being dealt with, 
a fact which can only be explained on the assumption that the 
Hebrews possessed no horses before that time; indeed the earliest 
mention of the use of the horse by them occurs precisely in the 
Second Book of Samuel, and in the very same chapter, verse 4, 
where it is shown that David began its use by reserving one hundred 
captured chariots with their horses; in 2 Sam. 15 1 we further 
learn that "Absalom prepared him chariots and horses." The Phi- 
listines however had horses and chariots as the most important part 
of their military equipment, and it is only natural to assume that 
it is from them that the Hebrews first acquired the knowledge of 
the bit and that they called it by the same name by which the 
Philistines used to call it. The word ino would thus be a foreign 
word, which seems to accord with the fact that there is in the 

198 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

Hebrew language no other word of the same root. We are thus 
safe in assuming that :inD Avas the name by which the Phihstines 
used to call the particular bit used by their chariot drivers and 
that it had the shape of a plain iron bar. I am also tempted to 
believe that they used the same word for any iron bar in general; 
even in the Bible ^ntt seems to occur once with the meaning of a 
bar or rod, viz. in the parallelism contained in Prov. 26 3: "a whip 
for the horse, a iriD for the ass, and a rod for the fool's back." I 
therefore translate HDSn ino ns "the iron rod of the cubit." Ac- 
cepting the arguments above set forth, I deduce that David in the 
course of his raid over the Philistine border got hold of a certain 
iron rod which was well known to the Hebrew public at the time 
of the composition of the Second Book of Samuel as standing in 
some definite relation to the ell or cubit commonly used in their time. 
It may be noted in this connexion that, according to 1 Chr. 22 3, 
David "prepared iron in abundance for the nails of the doors of the 
gates (of the Temple), and for the joinings." 

Now, what could have been the exact nature of the "iron rod of 
the cubit" which David brought back from his raid into the Philistine 
country? If we accept the common view that the civilisation of the 
Philistines was derived from Crete or the Aegean, and if we admit 
with H. R. Halli that "it is to Egypt, if anywhere, that we must 
look for the origin of the Aegean weights and measures," we are at 
once led to think of the ancient ells that have been unearthed in 
that country. It is known that in Egypt there were two cubits: a 
larger one called the "royal" cubit and a smaller one called the 
"common" cubit; the relation between the two was as 7 : 6. Now, 
the ancient wooden ells unearthed in Egypt are marked with two 
distinct measures. On the one side the whole length of the rod is 
marked by an inscription as being the "royal ell," and it is divided 
into two half-cubits, one of which shows also the measure of one 
handbreadth and its four fingerbreadths. On the other side of the 
rod is marked the "common" ell, designated as such by an inscription; 
this ell is only 6^7 ths Qf ^j^g length of the royal ell marked on the 
other side of the rod, and it is divided into fingerbreadths which in 
their turn are subdivided into 1/2? V^j V^? ^'^^ ^o 0^ until ^/le^^ part 

1 See H. R. Hall : Aegean Archaeology, London 1915, p. 232, 



TOLKOWSKY: Metheg ha-Ammah 199 

of a fingerbreadth. It is clear that we have here not merely a 
comparison of the two ells used in Egypt, but the systematic and 
legal subdivision of the larger royal ell whose length is equal to seven 
handbreadths of the common ell.^ Both cubits were used in Egypt 
at the same time; but whilst the larger one, the royal ell, was more 
particularly used for building purposes, the smaller common ell, with 
its subsidiary divisions, was in all probability used for more delicate 
work and for measuring goods and other objects the size of which 
was to be determined with a greater amount of precision. For the 
same reason greater precision it seems likely that with the advance 
of civilisation the common ell should gradually displace the older 
and less precise royal ell; perhaps that is the reason of its designation 
as "common." Now, if the Philistines had received, directly or in- 
directly, from Egypt their weights and measures, there is every 
likelihood since they were the immediate neighbours of that country 
that they also borrowed from it rods of the ell similar to those 
which we have just described, or at least the idea of such ells, and 
it is not unreasonable to suppose that David, who is stated to have 
lived for years as a refugee in the Philistine country, must have 
seen such rods there and must have had occasion to convince himself 
of their superiority, as an instrument of measure, over the primitive 
method, used in his native country, of measuring "after a cubit of 
a man" (t^^N nn Dt. 3ii). 

I thus believe that the r\Qi^r\ 2nD which David brought back from 
his raid was neither more nor less than an exact reproduction in 
iron of the wooden ells which existed in Egypt. And now we shall 
understand why the historian considered the bringing home of this 
trophy sufficiently important to deserve specific mention in the book. 
Previous to David the Hebrews had been a collection of disunited 
and sometimes mutually hostile tribes; it was he who welded them 
together and made them into an organised state. During his stay 
in the Philistine country David had had the opportunity of convincing 
himself of the importance attached, in any well organised state, to 
the completest possible uniformity in measures of weight and length 
and therefore to the possession of accurate standards of these mea- 
sures. It is thus only natural to suppose that, as soon as his kingdom 

See F. Hultsch: Griechische und Romische Metrologie, Berlin 1882, pp. 3.o0tr. 

20<t Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

was consolidated and its organisation had reached some degree of 
perfection, he should have felt the wish to set up a legal standard, 
if possible recognised already by other well organised nations, and 
by Avhich should be determined the exact length of the cubit and 
its subdivisions on the "measuring-lines," "measuring-rods" and 
'measuring-sticks" used throughout his kingdom. For the manufacture 
of such standards one generally choses a material which is subject 
to little alteration; in olden times iron was largely used for the 
pur])ose {cf. in England the "Iron Ulne of our Lord the King"- 
Edward I.) It was a common custom with the ancients to deposit 
the standards of their weights and measures either in the palaces 
of their kings or in their sanctuaries. We are justified in supposing 
that in strict accordance with this general custom David, once he 
had secured the T\t:i^7\ :in)D from the Philistines, kept it first in his 
palace or fortress and later directed it to be placed for safe custody 
in the Temple that was to be built. For we learn from 1 Chron. 
23 26-29 that "by the last words of David" the Levites were appointed 
"to wait on the sons of Aaron .... for all manner of measure and 
size;" the Talmud also {Men. 98a) refers to two ells mentioned as 
having been kept in the hall Susana of the Temple. 

AVe have already pointed out that the ells which have been found 
in Egypt had both the royal and the common ell marked on them; 
and if my assumption that the HD^n iniD was an exact copy of these 
ells is right, the Hebrews may have got from it first hand acquaintance 
of both these measures. In strict accordance with the Egyptian 
precedent it was to be expected that the larger "royal" ell should 
be used by Solomon in building the Temple; and that in the course 
of time, as civilisation in the kingdom progressed and a more accurate 
measure became necessary, the larger ell should give way to the 
smaller one with its more minute subdivisions, so that after a certain || 

time this smaller ell became the "common" ell while the older '-royal" 
ell ceased altogether to be used. That this really was the case is 
evident from Ezekiel 405 and 43 13, as well as from 2 Chron. 3 3. 
"Ezekiel implies that in his measurement of the Temple . . . the ell 
was one handbreadth larger than the ell commonly used in his 
time . . . The fact that Ezekiel measured the Temple by a special 
ell is comprehensible and significant only on the assumption that 
this ell was also the standard of measurement of the old Temple of 

TOLKOWSKY: Metheg ha-Ammali 


Solomon. This is confirmed by the statement of the Chronicler that 
the Temple of Solomon was built according "to cubits after the 
first measure" (2 Chron. 3 3), imj)lying that a larger ell was used at 
first, and that this was supplanted in the course of time by a smaller 
one,"i And the Talmud (Men. 98a) says again: "Why were two (ells) 
necessary? One for silver and gold and one for building purposes." 
The translation of HlOi^n JnD by "the iron rod of the cubit," as 
now suggested, seems therefore to be very reasonable. Moreover 
the importance attributed by the author of the Second Book of 
Samuel to the acquisition of this iron standard rod appears to be 
fully justified by the functions which that iron rod came to play 
subsequently in the economic life of the Hebrew state. Accordingly, 
so far from being "in all probability corrupt beyond restoration" I 
venture to think that the Hebrew text of 2 Samuel 8 i has been 
transmitted to us in its original purity. 

1 See Jewish Encyclopedia, art. "Weights and Measures."' 




THERE is still much indecision iu the classification of certain of 
the Jewish coins. G. F. Hill, for example, is inclined to attribute 
the "thick shekels" to the First Jewish Revolt (6670 A. D.), but 
confesses that their date can only be a matter of conjecture. ^ He 
allots to the same period the two small bronze coins bearing the 
legends ]VS nnn D^nti' nitr (Year two, freedom of Zion) and nity 
]?:$ nnn tyi^ti' (Year three, freedom of Zion); while to Simon Maccabeus 
who first issued Jewish coins he attributes only the Fourth Year 
bronze coins. The present writer ventures to traverse these views,'- 
and submits the following scheme of classification. 

Simon Maccabeus succeeded his brother Jonathan in 143 B. C. 
(1 Mace, 13 8), and in the third year of his reign (1-11 B. C.) received 


Jerusalem the Holy 



Shekel of Israel 

that historic letter from Antiochus VII. (Sidetes) who wrote: "And 
I give thee leave to coin money for thy country with thine own 
stamp, and Jerusalem and the sanctuary shall be free" (1 Mace. 15 7). 

1 G. F. Hill, A Catalogue of the Greek Coins in the British Museum. Catalogue 
of the Greek Coins of Palestine. London, 1914. 

2 See P. E. F. Quarterly Statement, Jan. 1915; and S. Raffaeli, Dnin\T niMta, 
Jerusalem, 1913. 


RAFFAELI: Classification of Jewish coins 


EM 1-tl B. C. to Nisan 140 B. C. was the first year in which these 
coins were issued, and so we find the silver shekel with the letter K 
on obverse for the Year One, and also the half-shekel with the 
letter on obverse {Fig. 1 and 2). 

Jerusalem the Holy W 



The half-shekel 

These were struck during the third year of Simon Maccabeus, 
being the first year in which these coins were issued. 

Attributable to this same year are the larger bronze coins with 
the legends: Year one of thereclemfption of Israel and Simon prince 
of Israel. 


Tear one 

of the 


of Israel 




prince of 



(As above.) 



(As above.) 


(As above.) 

Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

Bev. Obv. 

(As above.) 

It is questionable whether any other Jewish ruler would have 
assumed the title of Simon prince of Israel but Simon Maccabeus. 
When he succeeded his brother he proclaimed himself an independent 
ruler, and no vassel to the king of Syria, Demetrius II.; and the 
historian (1 Mace. 13 4i) writes: "The yoke of the heathen was taken 
away from Israel, and the people of Israel began to write in their 
instruments and contracts 'In the first year of Simon the great high 
priest and captain and leader of the Jews'." 

In the Second Year (Nisan 140 to Nisan 139 B. C.) silver shekels 
and half-shekels were issued with inscriptions similar to those of the 
First Year silver coins, but bearing on the obverse the letters 3 ^ 
for the year two: 

(6) Bev. Ohv. 

Jerusalem the Holy 


ntrnpn n^^tj^n^ 
Jerusalem the Holy 

Bronze coins also were issued in this year 
(8) Bev. Ohv. 

Year two of the 
freedom of Israel 

Shekel of Israel 

The half-shekel 

Simon prince of 


RAFFAELT: Classification of Jewish coins 

Rev. Ohv. 


Tear tivo 

l^-":} nnn 
Freedom of Zion 

For the Third Year (Nisan 139 to Nisan 138 B. C.) we have 
silver shekels and half-shekels inscribed as before, but with the 
letters :i tJ' for the year three: 

(10) Rev. Ohv. 


SheJiel of Israel 
The half-shekel 

Also a small bronze coin: 
(12) Rev. 

Jerusalem the Holy 

Jerusalem the Holy 


Year three 

and the only silver quarter-shekel. 

]vx nnn 

Freedom of Zion 

For the Fourth Year (Nisan 138 to Nisan 137 B. C.) there are 
similar silver shekels and half-shekels with the letters *T ^ for the 
year four: 

(13) Rev. Ohv. 

Jerusalem the Holy 

Shekel of Israel 




Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 
Bev. Ohr. 

Jerusalem the Holy 



. (year) four 

And also bronze coins: 
(16) Bev 

Of the redemptio7i 
of Zion 

V^nn j;nix n:ty 

Tear four; 



I'ear four; 



The half -shekel 


The quarter-shekel 

Year four 


Of the redemption 
of Zion 


Of the redemption 
of Zion 

Why these last two bronze coins are inscribed ^31 (quarter) and ""IJn 
(half), is not fully known. Some have thought that these were quarter- 
shekels and half-shekels issued in bronze instead of silver; but now 

EAFFAELI: Classification of Jewish coins 


that half-shekels and quarter-shekels of the fourth year have been 
found of silver, some other explanation is necessary. 

Simon died in the winter of 135 B. C. in the month Shebat, and 
therefore was still able to issue coins of the Fifth Year (Nisan 137 
to Nisan 136 B. C). To this year is attributable the only silver 
shekel with the letters n ty for the year five: 

Jerusalem the Holy] 



Shekel of Israel 

Until the actual discovery of such a coin it is not possible to 
assert that coins were issued during Simon's last year. But it 
seems certain enough that he was responsible for annual coinages 
during the five successive years which followed the permission of 
Antiochus VII. 

The theory that these coins could have been issued during the 
First Revolt (from Elul 66 to Ab 70 A. D.) cannot be accepted, 
since not only could there not have been five years' coinage, but not 
even four years in full. 

The Jews thus issued coins only during two periods, periods 
260 years apart. The first was by Simon Maccabeus; the second 
by Bar Kokhba who secured a temporary independence in the time 
of Hadrian. In both the purpose was to proclaim the entire liberty 
of the land and people; and just as Simon Maccabeus stamped his 
coins with the legends Freedom of Zion, Freedom of Israel, Bedemption 
of Zion, Redemj^tion of Israel, so did Bar Kokhba make use of such 
expressions as The Redemption of Jerusalem, Freedom of Israel, 
Freedom of Jerusalem. The Jews had little cause to inscribe coins 
with The Freedom of Zion such time as Zion was hemmed in by 
Vespasian and Titus. 

The first period of coins bearing Hebrew characters ended with 
Mattathias Antigonus; and the second began with Bar Kokhba's 
revolt. The coins of this second period were issued under the titles 
]1j;aty (Simon), nbm^'^ (Jerusalem), and pDH -iTy'? (Eleazar the Priest). 

208 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

Coins in silver and bronze were uttered in three series: 

(1) n'jtJ'IT nnn'? Of the freedom of Jerusalem. 

(2) bm^^ n'?:i'? nn n^U The first year of the redemption of 


(3) ^Nlty^ in^ 2U The second year of the freedom of Israel. 

Between these two periods, the Herod family and the Roman 
Procurators from Cupouius to Antonius Felix issued coins stamped 
with Latin and Greek legends, but no coins appeared in Hebrew 

ii i 





THE customs of this country are transmitted orally, from father 
to son, and not through the medium of writing. In the past 
few decades European civilization has entered the country, and 
though, for the sake of the progress of my native land, I am one 
of its admirers and supporters, I cannot but be filled with regret at 
the disappearance of the customs which bring so close to us the 
spirit and the meaning of the Bible. The peasant of today still 
preserves a great number of primitive customs, just as the plough 
of today is nearly like the plough employed by the Israelites. 

Every visitor to Palestine regards it as a hot-bed of party strife 
and fanaticism. But it is, in large part,' political rather than religious. 
While there was religious prejudice between the different communities, 
as in Europe, even the hostility between Muslims and Christians was 
basically political, under the veil of religion. The Turkish government 
saw a danger in its Christian subjects, because it knew that they 
looked for protection to the Christian nations of Europe. The 
Turkish authorities therefore welcomed and fostered religious fana- 
ticism on the one hand, and party strife on the other, in order to 
prevent the union of the Arabs, whom they feared, because they 
were in the majority in Syria. 

Two very old, and still clearly defined political parties exist, 
once spread over the whole of Syria the Qaisi and the Yemeni, - 

1 I wish to express here my indebtedness to Dr. W.F.Albright, of the 
American School of Oriental Research, for help and encouragement in connection 
with this paper. 


210 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

consisting of members of every religion and sect. In the days of 
Ottoman weakness, the Turks followed the principle, "Divide and 
rule," 1 and supported each party in turn. With the increasing strength 
of the ''central government during the last century, their power 
gradually disappeared, until there are now only vestiges left. Until 
a short time ago, all local political authority was in their hands in 
Syria proper, and in Palestine it remained so until less than fifty 
jears ago. Their chiefs are still influential here, though almost 
stripped of actual power. 

One may ask a peasant about the history of the Qaisi and 
Yemeni, and receive an answer in either of two forms. One will 
say that the history of the two parties began a long time ago, "and 
God knows best." Others will tell the story of their origin, but no 
two accounts agree. Among these traditions is one recounted by 
Ismail Miisa Hammudi, former chief mukhtar of Lifta, one of the 
men most renowned for hospitality around Jerusalem. He has a 
guest-house in his own residence, southwest of the Syrian Orphanage, 
kept at his own expense. He says: In the time of Husein ibn-'Ali 
ibn-Abu Talib, the Arabs quarreled over the Caliphate. The people 
of Kiifa and 'Irkq recognized Husein as Caliph, and he accompanied 
them from Medina to 'Iraq to fight with Yezid ibn-Mo'awiyah, the 
second 'Ommeyad caliph. When Husein reached Kerbela and Kufa, 
his men betrayed their covenant with him, and the men of Yezid 
killed Husein and his followers, and carried Husein's head on a 
lance. Afterwards the men of Yezid returned from 'Iraq to their 
capital, Damascus, the residence of Caliph Yezid, but during their 
journey the Bedawin attacked them and defeated them. Then a 
division arose; the men of Yezid became the Qaisi and the men of 
Husein the Yemeni. From that time the rule was in the hands of 
the chiefs, and the Yemeni, for instance, Avhen there was war against 
them in Palestine, were assisted by the Yemeni from other districts.^ 

Palestinians have never tried to write the history of these two 
parties, but the Libanese have written about it in a number of books. 
For instance, the Sheikh Nasif el-Yaziji,3 in his work Majma el-Bahrein, 

* This, like most Arab historical traditions, has an obvious ultimate literary 
source (W. F. A.). 

3 ^a.jLJl (_i--.>oLj ^\.;^xixJ\ 

HADDAD: Political parties in Syria and Palestine 211 

in the forty-first maqdmah, entitled et-Tihdmiyeh, says: Qais was a 
man of the Bern 'Adnfin between whom and a man of the Bern 
Qahtan called Yemen there was a quarrel. Each of them founded 
a party, 1 and war arose between them. The division spread to the 
sedentary Arabs, as well as to the Arabs of the Hijaz and Yemen. 
The people of Hums are of the Yemenite party, and there was only 
a single Qaisi among them, who was very much despised, until he 
became proverbial of contempt. For this reason the Arab proverb 
says, "More despised than the Qaisi of Hums.'"- 

There was regular, organized warfare between the two parties, 
as all testimonies inform us. Little is known regarding these events 
in Palestine, but we have many witnesses to them in Syria. 

In 1633 there was war between the Qaisi and the Yemeni; the 
former were led by the Amir Milhem, son of the Amir Yiinis el- 
Ma'ni,3 and the latter by the Amir 'Ali 'Alam ed-Din.4 The Qaisi 
defeated their opponents at Mejdel Maus.s In 1636 the Amir 'Ali 
'Alam ed-Din, the Yemenite, rebelled against the Turkish government, 
and retreated before the Turks and their Qaisi allies toward 
Kesrawiin,6 where the latter defeated him, and compelled him to 
retire to 'Akkar,^ north of the Lebanon. 

In 1660 there was a general war between the Turks and the 
Qaisi, who were led by the Amirs 'Ah es-Sihabi, Mansiir es-Sihabi,8 
the sheikhs of Himadeh,^ and others. The Yemenites took part on 
the Turkish side under the leadership of the Amir Ali 'Alam ed- 
Din, and his two sons, the Amirs Mohammed and Mansiir, with 
their confederates Ibn es-Sahyuniio and the Muqaddam^i 'Ali es- 
a ir.i2 The Qaisi were defeated. Four years later war recommenced 

1 ^.>La 

6 ^\^yu*S 

8 o-jUt-^^ ^^^'^^^ O-?^-*^* Lf^ j^^^ 

11 Hank between Amir and Sheikh. 


212 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

in Syria and the Lebanon between the Qaisi and the Yemeni, and 
continued for two years, until the Qaisi were victorious. In the 
year 1667 there was a battle at Burj Beirut ^ near Ghalghid^ 
between the two parties. ^ 

In these wars no attention was paid to religion, but merely to 
party affiliations. When the Turkish government fought one party 
it received the help of the other. The men of each party in the 
north received aid from their copartizans in the south and east when 
it became necessary. The distinction between Qaisi and Yemeni has 
almost disappeared in Syria, and in many districts no one knows of 
the former party rivalry. While the Qaisi and the Yemeni have 
vanished from the Lebanon, we still find remnants of the two parties 
Yezbeki and Junblati,* which date from 1762, originating in a quarrel 
between the Amir Mansur and his brother Ahmad, in the time of 
the Amir Milhem. The first leader of the Junblati was the Sheikh 
'All Junblat, from whom they received their name, while the first 
Yezbeki leader was Sheikh 'Abd es-Salam. Between the two parties 
systematic warfare was carried on, and when the struggle between 
them grew intense, the rivalry between Qaisi and Yemeni disappeared. 
In the southern part of the Lebanon, the leadership of the Yezbeki 
is now in the hands of the Arslan family in 'Ain E'nub, and of the 
Junblati with the Junblat family in Muhtarah. Both families are 
Druse. ^ 

The principal leaders of the Yemeni in Palestine come from the 
family Abu Ghos in the village of Abu Ghos (Qaryet el-'Inab),<' who 
are chiefs of their party in the liwd of Jerusalem. Among the 

2 J_^jili 

3 The foregoing material has been taken from different parts of the History 
of Syria by Yvisuf ed-Dibs, archbishop of the Maronites in Beirvit. Similar 
accounts are found in the work of the Maronite and Libanese patriarch, Istifanus 
ed-Duweihi, entitled Kitdh ed-Duweilii. 

5 Yusuf ed-Dibs, History of Syria. Part IV, Vol. VII, p. 1930. Butrus Bustani 
states, EncyclojJaedla, s. v. Janbiilat: In the year 1777 the Amir Yiisuf es-Sihabi 
stirred up a rebellion in the southern Lebanon by imposing taxes. The rebels 
were supported by the Sheikh 'Abd es-Salam el-'Imad, and became the Yezbeki 
party. The other, larger party passed under the leadership of the Sheikh 'Ali, 
and became the Junblati. 



HADDAD: Political parties in Syria and Palestine 213 

chiefs of the Qaisi are the family of 'Azzah' in the hill-country of 
Gaza, Ibn Simhan2 in Tell es-Safi.^ and the family Derwis^ in 

The Bedawin are divided into two parties, under the same des- 
ignation, Qaisi and Yemeni, also. Among the principal sheikhs of 
the Yemeni is Humad es-Sufi, and the tribes under his leadership: 
in the district of Gaza the Tayaha, the Tarabin, the 'Azazme, the 
Hanajre, the Oheidat; in the Ghor the 'Edwan; in Kerak the Majali.^ 
The sheikhs of the Qaisi are from the Beni Sahr,^ and the tribes 
under their leadership: the Sararat, east of the Belqa; the Beni 
'Atiya, south of Kerak; the Beni Humeida between Kerak and the 
Belqa. 8 

In Jerusalem the headship of the Qaisi is in the hands of the 
Haldi'J family, of the Yemeni Avith the Huseini.if" There are still 
traces of the old party rivalry; when the peasants get into trouble 
with the Government, or find themselves in pecuniary difficulty, they 
resort for help to the patrons of their respective parties. In nearly 
every village there are members of both parties. In some districts 
most of the inhabitants belong to one faction, as for example in the 
district of Hebron, where the majority is Qaisi. In Bet Jala most 
are Qaisi; in Bethlehem, on the other hand, most are Yemeni. In 
Soba all are Yemeni, and in 'Ain Karem^i all are Qaisi. 

The Yemenite flag is white, and for this reason their garments 
are usually of this colour. The Qaisi flag is red, and their garments 
are therefore mostly red. Everyone is free to wear either colour 
except the bride, and in many places they observe the distinction 
between the colours only in the case of the bride. When a Qaisi 
woman marries a Qaisi or a Yemeni she wears the Qaisi colour, but 

1 s 



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5 ^L 

6 j^UcV^Jl^ ^\jJOJ\^ vj^\j..;^^\_5 Sya-Uji.!^ A^j\;jJ\^ ^j^\j.U\^ .XjbLjJl 

7 -S?.-3 15-^ 

o-^^ '^^^ c.5^3 Cji^>i\yJ:^\ 
9 ^jJULl " 

1. ,31^" 

214 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

when the procession passes a Yemeni quarter, or a Yemeni village, 
the bride must hide her red garments with a cloak of any hue not 
either red or white. The case of a Yemeni bride is similar. If the 
bride wears her own bridal colour in passing a village or a quarter 
of the opposite party, it is considered as great a disgrace for the 
latter as if she had raised her own banner in their territory. In 
the past, the fact that a bride has worn the colour of her own 
party in the territory of the other has often been the cause of 
conflicts. Otherwise, they always live in peace, except when there 
has been a quarrel between individuals of the two parties. If 
Yemeni are invited by members of the Qaisi party to be their 
guests, the latter are expected to put honey or syrup ^ over the 
li ait ally eh,"^ a dish made of starch, sugar, and milk, to cover its white 
colour, which is the colour of the Yemeni flag. 

Isma'il Hammudi told me that he saw in Bire,3 not long before 
the War, a fight between the Qaisi and the Yemeni. Each party 
tried to dishonour the flag of the other party, and the women also 
took sides. The Yemeni women took a red cock, and beat him fl 

before the Qaisi women, as a sign of contempt for the banner of the 
latter. The Qaisi women at once caught a white cock and beat him 
before their opponents. 

The Hajj Mohammed el-Makhal^ from 'Aizariyeh^ told me the 
following story. A Qaisi woman from the Hebron region once 
placed a number of eggs under a hen. On hatching, all the chickens 
were white. AVhen the woman saw this she said, "This may mean 
calamity, because they may turn out to be Yemeni soldiers." So, to 
make sure that she was safe, she buried them in the ground. "^ 

2 ^k^ 

3 'iy^\ 

4 J).s.\5UJ\ Jm>-s^xi ^^\ 

6 The literature on the Qaisi and the Yemeni in Palestine is still very limited. 
Beside stray references to the subject in the works of various European writers, 
especially Baldensperger, we seem to have only the historical material published 
by Macalister and Masterman {Palestine Exploration Fund Quarterly, 1905, 
343 If.; 1906, 3350). These accounts were translated from native Arabic MSS, 
inspired and gathered by the Rev. John Zeller, one of the earlier Protestant 
missionaries in Palestine (W. P. A.). 




DES erreurs tres facheuses se sont glissies dans la note relative 
a rinscription juive d'Ain Douk (Vol. 1, pp. 33 35). Les 
corrections suivantes s'imposent: 

p. 34, 1. 10, lire: la lettre "^ apres S. II s'agirait du nom noi'^S au 
lieu de DHiS que certains savants lisent ilDilD. Seulement la forme 
de la seconde lettre et les deux pieds qui restent de la derniere 
lettre et qui rappellent plutot une n, s'y opposeraient. La legon 
nCiS nous semble etre fournie par une inscription lue dans un 
tombeau de Jerusalem que M. Ben Zevi publie dans le recueil de 
la "Jewish Palestine Exploration Society" No. 1. 

p. 35: ^tJ'''^p mriK == Lieu saint. Cette formule ne se retrouve 
pas dans le Kaddisli (comme on I'avait fait observer pendant la 
discussion, mais dans le Zohar, que est de date posterieure. Pour 
I'epoque on nous en sommes (vers le troisieme siecle) elle confermerait 
I'opinion du R. P. Vincent concernant le caractere sacre tres ancien 
du sanctuaire en question. 

Nahum Slousch 


THE Third General Meeting of the Society was held at the 
British Archaeological School on Wednesday, November 3, 1920, 
with the President, Pere Lagrange in the Chair. At the Morning 
Session, commencing at 9.30 a. m. the following papers were read 
and discussed: 

Repetition idiomatique de la racine en hebreu 
Mr. Israel Eitan. 

Revision of early Hebrew Chronology 
Dr. W. F. Albright. 

Une inscription hebraique trouvee a Jerusalem 
Dr. Nalium Slousch. 

Solomon and the Shunamite 
Dr. C. C. McCown. 

At the Afternoon Session, commencing at 3.3<i p. m. the reports 
of Secretary, Treasurer and Editorial Committee were read, new 
Members elected, and the following officers appointed for the 
year 1921: Prof. John Garstang, President; Pere Dhorme and 
Dr. W. F. Albright, Vice-Presidents; the Rev. H. Danby, Secretary; 
Dr. Nahum Slousch, Treasurer; and Pere Orfali, Director for three 
years in place of the retiring Director, Pere Dressaire. Mr. E. J. H. 
Mackay and Mr. Samuel Raffaeli were elected as Auditing Committee, 
and Mr. Norman Bentwich, Mr. W. J. Phythian-Adams, and the Rev. 
H. Danby as Committee of Arrangements. 

The reading and discussion of papers was then resumed: 

The British Archaeological School 
Prof. J. Garstang. 

Une synagogue en basalte a Khirbet-Keraze (Corozain) 
Le Rev. Pere Orfali. 

218 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

Notes on Palestinian Ethnology 
Mr. W. J. Phythian- Adams. 

Prehistoric Palestine 
Mr. L. Lind. 

Blood Pevenge among the Arabs 
Mr. E. N. Haddad. 

Use of Ellipsis in "Second Isaiah" 
Mr. David Yellin. 

Plantes pharmaceutiques chez les Arabes 
Mr. Ephraim Rubinovitch. 

The Fourth General Meeting was held at the District Governorate, 
Jerusalem, on Wednesday, January 19, 1921, Pere Dhorme taking 
the Chair in the absence of the President, Professor Garstang. At 
the Afternoon Session, commencing 2.30 p. m. the following con- 
tributions were read and discussed: 

Traditions secondaires sur la grotte de Machpelah (Hebron) 

Le Rev. Pere Abel. 

Political Parties in Palestine: Qaisi and Yemeni 
Mr. E. N. Haddad. 

Le sacrifice dans la tribu des Fuqara 
Le Rev. Pere Jaussen. 

La ville de Ramses d'apres les documents egyptiens 
Le Rev. Pere Mallon. 

At the Evening Session, beginning at 5.30 p. m. the following 
were read: 

The Excavations at Tiberias (with illustrations) 
Dr. Nahum Slousch. 

The Melodic Theme in Ancient Hebrew Prayers (with musical examples) 

Mr. A. Z. Idelson. 

Haunted Springs and Water-Demons in Palestine 

Dr. T. Canaan. 

A Visit to Petra by an Englishman in 1852 
Mr. L. G. A. Gust. 

Reports of Meetings 219 

The Fifth General Meeting took place on Wednesday, March 30, 
1921, at the Dominican Convent of St. Stephen's, with Pere Dhorme 
in the Chair. Beginning at 3.0 p. m. the following contributions were 
read and discussed: 

L'inscription grecque d'Ophel 
Le Rev. Pere Vincent. 

Judicial Courts among the Bedawin 
Omar Effendi Barghuti. 

Byzantine Caravan Stations in the Negeb 
Dr. T. Canaan. 

Modern Palestinian Parallels to the Song of Songs 
Mr. Hanna Stephan. 

The Classification of Jewish Coins 
Mr. Samuel Raffaeli. 

Les maladies du pays aux temps de la Bible et du Talmud 

Dr. Aaron Mazie, 

Nouveautes Concernant la Flore de la Palestine 
Mr. Ephraim Rubinowitch. 

The Sixth General Meeting was held at the British School of 
Archaeology on Wednesdaj, May 4, 1921, in the presence of H. E. 
the Right Honourable Sir Herbert Samuel, High Commissioner of 
Palestine, and Patron of the Society. Professor Garstang gave his 
presidential address, taking as his subject "The Year's Work in 
Palestine." The following papers were then read and discussed: 

Un hypogee juif a Bethphage 
Le Rev. Pere Orfali. 

Solomon as a Magician in Christian Legend 
Dr. C. C. McCown. 

Methods of Education and Correction among the Fellahin 

Mr. E. N. Haddad. 

Sites of Ekron, Gath and Libnah 
Dr. W. F. Albright. 

The Editorial CommiUee desire to take this oiJportimity of informing 
readers of the Journal that criticism and comments on amj of the 

220 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

contributions included in the Journal will he welcomed and, if desir- 
ahle, jmnted in the succeeding numher, ivith a rej)ly hy the author of 
the article. 

The Editorial Committee do not necessarily -pledge themselves to 
issue nunibeo's of the Journal at regular quarterly intervals. They 
proj)ose to inMish them, more or less frequently, at such times as the 
requisite material becomes available. They also xwopose, if the Society's 
funds make this possible, to undertake the publishing of more extensive 
monographs on subjects which come within the scope of the Society. 

It ivill greatly assist in the mapping out of ^future work of this 
hind if Members will kindly be a little more punctual in the payment 
of their Subscriptions. 

Herbert Danby 



January 1920 May 30, 1921 

Life subscriptions P.T. 9190.00 

Annual subscriptions for 1920 17104.20 

Donations to the funds of the Society 900.00 

Annual subscriptions for 1921 7319.00 

Sale of Journal 30.00 

P.T. 34543.20 


Postage P.T. 2016.00 

Stationery 852.00 

Clerical work 218.00 

Refreshments 484.50 

Nile Press, Jerusalem, printing of circulars, programmes 2880.00 

Rafael Haim ha-Cohen, printing of circulars 680.00 

Nile Press, Cairo, printing Journal, vol. 1, no. 1 4480.00 

Nile Press, Jerusalem, printing Corrigenda slips to Journal, vol. 1, no. 1 100.00 

Drugulin, Leipzig: advance towards printing of Journal, vol. 1, nos.2-3 2200.00 

Balance in hand, May 30, 1921 20632.70 

P.T. 34543.20 



Audited, May 30, 1921, and found correct, and accompanied by the proper 


Auditing Committee 


[l) = Life Member, 2) = Honorary Member, 3) = Patron] 

Alexander Aai-onsohn Esq. "Doar ha-Yom", Jerusalem. 

N. Abcarius Bey, P.O.B. 82, Jerusalem. 

Albert Abramson Esq. Chief British Representative, Amman, Palestine. 

Faidi Effendi el-Alami, Jerusalem. 

Dr. W. E. Albright, American School of Archaeology, Jerusalem. 
1)3)H. E. Field Marshal the Viscount AUenby, The Residency, Cairo. 

Mr. Moses Bailey, Ram Allah, Jerusalem. 

Omar Effendi Barghuti, Jerusalem. 

Dr. G. A. Barton, Bryn Mawr College, Pennsylvania, U.S.A. 

Capt. E. K. Bennett, Oxford and Cambridge Musical Club, 6 Bedford Square 
London W. C. 1. 

Norman Bentwich, Esq. The German Colony, Jerusalem. 

Mr. Eliezer Ben Yehudah, Jerusalem. 

Dr. W. S. Bigelow, 56 Beacon Street, Boston, Mass. U.S.A. 

Dr. A. Biram, The Technical College, Haifa, Palestine. 

Miss Blandey, The Syrian Orphanage, Jerusalem. 

Dr. Frederick J. Bliss, 1155 Yale Station, New Haven, Conn., U.S.A. 

Edmond Bourne Esq., "Partney", Parkstone, Dorset, England. 

Miss E. G. Briggs, Atlantic Avenue, Springlake, N. J., U.S.A. 

The Rev. Dr. R. Butin, Catholic University, Washington D. C, U.S.A. 

Mr. J. J. Calmy, Zionist Commission, Jerusalem. 

I. N. Camp Esq., Deputy British Representative, Amman, Palestine. 

The Rev. Dr. John Campbell, 260 West 231 Street, New York, U.S.A. 

Dr. T. Canaan, Jerusalem. 

M. Joseph Chaine, Ecole St. Etienne, Jerusalem. 

Dr. Jeshua Chami, Quarantine Medical Officer, Jaffa. 

Dr. F. D. Chester, Hotel Bristol, 541 Boylston Street, Boston, Mass., U.S.A. 

Mme. Civiale, 9 Rue Vignon, Paris. 

Mr. A. P. S. Clark, Anglo-Egyptian Bank, Jerusalem. 

Mr. E. H. Clark, P. 0. B. 16, Jerusalem. 

Prof. A. T. Clay, Yale University, New Haven, Conn., U.S.A. 

The Ven. Archdeacon Cleophas, Greek Patriarchate, Jerusalem. 
2) Mons. Clermont-Ganneau, 1 Avenue de I'Alma, Paris. 
2) The Rev. Dr. G, A. Cooke, Christ Church, Oxford, England. 

' This list has been corrected up to August 1. 1921. Members are asked to notify the Secretary 
of any change of address or any other inaccuracy. 

Members of the Palestine Oriental Society 223 

Capt. E. T. Oosgrove, P. 0. B. 302, Jerusalem. 

Capt. A. Creswell, c/o Cox & Co., Cairo. 

Le Rev. Pere Cruveilhier, Gd. Seminaire, 5 bd. des petits Carmes, Depar- 

tement Haute Vienne, Limoges, France. 
L. G. A. Cust Esq., District Governorate, Jerusalem. 
The Rev. Herbert Danby, St. George's Cathedral, Jerusalem. 
The Rev. J. T. Darragh, "The Glebe", 1 Russell St., Durban, S.Africa. 
C. D. Day Esq., Survey of Palestine, The Governorate, Jerusalem. 
Le Rev. Pere Decleodt, Des Missiounaires d'Afrique, Jerusalem. 
G. De la Penha, British School of Archaeology, Jerusalem. 
Le Rev. Pere Dhorme, St. Etienne's, Jerusalem, 
Mr. J. E. Dinsmore, American Colony. Jerusalem. 
Mr. A. S. Doniach, Wadham College, Oxford. 
Le Rev. Pere Dressaire, Notre Dame de France, Jerusalem. 
The Rev. Prof. Walter Drum, Woodstock, Maryland, U.S.A. 
The Rev. A. J. Dushaw, American School of Archaeology, Jerusalem. 
Dr. M. D. Eder, Zionist Commission, Jerusalem. 
Mr. Israel Eitan, 250 W. 112 Street, New York City, U.S.A. 
F. T. Ellis Esq., Bishop Gobat School, Jerusalem. 
E. M. Epstein Esq., The "Palestine Weekly", Jerusalem. 
Dr. Milton G. Evans, President, Crozer Theological Seminary, Chester, Pa., 

Dom Gregoire Fournier, Des Benedictines du Mont Sion, Jerusalem, 
Dr. H. T. Fowler, Browne University, Providence, Rhode Island, U.S.A. 
M. Henri Frank, "I. C. A.", Jerusalem. 
A. E. Franklin Esq., 35 Porchester Terrace, London. 
Judge Gad Frumkin, Law Courts, Jerusalem. 

Prof. Kemper FuUerton, Oberlin School of Theology, Oberlin, Ohio, U.S.A. 
Prof. John Garstang, British School of Archaeology, Jerusalem, 
Prof. Lucien Gautier, Cologny, Geneve, Suisse. 
Mr. M. Gerassimo, Credit Lyonnais, Jerusalem. 
Dr. 0. A. Glazebrooke, American Consulate, Jerusalem. 
Mr. Isaac Goldberg, AUenljy Road, Tel-Aviv, Palestine, 
Prof. A. R. Gordon, Presbyterian College, Montreal, Canada. 
Dr. Ettaline M. Grice, Yale Babylonian Collection, New Haven, Conn. U.S.A. 
2) Prof. Ign. Guidi, 24 Bottege Oscure, Roma. 

Mr. Elias N, Haddad, The SjTian Orphanage, Jerusalem. 

Mr. Selim D. Haddad, Superintendent of Customs, Haifa, Palestine, 

The Rev, E. W. Hamond, The English College, Jerusalem. 

The Rev. J. E. Hanauer, Christ Church, Jerusalem. 

Capt. R. A. Harari, Dept. of Commerce, Government House, Jerusalem. 

Dr. A. C. Harte, Y. M. C. A., Jerusalem. 

Sir Thomas Haycraft, The Law Courts, Jerusalem. 

Mr. W. Hecker, Bochara Quarter, Jerusalem. 

Mr. E. G. Hensman, Hensman's Hotel, Jerusalem. 

Prof. AVm. J. Hinke, 156 North Street, Auburn, N. Y., U.S.A. 

The Rev. C. T. Hock, 222 Liberty Street, Blookfield, N. J., U.S.A. 

Mr. A. C. Hornstein, Christ Church, Jerusalem. 

Mr. L. W. Hughes, no 3. St. Eloui, c/o Mme. Kypiades, Cairo. 

224 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

A. M. Hyamson Esq., Dept. of Travel and Immigration, Jerusalem. 
Mr. A. Z. Idelson, Jerusalem. 

Mrs. H. Irwell, 8f Bickenhall Mansions, Gloucester Place, London W. 
M. Henri Izaakson, c/o Dr. Mazie, Jerusalem. 
Mrs. Izaakson, c/o Dr. Mazie, Jerusalem. 
Adil Eflfendi Jabre, Jerusalem. 
2) Prof. Morris Jastrow, 248 S. 23rd Street, Philadelphia, Pa., U.S.A. 
Samuel Johnson Esq., Hotel Central, Jerusalem. 

D. Hedog Jones Esq., Dept. of Agriculture, Haifa, Palestine. 
Dr. V. H. Kalbian, P. 0. B. 222, Jerusalem. 

1) Mr. H. M. Kalvaryski, Rosh Pinah, Palestine. 

Mr. A. E. Kelsey, Ram Allah, Jerusalem. 

Dr. "W. H. ]M. Key, Xotre Dame de France, Jerusalem. 

The Rev. G. S. Kukhi, Y. M. C. A., Davies Bryan Buildings, Cairo. 

Mr. J. Kuperman, Zammarin, Palestine. 

The Rev. Dr. N. G. Kyle, 1142 Arrott Street, Frankford, Philadelphia, Pa., 

Le tres Rev. Pere Lagrange, St. Etiennes, Jerusalem. 

The Very Rev. Francis Lamb, Carmelite Monastery, Haifa, Palestine. 

Miss A. E. Landau, Evelina de Rothschild School, Jerusalem. 

Mr. M. E. Lange, Zichron Jacob, Haifa, Palestine. 

The Rev. P. N. Lapham, St. John's River, Conference, Mt. Dora, Fla., U.S.A. 

J. Lee-Warner Esq., British School of Archaeology, Jerusalem. 

Mr. Alter Levin, P. 0. B. 240, Jerusalem. 

The Librarian, Carleton College Library, Northfield, 3Iinn., U.S.A. 
1) The Librarian, Garrett Biblical Institute, Evanston, 111., U.S.A. 

The Librarian, Library of Princeton University, Princeton, X. J., U.S.A. 

The Librarian, St. Deiniol's Library, Hawarden, Chester, England. 

Mr. L. Lind, American Colony, Jerusalem. 

The Rev. Sven Linder, Johanniter Hospice, Jerusalem. 

Mr. S. Loupo, Institution Professionnelle, Alliance Israelite Universelle, 

H. C. Luke Esq., The Governorate Jerusalem. 

Dr. Joseph Luria, Zionist Commission, Jerusalem. 

Prof. A. H. Lybyer, 318 Lincoln Hall, Urbana, Illinois, U.S.A. 

Dr. D. G. Lyon, 12 Scott Street, Cambridge, Mass., U.S.A. , 

Dr. C. C. McCown, Pacific School of Religion, Berkeley, California, U.S.A. -| 

Mr. W. D. McCrackan, c/o Syrian Orphanage, Jerusalem. 

Miss D. Mclnnes, Y. "W. C. A. Hostel, Jerusalem. 
1) The Right Rev. Rennie Mclnnes, St. George's Cathedral, Jerusalem. i 

Mrs. Mclnnes, St. George's Cathedral, Jerusalem. i 

E. J. H. Mackay, Esq., P. 0. B. 103, Haifa, Palestine. 
Mrs. E. L. McQueen, Tamwortb, New Hampshire, U.S.A. 
G. A. Malan Esq., St. George's Close, Jerusalem. 
Le Rev. Pere Mallon, St. Piere de Sion, Jerusalem. 
Dr. Aaron Mazie, Jerusalem. 

Le Rev. Pere Meistermann, Convent de S. Sauveur, Jerusalem. 
The Rev. Prof. S. A. B. Mercer, 2738 Washington Boulevard, Chicago, U.S.A. 
Le Rev. Pere Mesrob, Armenian Patriarchate, Jerusalem, 

Members of the Palestine Oriental Society 225 

Mr. J. Meyuclias, Jerusalem. 

W. J. Miller Esq., District Governorate, Ramleh, Palestine. 

Maj. E. Mills, Assistant Governor, Samaria District, Nablous, Palestine. 

Prof. Julian Morgenstern, New Haven, Conn., U.S.A. 

Mr. Talbot Mundy, e/o Syrian Oi'phanage, Jerusalem. 

Nassouhy Bek Beydoun, Assistant Inspector, Acre, Palestine. 

Prof. H. H. Nelson, American University of Beyrout, Syria. 
1) Miss E. E, Newton, P. 0. B. 63, Haifa, Palestine. 

The Rev. Dr. James B. Nies, 51 Clark Street, Brooklyn, New York, U.S.A. 

Maj. L. V. Nott, Governor, Gaza District, Palestine. 

The Eight Rev. Mgr. D. J. O'Connell, 800 Cathedral Place, Richmond, Va., 

The Rev. R. S. M. O'Eerrall, St. George's School, Jerusalem. 

Le Rev. Pere Orfah, Couvent de S. Sauveur, Jerusalem. 

Dr. H. J. Orr-Ewing, English Hospital, Jerusalem. 

Mr. Lazarus Paul, Deccan Villa, Jerusalem. 

Dr. Charles Peabody, 197 Brattle Street, Cambridge, Mass., U.S.A. 
1) Dr. Jobs. Pedersen, Stockholmsgade 13, Copenhagen, Denmark. 

The Rev. Dr. J. P. Peters, University of the South, Sevanee, Tenn., U.S.A. 

The Rev. A. T. Phillips, C. M. S., Jerusalem. 
1) W. J. Phythian-Adams Esq., British School of Archaeology, Jerusalem. 
Dr. D. de Sola Pool, Zionist Commission, Jerusalem. 
Prof. Harvey Porter, American University, Beyrout, Syria. 
Mr. Isaiah Press, Zichron Mosheh, Jerusalem. 
^y. D. Priestley, Esq., The Treasury, Jerusalem. 
Mr. J. L. Racionzer, The Lav,' Courts, Jerusalem. 
Mr. Samuel Raffaeli, Bezaleel Street, Jerusalem. 
M. Louis Rais, Commissariat de France, Jerusalem. 
Madame Louis Rais, Commissariat de France, Jerusalem. 
C. F. Reading Esq., The Governorate, Tul Karem, Palestine. 
K. L. Reynolds Esq., St. George's School, Jerusalem. 
Prof. J. H. Ropes, 13 Follen Street, Cambridge, Mass., U.S.A. 
Dr. J. G. Rosengarten, 1704 Walnut Street, Philadelphia, Pa., U.S.A. 
Mr. Ephraim Rubinovitch, Jerusalem. 

Miss Adelaide Rudolph, 115 West 68tii Street, New York City, U.S.A. 
Mr, Nicola Saba, Assistant Inspector, Tiberias. 
Maj. the Hon. B. G. Sackville-West, O.P.D.A. Office, Jerusalem. 
Edwin H. Samuel, Esq., Government House, Jerusalem. 
3) H. E. the Right Honourable Sir Herbert Samuel, G. B. E., Government House, 
Mr. Ashton Sanborn, C-0 Mssrs. Congdon & Co., Cairo. 
Prof. Boris Schatz, Bezaleel School of Art, Jerusalem. 
2) Le Rev. Pere Scheil, No. 4 bis, Rue du Cherche-Midi, Paris. 
Mr. E. Shelley, P. 0. B. 159, Jerusalem. 
Dr. I. E. Shelley, P. 0. B. 159, Jerusalem. 
Dr. W. A. Shelton, Emoi'y University, Atlanta, Ga., U.S.A. 
Mr. G. S. Shibber, Jaffa Gate, Jerusalem. 
The Rev. J. A. Shiels, MiHtary Hospital, Haifa, Palestine. 
Dr. Nahum Slousch, Jewish Palestine Exploration Society, Jerusalem. 


Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

2) Sir George Adam Smith, Aberdeen University, Scotland. 

Mr. Marc Smith, American Consulate, Jerusalem. 

Prof. Louise Pettibone Smith, Wellesley College, Wellesley, Mass., TJ.SA. 

Mr. A. Solomiak, The Post Office, Jerusalem. 

Col. H. J. Solomon, P. O.B. 507, Jerusalem. 

Mr. Hanna Stephan, The Treasury, Jerusalem. 

Eonald Storrs Esq., The Governorate, Jerusalem. 

Dr. J. C. Strathearn. British Ophthalmic Hospital, Jerusalem. 

J. N. Stubbs Esq., The Law Courts, .Terusalem. 

The Eev. T. P. Themelis, The Greek Convent, Jerusalem. 

Mr. S. Tolkowsky, AUenby Road, Tel-Aviv, Palestine. 

Mrs. S. Tolkowsky, Allenby Road, Tel-Aviv, Palestine. 

Dr. H. ]\L Torian, INIedical Officer, Nazareth, Palestine. 
2) Prof. Charles C. Torrey, Yale University, New Haven, Conn., U.S.A. 

Mr. Khalil Totah, Teachers' Training College, Jerusalem. 

T. H. E. Tripp Esq., St. Luke's, Haifa, Palestine. 

Mr. Menahem Ussischkin, Zionist Commission, Jerusalem. 

Dr. Moise Valera, Nachlat Shiva, .Jerusalem. 

Miss A. Van Sommer, Nile Mission Press, Jerusalem. 
1) Mr. Moise Vilbushevitz, P. 0. B. 136 Haifa, Palestine. 

The Rev. P. S. "Waddy, St. George's Close, Jerusalem. 
1) The Rev. P. N. Waggett, St. John the Evangelist, Cowley, Oxford, England. 
1) Miss M. C. Warburton, British High School for Girls, Jerusalem. 

Mrs. H. H. Way, Chalfont Cottage, Chalfont S. Peter, Bucks, England. 

Dr. P. d'E. Wheeler, English Hospital, Jerusalem. 

Mr. J. D. Whiting, American Colony, Jerusalem. 

Miss F. M. AVillan, Girl's School, Haifa, Palestine. 

Dr. AV. H. Worrell, Kennedy School of Missions, Hartford Seminary, New 
York, U.S.A. 

Prof. A. S. E. Yahuda, C-0 David Sassoon & Co., 9 King William Street, 
London, W. C. 4. 

Mr. David Yellin, Zichion Mosheh, Jerusalem, 

Mr. Eliezer Yellin, Zichron Mosheh, Jerusalem. 

Dr. Blanche Zehring, 309 E Linden Ave., Miannisburg, Ohio, U.S.A. 

Mr. J. Ben Zevi, P. 0. B. 303, Jerusalem. 










H. E. Field Marshal the Viscount Allenby G.C.B., Gr.C.M.G. 
H. E. THE Right Honourable Sir Herbert Samuel G.B.E. 

Board of Directors: 

Dr. W. F. Albright 

The Right Rev. the Archbishop 

Timotheus p. Themelis 
Mr. Eliezer Ben Yehudah 
The Rev. Herbert Danby 
Dr. Nahum Slousch 
Prof. J. Garstang 
Le Rev. Pere Gaudens Orfali 
Mr. Ronald Storrs 

Editor of the Journal: 

The Rev. Herbert Danby 

Editorial Advisory Board: 

Dr. W. F. Albright 
Le Rev, Pere Dhorme 
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Abel, F.-M., 0. P. Le Tombeau d'lsaie 25 

Le culte de Jonas en Palestine 175 

Albright, W. F. The Earliest Forms of Hebrew Verse 69 

Palestine in the Earliest Historical Period 110 

Canaan, T. Byzantine Caravan Routes in the Negeb 139 

Dhorme, p., 0. P. Un mot aryen dans le Livre de Job 66 

El-Barqhdthi, Omar. Judicial Courts among the Bedouin of Palestine . . 34 

Haddad, E. N. The Guest-House in Palestine 279 

Mackat, E. J. A. Note on a Scene in Tomb 85 at Thebes 171 

McCowN, 0.0. The Christian Tradition as to the Magical Wisdom of Solomon 1 

Orfali, Gaodence, 0. F. M. La derniere periode de I'histoire de Capharnaiim 87 

Phythian-Adams, W. J. Aiguptos : A Derivation and some Suggestions . . 94 

Stephan, St. H. The Division of the Year in Palestine 159 

Modern Palestinian Parallels to the Song of Songs 199 

ScKENiK, L. The Ancient City of Philoteria (Beth Yerah) 101 

ToLKowsKY, S. Aphek. A Study in Biblical Topography 145 

Notes and Communications 184 284 

Book Reviews 190 

Report of the Treasurer of the Palestine Oriental Society 291 

Members of the Palestine Oriental Society 292 





THE student of history frequently has to deal with traditions 
whose origin and development are most puzzling. His method 
of treating them must be determined by knowledge of other traditions 
the course of whose growth is more easily followed. Few have a 
richer and more varied documentation than that which glorifies the 
wisdom of Solomon. It may well serve as an example of the manner 
in which the human mind works in certain fields. 


With the facts behind the tradition I am not concerned. The 
reputation which the great king actually deserves may be left to 
students of the Old Testament. The literary starting-point for the 
legends that have developed touching the . king's wisdom is to be 
found in 1 Kings 3, in the story of Solomon's dream, i In this 
passage, as Benzinger well says, the writer has in mind the judicial 
wisdom of the ruler. On the contrary in ch. 5 9 14 (4 29 34) he not 
only thinks of "religious wisdom in practical life" but, in comparing 
Solomon's wisdom with that of "the children of the East," and the 
"wisdom of the Egyptians," he intends to imply that Solomon was 
master of the magical and astrological knowledge in which the 
ancients were supposed to excel.2 It is difficult to date precisely 

' 1 Kings 3 4-14; paralleled without important changes in 2 Chr. 1 7-i3, except 
that Solomon's superiority is promised only over other kmgs. The tradition has 
not yet begun to grow. 

2 As the book of Exodus, for example, testifies. See Benzinger's Konige 
(1899) 23 f., on 1 Kings 5 9-x4. 


2 Journal of the Palestine Oiiental Society 

this earliest allusion to the magical knowledge of Solomon. But the 
verses in question probably belong to the final redaction of the Book 
of Kings. 1 In any case, since the passage is in the Septuagint, it 
must have come into the Hebrew Bible two centuries or more before 
the beginning of our era. Thus in leading circles of Palestinian 
Judaism Solomon had thus early come to be accepted as a 

Whether the interpolator of the passage thought of him also as 
the author of magical books is less certain. Without doubt many 
readers would understand wSat to mean, not psalms, but carmina, 
incantations, and would take discourses "of trees" (vTrlp twv ^vXwv) to 
include their medical, or what then amounted to the same thing, 
their magical uses.^ These verses are an excellent example of "how 
much wood is kindled by how small a fire," for they are the excuse 
for the ascription to Solomon of a whole library of books on almost 
every conceivable subject. 

How shall we explain the development of the relatively simple 
story of the dream of Solomon into the much more complicated and 
detailed claims of this passage? It seems to me most natural to 
suppose that already in his lifetime Solomon had enjoyed a reputation 
for proverbial wisdom and that by the time these verses were written 
collections of proverbs and verses dealing with some of the subjects 
enumerated were already in circulation. This must remain, however, 
only an assumption, for no decisive proof is at hand.^ 

Indeed Wisdom 7 n 22, the next reference to Solomon's magical 
knowledge, makes no allusion to writings. But the context does not 
call for it and the passage plainly involves a claim for the author 
of knowledge of astrology, of the nature of beasts and spirits, as 
well as of men, of the evepyeia o-roixftW, the Siacjiopal (fiVTwv, the Swd/xa? 

piiwv and of "all things that are either secret or manifest." Thus a 

1 So Benzinger, loc cit. Kautzsch, Heil. Schr. des AT, seems to imply that the 
passage belongs to the earlier sources of Kings. Stade and Schwally in Haupt's 
polychrome Hebrew Bible color it as a "non-Deuteronomic addition of unknown 
origin." Steuernagel, Ein. AT 356 and Z^TPF 1910, 70, favors a very late date. 

2 So Christian writers; see below p. 10. 

3 For an analysis of 1 Kings 5 9-14 (4 29-34) see Salzberger, Georg, Die Salomo- 
sage in der semitischen Literatur: ein Beitrag zur vergleicJwnden Sagenkunde. 
I. Teil. Diss. Heidelberg. Berlin 1907, pp. 912, 9497, 99. 

McCOWN: The Christian Tradition as to the Magical Wisdom of Solomon 3 

thoroughly educated and highly cultured Jew of the Dispersion inter- 
prets the language of the Septuagint. To him such wisdom as the 
Book of Kings claimed for Solomon necessarily implied a knowledge 
of all the "science" of his day, and that included astrology, magic, 
medicine, and sorcery. ^ 

An allusion to Solomon's authority over the demons is found in 
a work of a very different sort, the Citharisnms regis David contra 
daemonum Saidis, which Dr. James, the editor, assigns to the first 
century of our era. David is represented as singing to the demon 
which has possessed Saul: "Later times will demonstrate from what 
race I was born, for hereafter there will be born from me one who 
will control you."^ Dr. James says: "In this last sentence it seems 
at first sight as though we had a prophecy of Messiah and possibly 
a Christian touch. But a little consideration will show, I think, that 
the 'vanquisher of demons' who is to spring from David is not Messiah, 
l)ut Solomon the king of the Genies, the wizard" of Josephus and 
the Testament of Solomon. ^ 

Josephus contributes the cornerstone of the Jewish foundation 
upon which the Christian tradition regarding Solomon rests. Without 
his explicit statements one might even be inclined to doubt the 
foregoing interpretation of earlier writers. After repeating with 
some embellishments the scriptural statements regarding Solomon's 
wisdom and writings he adds: "God also gave him to know the art 
that is used against the demons for help and healing to men. He 
composed incantations by which diseases are rebuked and left kinds 
of exorcisms by which demons are bound and driven away never to 
return. And this treatment is most successful among us up to the 
present time." And Josephus proceeds to relate how a certain 
fellow-countryman of his, Eleazar, in the presence of Vespasian and 
his court, expelled a demon from a man by "holding under the 
nostrils of the demoniac his ring, which had under the seal one 
of the roots indicated by Solomon," and by "mentioning Solomon 
and repeating the incantations which he composed." "By this 

1 I have followed the translation of Siegfried in Kautzsch, Apokr. u. Pseudep. 
des AT 1 490, and Holmes in Charles, Apocr. and Pseudep. of the OT I 546. 

2 Arguent autem tempora noua unde natus sum; de quo nascitur post tempus 
de lateribus meis qui uos domavit. 

3 Texts and Studies II, 3 (1893); Apocrypha Anecdota p. 183 and 184. 


4 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

event.'" he says, "the power and wisdom of Solomon are clearly- 
established." 1 

Josephus thus gives evidence of a living, popular tradition as to 
Solomon magus. He also tells us that books were in circulation 
giving his recipes. His very slight alteration of the biblical account 
of the writings of Solomon is most instructive. It bespeaks a know- 
ledge of what was .actually in circulation. Solomon, he says, "also 
composed books of odes and songs, five besides the thousand and 
three thousand books of parables and comparisons, for he spoke a 
proverb upon every kind of tree, from the hyssop to the cedar, and 
in the same manner also concerning beasts and all the terrestrial 
animals and the aquatic and the aerial, for he was not ignorant of 
the nature of any of them neither did he pass over any without 
consideration, but philosophized on all and showed his knowledge of 
their peculiar characteristics to be of the highest." - 

It is possible that in speaking of "parables and comparisons" 
(Trapa/SoXiov kol etKorojv) Joseplius is merely rhetorically tautological 
and means nothing more than proverbs. But the word ekw, which 
means "parable, comparison," as well as "image," was later used as 
the title of works on the medicinal, or magical, virtues of plants, 
such as the etKo;/es Kara a-roLxeiov of Pamphilus. It seems very likely 
then that Albrecht Dieterich was right in supposing that Josephus 
knew of works under such a title ascribed to Solomon. 3 

' Tlap^crxe 5e avTi{j f-iadelu b debs /cat rrji' Kara tQiv dai/xdfuv t^x'^V ^'S uKpeXeiaf Kai 
Oepatreiau rois dvdpunrois. 7cq>5ds re crvi/Ta^dfievos ah TrapijyopelTai rd voarifiara, Tpbwovs 
i^opKuaewi' KariXiirev, oh iySo^ifieva (Naber: oi ipdoc/xevoL Niese) rd dai/xovia ws uriKir' 
iTraveKdelv eKdidiKOva-i.. /cat ai'/rr] ix^xf- ^^v irap' r]fuy r) depairela TrXetcrroj' itrxi^ei iardpTficra 
yap TLva 'EXedjapoj' tGiv 6/j.otpvXwv, OveaTraaLavoD irapovros Koi tQ>v vlCov avroO Kal x'-^'-'ipX'^'' 
Kal SXKov arpariuTiKov irKrjdovs , tovs vtto tCov dai,p,ovLwv XafM^avofiivous dwoMovra tovtUv. 
6 5e TTjs Oepaireias rpoTros toiovtos 9]v, trpocr^epoiv rals pial roO 5ai.piOVLtofj.ivov rbv BaKTiJXtov, __ 
^'xojra I'TTo rfi acppayidL pi^av i^ Siu vwedei^e 1oXop.(jiv, HireiT e^dXKev 6a<ppovp.ivixi Sid tQv 
IxvKTTjpwv TO oatfidviov, Kal weffbvTos evdvs TdvOpdnrov p.-qKer' els avrbv eiravri^eLV upKov, '^oXop.Qvbs 
re pepi'rj/jLe vos Kal rds eirujSds a? avviOrfKev eKelvos, iirCXiyiov . . . ywopivov dk tovtov aa(p7]s tj 
'EoXop.icvos KadicTTaTo dvveais Kai ao(pla. Aut. viii 2, 5 (45 49). 

2 ^weTdi,aro 5^ /cat j3tj3Xia irepl ddQv Kal peXQv irivre Trpbs rots xtXiois, Kal irapa^oXQiv 
Kai ehbvav /3i/3Xous rptaxi-Xtas Kad' (Kaarov yap eldos hivdpov vapa^oXTjv elnev, a(p' vacrujirov 
(i3S KeSpov, TOP avrbv 5^ rpoTrov Kal irepl Kri)vQiv Kal ruv r iiriyeluv dirdvrwv ii^wv Kal tQsv 
vYiKTwv Kai t2v depLujv ovdep,lav yap roijruv <pv(Tiv riyvb-qaev ov^k iraprjXdev dve^iraarov, dX\' 
iv irdaais e(piXocrb(pr](Te Kal ti]v eTnarrriixriv ruv iv avrals iSMfxdrwv &Kpav ^Tretel^aro. Ant. 
viii 2, 5 (44). 

3 Abraxas 142 f., Leid. Pap. 780 ff. 

McCOWN: The Christian Tradition as to the Magical Wisdom of Solomon 5 


An instructive difference develops in the course of time between 
the Jewish and Arabic tradition on the one hand and that of 
Christendom on the other. In all alike Solomon is celebrated as a 
magician. Targum Sheni Esther, for example, says that "Solomon 
ruled over the wild beasts, over the birds of the heaven, and over 
the creeping beasts of the earth, as well as over the devils, the 
spirits of the night; and he understood the language of all these 
according as it is written, 'and he talked with the trees.'" i This 
substitution of talking with the trees for the 0/ which is found in 
1 Kings 5 13 (4 33) and of ruled over for the s])ake o/in the following 
verse is an interesting example of the development of legend. Both the 
Quran and the Arabian Nights have made the legends of Solomon's 
rulership over the jinn, his use of them in building the temple, and 
his sealing the rebellious in bottles common property in both the 
East and the West.'- In Aht Vogler Browning speaks of the time 

"when Solomon willed 

Armies of angels that soar, legions of demons that lurk, 
Man, brute, reptile, fly, alien of end and of aim, 

Adverse, each from the other heaven- high, hell-deep removed, 
Should rush into sight at once as he named the ineffable Name, 

And pile him a palace straight, to pleasure the princess he loved." 

Equally a commonplace of folklore and literature is the might of 
the ring of Solomon and its magic seal. Josephus' account of 
Eleazar's performance before Vespasian implies a Solomonic ring as 
part of the known tradition, but it is a root under the seal and not 
the seal which is powerful. 3 In the great Paris magic papyrus is an 
often quoted passage, which the heathen magician no doubt copied 
from Jewish sources. One of the incantations runs, "I adjure thee 
by the seal which Solomon laid upon the tongue of Jeremiah and 
he spoke." ^ The meaning of the lines is as yet an unsolved riddle. 
I am inclined to the opinion that behind it lies a legend of Solomon's 

1 Salzberger, Salomosage 93 f., from f. 440, ed. David p. 8. 

2 Quran, Sura 38:35ff'., SBE IX (II) 179 (cf. Sale, ad loc), 27:7, SBE IX 
(II) 101. Nights 566 f., ed. Lane-Poole III llOf., ed. Burton VI 84 f. 

3 See note above, p. 3 (note 3). 

* Bibliotheque Nationale, Suppl. grec. no. 574, 11, 3039f.: opd^u ae Kara rrp 
a-cppay'ido! ijs idero "ZoKofxCiv iwl rrjv yXCxraav toO 'lep-qfilov Kal i\(i\i](Tfv. 

6 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

dealing with some demon who refused to speak until the ring was 
laid upon his tongue, and whose name has been corrupted in the 
papyrus. 1 In any case we have here a very early reference to the 
magic ring. The papyrus was written in the third or fourth century 
of our era. Albrecht Dieterich is surely right in saying that the 
passage is not earlier than the time of Eupolemos.2 It is of course 
much earlier than the time of its use by the heathen magician who 
copied the papyrus, doubtless from a Jewish source in this section. 
Scores of amulets and incantations from all ages witness to a living 
faith in Solomon as a great magician who had power over demons 
and disease. The seal of Solomon and the jinn of Solomon are 
mentioned in Aramaic incantation texts. 3 Museums have many 
amulets, and mediaeval manuscripts reproduce many charms in 
Syriac, Arabic, and Hebrew, as well as in Greek, Latin, and modern 
European languages, which demonstrate his popularity.* Dr. Canaan 
has shown that his name is still one to conjure with among the 
peoples of Palestine. 5 

In doing honor to Solomon the magician, the West and the East, 
Christian, Moslem, and Jew agree. It is in the use of Solomonic 
books of magic that they part company. Jews and Moslems know 
little or nothing of the kind. According to the Talmud Hezekiah 
"suppressed the book of recipes," 6 and this according to Maimonides 
and Kashi means a book which Solomon wrote. Maimonides held 
that it was a book of magic, ^ Rashi that, though it was only a book 

1 Professor Deissmann (Licht voni Osten p. 187, n. 15, Light from the Ancient 
East p. 257, n. 10) thinks the passage may allude to some legend connected with 
the Septuagint of Jer. 1 6-:o. As a possible allusion to such a legend as I have 
in mind I may quote an equally enigmatic line from an amulet given in a manu- 
script of the Bologna University, No. 3632, f. 360a and a Vienna manuscrij)t, 
Phil.-Graec. No. 108, f. 361a, as follows: i5ov HoXo/xwp vibs Aa^lS SptkKovros yKdcra-a 
iX'^" (BaaiKius iyK4<pa\oi'. 

2 Abraxas p. 142 fi\, Leid. Pap. 780 ff. 

3 Montgomery. Aramaic Incantation Texts from Nippur, 80, 170, 173, 232, 248. 
* See, for example, Sachau, Katalog d. Syr. HSS. Berlin, I 367, No. 10 n, 

f. 64b; Sorlin Dorigny, "Salome als Reiter," in Rev. des Etudes (?recs IV (1891) 
217296; Schlumberger, ibid. V (1892) 84; Heim, "Incant. magica," Jahrh. fib- 
class. Philol. Sup. XIX (1893) pp. 463676, Nos. 56 = 169, 61, 62, 236, 237. 

5 Aherglaube und Volksmedizin im Lande der Bihel, p. 27, 100, 113, 121. 

6 msiB-i -iSD J, Berakoth 10a, Pesachim 56a (Goldschmidt 135, II 520; cf. Jer. 30 is. 
See A. Wiinsch, ZBMG LXVI (1912) 414. 

7 Surenhusius, Mishna II 149, de Paschali iv 9. 


McCOWN: The Christian Tradition as to the Magical Wisdom of Solomon 7 

of medical recipes, it was evil because it led men not to pray to 
God.i It would appear that this sort of tradition was avoided in 
official Judaism, for elsewhere rabbinic literature does not, to the 
best of my knowledge, refer to such works. Indeed Moses becomes 
the representative wise man in Jewish literature and folklore, as 
Solomon does for Christians, and magical books of various kinds are 
written in his name. 2 Dr. Graster has edited the Sivord of Moses, an 
Aramaic collection of incantations coming from early in the Christian 
era. 3 Professor Albrecht Dieterich and before him Leemans edited 
a Leiden Papyrus in Greek of magical contents called the "Eighth 
Book of Moses.'" ^ If this papyrus book, written in the third or fourth 
century, really goes back to the second, as Dieterich maintained, 
we have here early evidence for the acceptance of Moses as a 
magician in Jewish circles, for Christian influence upon the heathen 
compiler of the work could not be expected at that date. 

When we reach the Middle Ages, Solomon reappears in Jewish 
literature as the wise man and magician. Writers of the twelfth 
and following centuries regard him as the source of all wisdom, 
including medicine, magic, and astrology.^ Since this tradition seems 
to have disappeared from Judaism for a time, it is natural to assume 
that it reappears under the influence of Moslem and Christian folklore 
and literature. Shemtob ben Isaac of Tortosa (1260) gives a "des- 
cription of the wisdom of Solomon, especially in natural science," in 
his paraphrase of Zahravi's Tasrif (xi cent.), called m^BTi "IDD. In 
Zahravi he found mention of a "covenant" (ri"'in) of Solomon which 
"was engraved on a tablet of white marble upon the wall of his 
palace, as well as various recipes (mtplDT mt^riDIi) which were 
explained by the moderns (D""iTinKn); Shemtob had learned more 
about the matter from Christians 'here in Marseilles' than he found 

1 Griinbaum, ZDMG XXXI 200. 

2 Kohler in JE IV 518. So already Eupolemos; cf. Eusebius Praep. Ev. ix 26. 

3 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 1896, also separate. 

* Leiden Pap. W.; Leemans, Papyri Graeci Musei Antiq. Publici Lugd. Bat. 
Lugd. Bat. 188.5, vol. II, pp. 77198; A. Dieterich, Abraxas. Leipzig 1891, 
pp. 154 166, 169 205. The title as given in the papyrus is Bi/3\os iepcL iiriKaXovfiivrj 
fMOvas rj 6yd6r] Miovaews irepl rov ovd/xaros rod aylov, 

5 Citations in Steinschneider, Hebraische Ubersetzungai des Mittelalters p. 936, 
Nos. 225, 226, p. 849f. 

8 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

in Zahravi.i The "covenant" and the "engravings" are hoth well 
known to Christian writers, as we shall see later. 

In the seventeenth century that strange collection of astrology, 
demonology, and magic called the ''Key of Solomon" appears in 
Hebrew. Dr. H. Gollancz, who has edited it, 2 thinks it may well 
have been written originally in Hebrew and brought from the East 
by the followers of the Pseudo-Messiah Sabbatai Zevi, though the 
manuscript, which is in an Italian hand, has obvious later additions. ^ 
Jewish cabbalistic works early began to appear in European 
languages, and many, like S&pher Raziel and the Grimorium Verum 
were ascribed to Solomon by their translators or compilers, but I 
do not know that this was done by Jewish cabbalists. 

Among Moslem writers the official tradition amounts to a complete 
denial to Solomon of any kind of magical writing. As a passage in 
the Quran and the comments upon it demonstrate, magical writings 
ascribed to Solomon were in circulation. Sura 2 95 ff. reads, "And 
when there came unto them a prophet from God confirming that 
scripture which was with them, some of these to whom the scriptures 
were given cast the book of God behind their backs as if they knew 
it not: and they follow the device which the devils devised against 
the kingdom of Solomon; and Solomon was not an unbeliever, but 
the devils believed not, they taught men sorcery." Yahya and 
Jallalo'ddin record a tradition that the devils wrote books of sorcery 
and hid them under Solomon's throne. After his death they dis- 
covered them and spread them abroad among the people as his in 
an attempt to blacken his character, pretending that it was thus he 
had obtained his power and wisdom.^ This official condemnation of 
Solomonic magical writings proves their existence among the Arabs 
of Mohammed's time and also probably in the time of the commen- 
tators who record the tradition, and makes their use among Jews 
in the East more than likely. 

1 Ibid., pp. 740 743. Zahravi is variously called A^ararius, Azaravi. etc. 

* Clavicula Salomonis. London 1903. 

3 Ibid., p. 16 fi". But see pp. 19 and 34. It seems to me as likely that the 
work is a translation from the Latin or Greek of some Christian; this better 
explains the protestation of the author regarding the cross. 

* So Sale, ad. loc. Palmer's note, SBE VI (Quran II) 14, does not so well 
explain the passage, as it is concerned solely with books. Fabricius, Cod. Pseud. 
y. T. Hamburg. 1713, I 1050, has a slightly different version of the tradition. 


McCOWN: The Christian Tradition as to the Magical Wisdom of Solomon 9 


I have given so much attention to the Jewish and Arab traditions 
regarding Solomon in order to throw light on the Christian trans- 
mission of the body of legends, partly by way of comparison, partly 
by way of contrast. In Christendom there is no hesitation in ascribing 
books of magic to Solomon and the literary and the living tradition, 
if I may so distinguish them, that which depends upon quotation 
from previous writers and that which reflects the actual use of 
Solomonic magic, are equally full. 


One element of the Christian literary tradition depends upon 
Josephus, and his statements as to the use of incantations composed 
by Solomon. It is a question whether Origen's reference is based 
upon personal knowledge or is adapted from Josephus. He says: 
"It is customary to adjure demons witli adjurations written by 
Solomon. But they themselves who use these adjurations sometimes 
use books not properly constituted; indeed they even adjure demons 
with some books taken from Hebrew." i Apparently the first to 
quote Josephus expressly is Georgios Monachos. He sharply 
abbreviates his source, merely saying, "And indeed Josephus mentions 
many of these works as having been reduced to writing, how that 
Solomon composed incantations against demons and exorcisms," and 
giving a bnef account of Eleazar's cure of the demoniac. 2 Kedrenos 
in one place quotes Josephus quite in full, in another the summary 
of Georgios Monachos. 3 Zonaras makes his own abbreviation of 
Josephus, or else of Kedrenos, giving a rather better summary than 
Georgios Monachos.^ Glykas quotes Josephus as summarized by 
Georgios Monachos and then adds Wisdom 7 20, which speaks of 

1 A Salomons scriptis adjurationibus solent daemones adjurari. Sed ipsi qui 
utuntur adjurationibus illis, aliquoties nee idoneis constitutis libris utuntur : qui- 
busdam autem et de Hebraeo acceptis adjurant daemonia. In Mattheum comm. 
ser. (tract. 33) 110, Migne, Pair. Grace. 13, 1757, to Mt. 26 63. 

2 Georgios Monachos, or Hamartolos, Chron. ii, 42, 4, Migne, Fair. Graec 
110, 249, c. 850. 

3 Migne, op. cit. 121, 156 B and 196D, c. 1100. 

4 Annal. ii 8, Migne, op. cit. 134, 168, c. 1150. 


10 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

Solomon's knowledge of plants and animals.^ All these chronographers 
add other materials also, as we shall see. 

Another element in the Christian tradition takes its rise directly 
from the Old Testament account of Solomon's superior wisdom. In 
the tenth of his Quaestiones on 1 Kings Theodoret explains that 
Solomon's wisdom was greater than that of all the ancients and of 
the Egyptians, because it was given him of God.2 In Question 18 
he goes on to claim that the knowledge of medicine was entirely |' 

derived from Solomon. As the passage is decisive as to the meaning 
which was ordinarily put upon the Old Testament account of Solomon's 
wisdom, and as it also is quite illuminating as to the character of 
ancient medicine, I will quote parts of it. Theodoret asks, "What 
is to be understood by the expression, 'He spake concerning the 
trees...'?" and answers, "It means that he described the natures 
and powers both of plants and trees and indeed of the irrational 
animals also; whence I think also the medical books that have been 
written have their source for the most part .... telling for what 
disease this part of this animal is an antidote, as the gall of the 
hyena, the fat of the lion, the blood of the bull, or the flesh of 
lizards. For the wise among the physicians have written concerning 
these things, taking the starting point of their first works from the 
writings of Solomon." 3 

Prokopios of Gaza, without acknowledging his debt, quotes the 
answer to Question 10 of Theodoret word for word and that to 
Question 18 as far as "for the most part" (TrdfMToXXa)^ Anastasios 
Sinaites repeats Question 18 and its answer almost word for word.'^ 

1 Migne, op. cit 158, 349, after 1150. 

- Quaestiones in III Reg., Q,u. x, Migne, op. cit. 80, 676. 

3 IIws vorjTiov TO "'EXd\7;(Te irepl tQjv i,v\<j}v . . ."; Kat rds (pvueis koX rds Swd/zeiS koX 
Twv ^OTaviov Kai tQiv Mvdpuv kcxX /j.4ptoi. Kal rOiv aXbyoiv ^djojv TrecpvawXoyrjKeuai aiirbv etprjKev 
ivrevdev ol/iai. Kal rets iarpiKas /3i/3\ous (TvyypacfodTas ipavlaaadai TrdfiiroXKa . . . Kal roude tov 
^tbov T65e TO fxdpiov tIvos irddovs oKe^icpd pfxaKOv oloi/ i] vaLvri'S xoXtj, t) rb Xedfreioi/ crriap, f) to 
Taijpeiov al,ua, ^ tQv e-xyi^Giv ai adpKes. irepl tovtuv yap oi aocpol tUv laTpCov (rvyyeypdcpaffiv, 
iK Twu '^oXofj.QvTi crvyyeypa/j./j.^vui' eiXijrpdTes tQiv irpihruv rctj a^op/xds. In III Reg. Qliaest- 
xviii, Migne, op. cit. 80. Jerome perhaps has the same idea. See his Quaest. 
JSebr. hi lihr. Ill Reg. (Migne. Patr. Lat. 23, 1365 f.): Disputavit enim de naturis 
lignorum, jumontorum, reptilium, et piscium, de vi videlicet et naturis illorum . . . 

4 Com. ad III Reg. 2 35 and 4 33; Migne, op. cit. 87 1, 1152, 11. 
^ Quaest. xli, Migne, op. cit. 89, 589 f. 

McCOWN: The Christian Tradition as to the Magical "Wisdom of Solomon 11 

Georgios Monachos and Kedrenos make use of Question 10, i and 
they unite with Glykas in passing on the claim that the origin of 
all medical books was to be found in the writings of Solomon.^ 

A third item in Christian tradition regarding Solomon is the 
account of the suppression of a part of the books he had written 
by Hezekiah. Speculation was natural as to what had become of 
all the books which Solomon had written, the three thousand proverbs 
and the one thousand and five songs, not to mention his medical, 
magical, and other scientific works. So far as our sources are 
preserved, the first to answer this question was Hippolytos in his 
commentary on Canticles, parts of which are preserved in Armenian, 
Syriac, Slavic, and Georgian. 3 The Quaestiones of Anastasios Sinaites 
give a quotation or summary of a discussion found in the Georgian 
translation. In Question 41 Anastasios collects several ancient 
references to the wisdom and the writings of Solomon. To the 
quotation from Theodoret which we have already mentioned he adds 
Sap. 7 1621 and 1 Kgs. 5 9ff., and then continues: "From the 
writing of Hippolytos on the Song of Songs. And where is all this 
rich knowledge? Where are these mysteries? Where are the books? 
For there have been handed down only the Proverbs (and Wisdom) 
and Ecclesiastes and the Song of Songs. What then? Do the 
Scriptures lie? God forbid! But a certain considerable portion of 
the writings had become mere ballast, as the expression 'song of 
songs' shows, for it signifies that whatever the five thousand odes 
contained has been included in the one. But in the days of Heze- 
kiah some of the books were chosen and some were rejected . . ."^ 

1 Migne, op. cit. 110, 249; 121, 197D f. 

2 These are the writings which were suppressed by Hezekiah. See Migne, 
op. cit. 110, 249; 121, 224; 158, 248. 

' See Bonwetsch, Hippolyts Kom. z. Hohelied in Texte u. Unters. NF VIII 
(23, H. 2, 22f.) and the Kirchenvater Ivommissiou, ed. I 343ff. 

* XttttoMtov k tov els to acr/xa tQiv aufxciTwi'. Kal ttov waaa t] irXovcria aurr] yuQcns; 
TToD di TO. ixvaT7)pta ravra ; Kal irov ai ^Ifikoi ; avacp^povrai yap advat ai Trapotiaiai. [koi i) (TO<piaj 
Kal 6 iKK\i]cna<TTr]s Kal rb dafj-a rCov q.(TtJLa,Twv, tL ovp ; ^pevBerai rj ypacpr) ; ixrj yivoiTO dXXd. 
ttoXXtj fj.iv Tts vKt) yeyeyrjrac tQv ypajxixdroiv, us drjKol rb Xeyeiv &<T/J.a aa/xdrup cTt)ixalvei. yb-p 
OTi oaa irepKlxov ai TrevTaKiax^Xiai, ^5al ev rQ evl di'rjyrja-aTO. iv 5k rals rj/uL^pais 'EtcKiov to, 
ixiv tG>v ^i^Xtwv i^e/Jy7]crav, ra dk Kal irepLijKpd-qcrav . . . Migne , op. Cit. 89, 589 f. The 
Quaestiones in their present form are not original but that does not affect the 
foregoing discussion since the material is quoted. See Krumbacher, Geschichte 
der hyz. hit. 64 ff. 

12 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

It is evidently the same tradition which Jerome has in mind when 
he speaks of certain "writings of Solomon which were antiquated 
and did not continue in memory." ^ 

When we come to the end of Question 41 of Anastasios we make 
the interesting discovery that he ascribes to the -'archaeological j;' 

history of Eusebios Pamphilos" an account of a drastic revision of 
Solomon's writings by Hezekiah. "The books of Solomon", he says, 
"written by him concerning the parables and odes, in which he 
discoursed concerning the nature of plants and all kinds of animals, 
land, winged, and aquatic, and cures of every disease, Hezekiah 
suppressed because the people secured the treatments for their 
diseases there and failed to ask and look away to Grod for their 
cures". 2 Is this appeal to the authority of Eusebius misleading? 
We do not know the date or authorship of the Quaestiones in their 
present form, but whoever the writer of Question 41 was, he quotes 
accurately from Theodoret and from a lost work of Hippolytos. The 
presumption is that he may be trusted also in his quotation from 
Eusebius, who may well have known what was evidently the official 
Jewish opinion regarding the revision of Solomon's works by Hezekiah, 
referred to in the Talmud and explained by Rashi as here. It is worth 
while adding that there seems to be a Slavic "Archaeology of Eusebios 
Pamphilos*' which strangely enough begins with a reference to Solomon. 3 

Succeeding Christian writers combine the tradition given by Hippo- 
lytos with that of Eusebios, or, sometimes, report them separately. 
The encyclopaedia of Josephos Christianos called the Hypomnestikon 
mentions the revision of the Proverbs in chapter 120 and the 
suppression of the magical writings in chapter 74. ^ Georgios Monachos 

1 Aiunt Hebraei cum inter cetera scripta Salomonis quae antiquata sunt, nee 
in memoria duraverunt, et hie liber (Eccl.) obliterandus videretur ... ex hoc 
capitulo meruisse autoritatem. Com. in Eccl. 12i3f. 

- Eva-elSLov Ha/xepiKov iK rrjs dpxd'-o'Xoyi.Kfis laToplai. Tas 5e jSi^Xovs rod HoKofiQvros, ras 
we pi Tbiv trapa^oKwv koI ^5!hv, iv ai? irepl (pvTwv Kal wai/Toiiov iipwv ^vcnoXoyrjcras (]. i(f>v(TLO- 
Xbyrjcra.) ^fpcn^wj', ireTeivOiv re Kal pyjktwv, Kal iapLdTuv wddovs iravrbs. ypacpeiaas aiiri^, d<pai'e'is 
iiroiTjcrev Efe/cias 5ca to tos Sepaweias tZv voarj/idrui' ivdev^ecrdai rbv \a6v, Kal irepiopav 
alreiv Kal napopdv ivreOdep irapd de(^ Tat idaeis. Migne, op. cit. 89, 592 D f. Cf. Mai- 
monides and Raslii, above p. 6. 

3 Bonwetsch, in Harnack, Altchr. Lit. I ii, 900. 

1 Migne, op. cit., 106, 124, and 89 C. Unfortunately there is room for diflerence 
of opinion as to the date of the work. Schiirer, Gesch. des jud. Yolkes^ III 420, 
seems to incline to 800 or earlier. 

McCOWN: The Christian Tradition as to the Magical Wisdom of Solomon 13 

combines part of the quotation from Eusebios mentioning its source. ^ 
Kedrenos quotes Monachos with an additional clause borrowed from 
Synkellos or Suidas.^ Glykas presents a somewhat independent 
account of Solomon's glory and wisdom, but his account of Hezekiah's 
revision is so confused as to seem to make it fall after Ezra. As 
authorities he appeals to "the most wise Psellos," in which he is 
mistaken, and to Eusebios. ^ These three so introduce a clause from 
Anastasios Sinaites as to make it appear that the books which 
Hezekiah suppressed were those from which all the medical wisdom 
of antiquity was derived.'* 

A fourth and independent motif, like that which Shemtob found 
in Zahravi and among the Christians of Marseilles, is introduced by 
Georgios Synkellos and Suidas. The former, when describing Solomon's 
reign, contents himself with writing most concisely of his wisdom and 
his fall. In his account of Hezekiah's reign, after expanding 2 Kings 184, 
he adds, "And there was a certain writing of Solomon engraved on 
the gate of the temple containing a cure for every disease, and the 
people, turning to this and thinking to have their cures from it, 
despised God. Wherefore also Hezekiah chiseled it away in order 
that the sick might turn to God." ^ Suidas shortens the account and 
puts (iiftXo<s lajxarwv for ypac^?;.'' Kcdreuos sccms to havc some idea 
of this tradition for he speaks of a "book of healing of Solomon for 
every disease which was engraved," where, he does not say, and he 
makes Hezekiah "burn and destroy" it.'? 

The story of Hezekiah's destruction of Solomon's magical writings 
crops out in a most interesting way in the latest recension of the 
Testament of Solomon ^^ and what is still more remarkable it is 

1 Migne, ov. cit. 110, 149, 273. 

2 Ibid. Ul, 200B, 224 C. See below. 

3 Ibid. 158, 348 f. For Psellos see ibid. 122, 537, 540. 

1 For example Glykas says: Tas tov '^oXo/xQvtos /3//3Xous, d^' wv Kal ol tuv larpQv 
TratSes rets aipop/ias iXa^ou . . . irapk 5e 'EfeKtoi; KaKavudal (prjaiv 6 iroKvfxaOrjS Kal iroKutaTup 
Ei;o-^/3ios. Migne, op. cit. 158, 348 D. 

5 Iji' 5k Kal HoXo/xCii'TOS ypacp-q res iyKeKoXapiuevr] ry TryXr; tov faoD iravros vocrrjfj.aTOS Akus 
irfpi^xovcra, y -Kpoaeyuiv 6 Xaos Kal ras depareias, voixi^bixevos ix^^^ Karecppovei tov Oeov. 5tb 
Kal TaijTT]v 'Efe/ctaj i^eK6\a\pev Iva nduxovTes rtD deih Trpoa^x'^'^'-"- 

8 Lexicon s. v. 'Eremay. 

T ^i^XLof 'ZoXop.wvTos iafxaTTipiov vavTos TrdOovs iyKeKoXa/jL/j-evov i^iKav(xe Kal -^(pdnae. 
Migne, op. cit. 121, 200 B, 224C. 

8 See below p. 17. 



1 See above p, 7. 

2 This recension is found in MS No. 3632 of the Bologna University Library, 
ff. 475ff., and No. 2419, Anc. fonds grecs, Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris, ff. 266ff. 
See the forthcoming edition by the writer, to be published by Hinrichs in 
Professor Hans Windisch's TJntersuchungen zum NT. 

3 Glykas uses the word th\iyJ3py]tjev. See above p. 13. 

14 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

implicitly combined with the idea of a contract between the demons 
and Solomon engraved on stone, exactly the same collocation of 
ideas that Shemtob took from Zahravi and the Christians of Mar- 
seilles, i Aside from a "Prologue" and a few verses at the beginning, 
Recension C of the Testament of Solomon runs very much like the 
earlier ones until near the end of chapter 9. From this point on an 
entirely different set of demons and of ideas is introduced. In 
chapter 13, then, the attempt is made to authenticate this "new | 
testament" in a unique fashion. Solomon's chief familiar, here 
named Paltiel Tzamal, requests him to promise that this, the real 
testament, shall be left to his sons only, and that, after his death, 
(sic) he shall make for Hezekiah another testament for the world at 
large, while this, the true one, shall be hidden and not open to the 
common herd, "for," he adds, "Hezekiah, O king, will burn many 
books handed down from the fathers and many others he will hide, 
and he will establish the world and the superfluous he will cut oif." 
Solomon then secures the name of the angel which truly frustrates 
all the demons it is agla and makes an agreement with the 
demon that Hezekiah shall burn all but one copy of this true testa- 
ment, which is to be engraved on stone, but shall spread abroad in 
the world the other testament which the demons shall give him a.s 
a joke and delusion. 2 It is, 1 think, quite evident that the author 
of this recension has gone out from the two ideas which Shemtob 
brings together, of a contract between Solomon and the demons 
which along with medical recipes was engraved on white marble and 
the added idea, common both to Christian and Jewish tradition, 
that Hezekiah was to destroy or at least lessen the number of 
Solomon's magical writings. s 

An interesting aspect of the literary tradition regarding Solomon 
magus is to be found in the anti-Jewish polemics of Christian writers. 
The earliest reference of this kind I know is to be found in the 
Dialogue of Timothy and Aquila, which dates probably from the 

McCOWN: Tlie Christian Tradition as to the Magical Wisdom of Solomon 15 

first half of the fifth century. The Christian is arguing the messiah- 
ship of Jesus and applies to him the second Psalm, The Jew replies 
that this psalm referred to Solomon, not to the messiah. To meet 
this statement the Christian attacks the reputation of Solomon, 
quoting parts of the speech of Ahijah to Jeroboam, i and concluding 
with an appeal to the story of Solomon's fall as "written in his 
Testament," the Jewish-Christian work of the third century.2 Aside 
from the light it throws on anti-Jewish polemics, this passage is 
interesting mainly because it shows the earliest and most important 
of the pseudo-Solomonic magical works fully accepted and highly 
honored among the Christians of the fifth century. The writer of 
the Dialogue claims a greater trustworthiness for the Testament than 
for the Book of Kings. "On this I take my stand with confidence, 
because this is not revealed at the hand of the historian but is 
known from the mouth of Solomon himself." 3 

Jewish polemics did more than apply many passages which the 
Christians regarded as messianic to Solomon. They also claimed 
that Solomon had subdued the demonic hosts, thus undermining the 
Christian argument that Jesus was the messiah because he had 
overthrown the kingdom of Beelzebul. The Testament of Solomon 
seems on the whole to be entirely unaware of this conflict of claims. 
All that distinctly appears in what can be confidently claimed as its 
original form as a Christian document is that Christ, or Immanuel, 
or the cross are the accepted means for frustrating the evil machi- 
nations of the demons. The fact that Solomon fell is not allowed 
to weaken faith in the charms he has discovered, on the contrary it 
is turned to account by making a demon foretell it and by that 
very means convince him, and the reader also, of course, that all 
that he had learned from the demons is true.^ Christ is represented 
merely as the one who will eventually rule the demons, as in a sense 
a greater successor to Solomon.^ 

1 1 Kings 11 31-36. 

2 See below p. 17. The Dialogue is published by F. C. Conybeare, in Anec- 
(lota Oxon. Classical ser. VIII; see p. 70. 

3 iv TOVTO yap laT-qv Tria-TO-KOiQiv, on oiiK ii' x^'-P^ iiTTOpioypd(pov (pavepd:dr} toOto, dXX' iK 
Tou (TTO/jLaros aiiTov rod '^oXop.QivTo^ eyvJid-q tovto. Loc. cit. 

i Ch. 15 8-14. 

5 Ch. 15 11. This is found only in the manuscripts of Recension B and may 
be secondary, Paris, Anc. fonds grecs 38, Jerus., S. Sab. 422. 

16 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

Christian writers who have been more thoroughly indoctrinated take 
a different tone. Leontios of Constantinople in his sermon In mediam 
Pentecosteiii, while discussing the cure of the man with a legion of 
demons, suddenly begins an anti-Solomonic polemic. "To whom," he 
says, "did the legion of demons say, 'If you cast us out, allow us to 
enter the herd of swine'? To Solomon who built Jerusalem, or to 
the Lord Christ who holds all things in his hand? But the demon- 
loving Jews will say at once, "What then? Did not Solomon master 
the demons? Did he not shut them up one and all? Do they not 
fear him to this day?' But, O demon-deceived Jews, you appeal to 
these arguments in vain. For the Lord C'hrist alone bound the 
strong one with might and plundered his goods. For Solomon not 
only did not royally master the demons but even was mastered and 
destroyed by them at the end. For, loving the lust of polygamy, 
seduced by the procuration of the devil, ... he defiled the marriage- 
bed of divine knowledge . . . How then is the servant of demons ^ 
master of demons?" ^ ' $ 

The same argument appears in the Disputation wrongly ascribed " 

to Gregentius of Taphar. Herban, the Jew, claims that Solomon 
had ruled all the demons. The archbishop is made to reply, "Solomon , 

humbled demons? You do not known what you are maintaining. 
For a time he did secure them in his vessels and sealed and buried 
them. But look with me at the time that he was completely defeated 
by the demons themselves and, being overthrown, was in danger of 
losing his salvation, in that he offered incense to the abominations 
of deceit." 2 Where there were no arguments with Jews, and that 
includes the greater part of Christendom, this conflict of claims did 
not arise and Solomon was viewed as a great magician whom God 
had endowed with wisdom for "help and healing to men." 


Turning now from the literary tradition, that handed down by 
quotation from earlier sources, to the living tradition, that which 

-, I 

1 See Migne, L c. 86, 1980. According to Krumbaclier, Gesch. d. hyz. Lit. 55 
and 191, this homily is to be ascribed to a Constantinopolitan presbyter, Leontios, 
and not to any one of the better known fathers of that name. His date is uncertain. 

2 Migne, I. c 

McCOWN: The Christian Tradition as to the Magical Wisdom of Solomon 17 

gives contemporary evidence of an actual faith in Solomon's magical 
powers and wisdom, we find our earliest document in the Testament 
of Solomon, already mentioned. Josephus and the magical papyri 
are witnesses to a living faith among Jews and to a certain extent 
among the heathen. The Testament witnesses to faith among Jews 
and Christians, for it consists of Jewish material worked over and 
combined with heathen and Christian material by a Christian. The 
basis is the story, no doubt borrowed from the Jews, of Solomon's 
use of demons in building the temple, really an attempt to glorify 
the temple by representing it as the product of more than human 
skill.2 As the work proceeds, a vampire attempts to hinder it by 
attacking the chief architect, a favorite slave of Solomon. To save 
him Michael brings the famous ring from heaven and with its help 
Solomon calls all the demons before him, learns their characteristics, 
including the diseases and ills they cause, and the angel name or 
charm that frustrates them, and sets them to work at various difficult 
tasks about the temple. 

The original purpose of the writer was to collect about the name 
of Solomon all the magico-medical knowledge he had. Of the story 
which he made the framework of his "novel with a purpose" we have 
two late Christian recensions. A comparison of these works with the 
Testament shows how far tradition had already gone before the time 
of the Testament in collecting stories of Solomon's dealings with the 
demons. The writer of the Testament gave a mighty impulse to this 
development by ascribing to Solomon a large number of demonological 
and magical traditions that came from the most diverse sources, 
Babylonian, Persian, Jewish, Greek, and Egyptian. The successive 
recensions of the original story and of the Testament show this 
process still going on. For example, the second recension of the 
Testament and a late modern Greek recension of the story both add 
an account of Solomon's shutting the demons up in vessels, the latter 
going on to tell how the Chaldeans, when they took Jerusalem, 

1 Tlie Testament is, to be sure, the earliest document referring to this 
legend, and Jewish legend does not, I think, make so much of it as does 
Arabic. Yet it hardly so Ukely that it would develop among Christians as 
among Jews. 

18 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

opened the seals hoping to find treasure, and thus let the demons 
out again to prey upon mankind, i 

Next to the Testament, the most important magical work ascribed 
to Solomon is the Clavicula, the "key of Solomon," which all during 
the Middle Ages and down into modern times enjoyed a reputation 
which the Testament never had. A mass of manuscripts in Latin, 
French, Italian, English, and other European languages, shows what 
tremendous popularity it had. In occultist circles it is still thought 
worthy of translation and publication in these days of science. '- 
A-^arious recensions exist also in Greek and deserve publication for 
the light they throw on astrology and magic. The work is really a 
treatise on these subjects, as the Testament is a treatise in story 
form on medical magic. The most striking feature in the many 
manuscripts I have seen is the large number of "pentacles," drawings, 
usually circular in form, often including magical words or sentences, # 

and intended as charms or amulets against evil spirits, diseases, or ^. 

other woes to which the flesh is heir. These are sometimes said to % 

be the seals on the ring of Solomon, sometimes the "signs" of the 
demons. Recension C of the Testament has borrowed from this 
literature twelve seals for the ring and a list of fifty demons and 
their "signs." Perhaps the most valuable element in the Clavicula 
is to be found in the numerous prayers to the planets, which seem 
to contain ancient material. The date of the Clavicula and of the 
'YypofjLavrda, as it is often called in Greek manuscripts, has not been 
determined. It is certainly later than the Testament, but goes well 
back into the first millennium of our era.^ 

It is impossible even to catalogue the many works ascribed to 
Solomon in the Middle Ages, such as Sepher Raziel and SemiphorasJ 
They are a sadly confused and wearisome mass of cabbalistic and 

1 See the writer's Testament of Salomon, already mentioned above, p. 14. The 
interesting modern Greek version is found in codex No. 290 of the St. Sabbas 
manuscripts in the library of the Greek Patriarchate in Jerusalem. 

2 S. L. M. Mathers, Clavicula Salomonis, London, 1888. For a Hebrew trans- 
lation see above p. 8. 

3 See Reitzenstein, Poimandres 18()f., and The Testament of Solomon, Intro- 
duction II 4 and VIII 3. 

4 See Steinschneider, Hebr. tjbers. 937, Scheibel, Das Kloster III 289 ff., Horst, 
Zauberhibliothek iMSsim, Seligsohn, art. "Solomon, Apocryphal Works," in Jewish 
Ene. (XI 447). 


McCOWN: The Christian Tradition as to the Magical Wisdom of Solomon 19 

occultist superstitions which do neither Solomon nor their authors 
credit. But they testify to the high esteem in which Solomon magus 
Avas held and their number as well as the frequency of copies of the 
more popular ones prove that the practice of magic in Solomon's 
name was widespread. 

Equally important evidence on this point is to be found in the 
lists of prohibited books. In the Decretum Gelasiammi, the CollecUo 
Herovalliana, and pseudo-Isidor, de Mmieris, mention is made of a 
Salomonis intercUdio, or contradictio, and of jphyladeria which contain 
the names, not of angels, but of demons, i There can be little doubt 
that the Clavicula is one of the books thus forbidden. Whether the 
Testament is intended in the title Interdidio is questionable. In 
any case the prohibition proves that Solomonic books were in 
popular use. 

Again there are allusions in mediaeval Christian writers which 
are not merely quoted from some older authority but come from the 
authors' own knowledge as to the use of Solomonic books or incan- 
tations. The Hypomnestikon, for example, following its reference to 
the suppression of Solomonic writings by Hezekiah, continues, "But 
those which drive demons away and cure diseases and discover 
thieves the 'fakirs" of the Jews guard among themselves most care- 
fully, although the faithful of the holy church do not use these, since 
they have been taught by their faith in Christ to keep themselves 
pure." 2 Whoever he was and whenever he wrote and there is no 
reason why the passage should not come from the fifth or sixth 
century . the author is not quoting any known description of 
Solomonic magical works, but, in all probability, telling of books he 
knew from personal knowledge. 

At the end of the twelfth century Niketas Akominates, or Choniates, 
a high official in the Byzantine court, knew an interpreter, sycophant 
and magician at court named Aaron, He had a "Solomonic book 
which, when it was unrolled and gone through, collected the demons 
by legions and made them stand ready, answering continually for 
what they were to be called upon, hastening to carry out the thing 

1 See E. von Dobschiitz, "Das Decretum Gel., etc.," in Texte u. Unters. (1912) 
13, 11, 332-335; 84, 11, 112f.; 74, 11, 242-245, see also p. 319. 

2 Migne, op. cit. 106, 89 C. See above p. 12. 


20 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

enjoined, and observing zealously that commanded." ^ This is an 
almost exact description of the Claviciila and of the new part of 
Recension C of the Testament There can be little doubt that Niketas, 
who wrote from personal recollection, had actually seen a performance 
in which some such book was used. 

It is equally clear that Michael Glykas knew the Testament. He 
says that Solomon "also made a book of his concerning demons, 
how they are brought down and in what forms they appear. He 
wrote also their natures and peculiarities, and how they are bound 
and how they are driven away from places they love to inhabit. 
Wherefore he enjoined upon them work of carrying burdens and 
forced them, as it is said, to fell timber and required them to carry 
that which was brought on their shoulders, and swollen bowels he 
cured by incantations or by binding herbs about them." 2 Only the 
name is lacking to make the identification of this "book about 
demons" with the Testament complete, for it is throughout concerned 
with bringing demons down, with describing their forms, natures, 
and peculiarities, with telling how they are driven from their lurking- 
places, how they are set to work, carrying burdens and cutting wood, 
among other things, and how cures are wrought by means of incan- 
tations and herbs. 

Turning from books to amulets and talismans, one finds an equal 
abundance of material. Every large museum has evidence that the 
books of Solomonic "pentacles" in their manuscript collections were 
not mere jeux d'esprit on the part of monks or others who had no 
better employment that drawing pictures. Amulet after amulet proves 
that Solomon's was in truth a name "to conjure with." It appears 
in many different connections, only a few examples of which can be 
given here. It is found, for example, on so-called Gnostic amulets. 
On a bronze nail in the British Museum is the inscription: 
(1) ABARAXAS- ASTKAEL* (2) lAO SABAO* * (3) (Draw- 
ing of serpent) (4) SOLOMONO * *.3 It is combined with heathen 

1 Migne, oj). cit. 86, 641 f. 2 Uigne, op. cit. 158, 349. 

3 Cf. H. B. Walters, Cat. of Bronzes in the Brit. Museum, Greek, Roman, and 
Etruscan. London 1899, p. 370, No. 3192. Henzen, Bull. d. Inst, di Oorr. Arch. 
1849, p. 11, cites from a magic nail AO 8ABA0 SOLOMONO, and Wessely, 
Ephesia Grammata 22, 202, lao aoKofiuv aa^ao from Montfaucon, Tab. 164. The 
nail given in the text is no doubt the one mentioned by Jahn, "Aberglaube des 
bosen Blicks,'", Ber. d. sachs. Gesell. d. Wiss. 1855, p. 108. 



McCOWN: The Christian Tradition as to the Magical Wisdom of Solomon 21 

deities. Another nail in the British Museum carries a long inscription 
beginning DOMNA ARTEMIX and concluding TEE, DICO TER 

Solomon often appears in the role of St. George, dressed as a 
knight in mediaeval armor riding a horse and piercing a dragon or 
some other enemy with his lance, for example on a hematite amulet 
in the Bibliotheque Nationale at Paris. The obverse bears the legend 
!SoAo/xojv, the reverse o-^/oayts Oeov.'- Schlumberger cites a similar amulet 
with the same legends in which the rider is spearing a seated, naked 
woman. 3 Another Schlumberger bought in the bazaar at Smyrna. 
In a circle around the edge of the medal was the legend, 2(^/oayts 

(roXofJLMVos aTToSto^oi' Trav kukov airo tov cf>opovvTO<<i>. In the field was the 

word <j)Oovos, in the center an eye, above it three daggers pointing 
at it, on each side a rampant lion, below an ibis (or an ostrich), a 
serpent, and a scorpion, with the figure of a female demon at the 
bottom. On the other side was a figure of a rider spearing the same 
demon and the circular legend (/)evye ^ue/xto-t/xei't a-oAo/xov Se 8iokl a-ia-twio's 
(Ttcnvapios. Thus Solomon is to protect from the demon of envy that 
works in the evil eye. ' 

A similar but more complicated amulet from Cyzicus bears on 

one side the legend, juxai-jX, yaftpu^X, ovpirjX, pacf^arjX, 8ca(f)vXa!-ov TOV 
(popovvTa ayios ayios aytos tTrnr RPSSS, and On the Other, ^evye ////to-t/xevt 

(ToXofxov SiOKi ere (Kai) ayyeAos apaayjr. The interpretation of details both 
in the legends and the figures is difficult but apparently the maker 
wished to combine as many powers as possible in his eftort to 
counteract the evil eye, and Solomon was one that he could not 
afford to ignore.-^ 

1 See AValters, loc. cit, No. 3191, and Jahn, op. clt, p. 107. 

2 Chabouillet, Cat. des Camees de la Bib. Imj). p. 299, No. 2218; cf. also No. 2219. 

3 Revue des Etudes Grecs V (1892) 84. 
* Ibid. p. 93. 

5 Dorigny gives this amulet in Bevue des Etudes Grecs TV (1891) 287296 
under the title "Phylactere Alexandrin contre les epistaxis," basing his inter- 
pretation upon an ingenious but, I am sure, fanciful explanation of the word 
apaccxp, which he reads apaa(p and derives from r\V^, "to run drop by drop." 
'A77eXos 'Apad(j> is, therefore, the demon of nosebleed. It is difficult to determine 
whether the last letter of the word is yp or (f>. But the chief objection to this 
interpretation is that an etymology based upon a word written in Greek letters 
is altogether too uncertain unless there is other strong confirmatory evidence, 


Journal of tlie Palestine- Oriental Society 

Appeal is made to the seal of Solomon for protection times without 
number. Aside from the occurrences already mentioned above one 
may take as examples another of Schlumberger's amulets which bears 
on the obverse the figures of an angel and a dog (or lion?) attacking 

a demon with the circular legend, (fievye ixenta-i/jLevL apXa<f> o ayyeXXos ere 

8toK(., and on the reverse various signs and figures with the legend, 
cTffipayis a-oXo/xovos <f>i'XaTe rov/ cfiopovvTa. 1 De Longperier gives an amulet 
of chalcedony with the inscription o-cjipayeis o-aAw/i<o>i' Kvpcos NAl'H'T.'- 

Likewise appeal is made to the "covenant" of Solomon with the 
demons in a gold amulet from Italy. It was seen and copied by 
Amati in 1829 in the shop of an antiquity dealer in Rome. Amati 
gave a copy to Professor Emiliano Sorti and this was published in' 
1880 by Professor Gaetano Pellicioni. The copy was made in 
imitation of the very crabbed letters of the original. Beginning with 
a line of magical, or at least non-Greek letters, it exorcised all kinds 
of demons and magical potencies "by the great and holy name of 
Ati/' (whoever that may be), the Lord God of Adam and Abram and 
Adonai and lao and Sabaoth not to touch the woman who wears 
this exorcism," "remembering the covenant they made with the great 
Solomon and Michael the angel, that they swore the great and holy 
oath by the name of God and said, 'We will flee, we will not violate 
the oath'," 3 So we find a persistent, living tradition as to the "covenant" 
which Solomon made with the demons, references to which we have 
already found in the literary sources.'* 

Thus in Solomonic tradition as elsewhere in Greek Christian 
literature the two meanings of haOriKi] meet and cross. Were there 

and such is wanting in this case. For otlier examples of Solomon as a knight 
see the collection in the Berlin Museum, Saal X, Schautisch F 2, Nos. 9932, 
10640, 10841, Ausfiihrliches Verzeichniss 1894, p. 297, and see Dorigny, "Salomo 
als Reiter," in Bev. des Etudes Grecs IV (1891) 217296. 

1 Op. cit. p. 93. The reading of Heim, Incant magica {o]). cit. supra, p. 6), 
p. 481, Nos. 61 and 62, 4>evye /j.e, fiia-ov/j.i>r), is indefensil)le. 

2 Comptes rend, des seances de VAcad. des inscr. et helleslet. 1880, pp. 275 ff. 
See the article S^payis -oXomwj'os, by Perdrizet in Rev. des Etudes Grecs 1903, 42 ft". 

3 irav irrev/j.a fivrjad^PTa ttJs hi.adr)K-qs ^s (so my copy, not tjv or jj) 'idevro iirl fxeydXov 
'SioKo/Muvos Kai MexetXof rod dyyeXov on ibfiocrav tov fiiyav Kal ayiov opKov evl rod ovofiaros 
ToO deoD Kai ilwav on (peu^d/xeda, opKov ov \j/eva-6)jLeda. Atti e memorie delle RR. deputa- 
zioni di storia patria per le provincie delV Emilia. Nuova Serie, vol. Y, parte 1 
(Modeua 1880) 177 ft". Cf. Wessely, in Wierier Studien VIII (1886) 179, Schlum- 
berger. Rev. Et. Gr. V 87. 

* See above pp. 7, 14 f. 

McCOWN: The Christian Tradition as to the Magical Wisdom of Solomon 23 

originally two separate motifs, one of the "covenant" between Solomon 
and the demons, the other of the last will and "testament" which 
the wise king left telling all he had learned about them? Or did 
one of these ideas arise out of the other by misunderstanding or 
conscious development? So far as I have been able to discover, the 
Testament is older than any allusion to the "covenant." That may 
be pure accident. Yet it is easier to see how from the stories of 
the Testament the tradition of the "covenant" should arise than vice 
versaA In Recension C the Testament insensibly passes over into a 
"covenant." On the other hand the tradition as to the "covenant" 
seems the more wide spread. Not only are there the allusions 
already adduced from Christian, Hebrew and Arabic sources, but 
Bezold gives "eine arabische Zauberformel gegen Epilepsie" from the 
margin of a Berlin manuscript which mentions the contract between 
Solomon and the devils. 2 And Vasiliev gives a Greek incantation 
which contains a reference to the demons' oath. 3 

Weighing probabilities one is inclined to conclude that the idea 
of a covenant between Solomon and the demons arose by natural 
development out of the stories of his dealings with them, and that 
the "testament" was independently suggested to some mind already 
familiar with such documents as the Testament of Abraham, the 
Testament of Adam, and the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs. 
To the author, then, of Recension C of the Testament occurred the 
brilliant idea of combining the two and thereby gaining added 
circulation for his document. 

In the early Christian centuries a living tradition showed itself 
in a field so fertile that it is strange it was not longer cultivated. 
To one who is familiar with the "sacred places" of Palestine it is 
not astonishing to learn that the pilgrim of Bordeaux in the fourth 
century was shown the cave where Solomon tortured the demons,* 
and that St. Sylvia saw his ring in Jerusalem during the same 

1 It is an interesting fact that the first translator of the Testament rendered 
the title ,, covenant," although in the recension that lay before hiin the idea is 
not to be found. This was J. Fiirst, Der Orient, 5. Jahrgang 1844, 7. Jahr- 
gang 1846, Literaturblatt, cols. 593, 663. 714, 741, "Der Bund Salomos." 

2 In ZA XX 8-4 (Aug. 1907) pp. 105 ff., from Cod. (113) Sachau 199 {Konigl. 
Bibliothek, Berlin), ff. 24b_27a; cf. esp. pp. llOf. 

3 Anecdota Graeco-hyzantina, p. 332. 

4 Tobler, Palest, descript 1869, p. 3; Schiirer, Gesch. d. jiid. Volkes^ III 418. 


Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

century. 1 It is strange some enterprising guide did not discover 
some of the brass vessels in which the demons were sealed. 

Long as this paper is, it gives but a part of the material that 
comes from Christian sources and does not attempt more than to 
touch the Semitic. It has been confined largely, moreover, to the 
Greek and Latin world. Many details might be added by one who 
knew Coptic, Ethiopic, Armenian, Georgian, and the Slavic languages. 
Again the subject was restricted to the tradition regarding the 
magical wisdom of Solomon, thus leaving untouched a large field 
that has to do with his judicial and his scientific wisdom, the many 
books ascribed to him in this field, and the stories of his dialogues 
with human or semi-demonic interlocutors. 

Enough, however, has been adduced to illustrate several features 
of the growth of tradition. Its almost insensible beginnings, gathering 
slowly about a historical nucleus, the gradual accretions from sources 
where similar motifs were at work, the adding of traits due some- 
times merely to the Lust zum Fahulieren, sometimes to a patriotic 
motive, sometimes to literary ambition, sometimes to "scientific," 
medical or magical interest, the cross currents of theology and 
polemics which tended to hinder development in one direction, while 
stimulating it in another, the mutual fructification resulting from the 
occasional contact of the literary and the living tradition, the omni- 
vorousness of such a tradition, once it has well grown, its ability to 
seize and apparently assimilate the most diverse and contradictory 
elements, these are some of the features, common to all folklore, 
which one sees in the Christian tradition regarding Solomon. Studies 
which include other languages and peoples and comparisons with 
other traditions would bring out still other characteristics of the 
development of folklore. Along with that of Alexander the tradition 
of Solomon ofters one of the most fruitful fields of investigation. 

1 Peregrinatio of St. Sylvia, or Etterea, published by Gannurrini. I owe the 
reference to Dr. F. C. Conybeare. 


F.-M. ABEL 0. P. 


I A mise a mort du prophete Isaie par le roi Manasse est un des 
i elements de la tradition juive les mieux attestes. Le Talmud 
de Babylone y revient par deux fois, contenant les deux particularites 
que I'on retrouve dans le Talmud de Jerusalem: la cachette d'lsaie 
dans un cedre qui sera scie, et la reference au texte de 2 E,ois 21 16 
"Manasse repandit beaucoup de sang innocent jusqu'a en remplir 
Jerusalem d'un bout a I'autre^. Malgre le vague du renseignement 
ce verset peut comprendre implicitement un fait precis qu'on a juge 
bon de dissimuler et se referer a une tradition authentique. II en 
va autrement du sciage d'lsaie dans le cedre, trait qui appartient 
au domaine du folklore iranien. Les rabbins ont seulement attenue 
le realisme horrible du supplice tel que le decrivait le recit primitif, 
d'apres lequel le heros refugie dans I'arbre est coupe avec lui. Dans 
les recits talmudiques, on coupe le cedre pour extraire le condamne 
de sa cachette, ou bien le prophete meurt au moment ou la scie va 

'(Lorsque Manasse se leva et se mit a courir apres Isaie pour le 
tuer, celui-ci put s'enfuir et se cacher dans un tronc de cedre. 
Comme des franges de son vetement depassait I'arbre, on s'en apergut, 
on le reconnut, et on vint en faii-e part au roi qui dit: Allons scier 
I'arbre; ce qui fut fait et I'homme fut decouvert.i Plus loin, la 
part du roi dans I'execution du prophete est clairement indiquee. 
'iN'est-il pas ecrit: Manasse versa aussi beaucoup de sang etc.? Or 
est-il possible a un etre humain de remplir Jerusalem de sang 

1 Talmud de Jerusalem, Sanhedrin, X, 2. Cf. T. de Babylone, Sanhedrin, 103t>; 
Tebamoth, 103 b. 

26 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

innocent d'un bout a I'autre? On veut dire par la que le roi tua 
Isaie . , . Une tradition relevee dans Yehamoth, 49^ mentionne la 
cachette du prophete dans le cedre, mais lorsque la scie fut arrivee 
a la bouclie de la victime, son time la quitta. 

Que I'allusion de I'epitre aux Hebreux (11 37) aux saints qui ont 
ete scies concerne veritablement Isaie, c'est ce que Ton admet 
aujourd'hui communement avec d'autant plus de facilite que I'existence 
au 1^"^ siecle d'un opuscule d'origine juive traitant du martyre de ce 
prophete parait solidement etablie. La tradition qu'il represente, 
depouillee de la circonstance legendaire du cedre qui se referme, 
etait vraisemblablement regue dans les milieux juifs avant Fere 
chretienne. Ce Martyre a servi de source au compilateur chretien 
qui; aux environs de 150, redigea VAscension d'Isa'ie. Le fragment 
utilise represente le prophete en butte ;i I'hostilite d'un certain 
Balkira, originaire de Samarie, sur lequel on est bien aise de 
rejeter I'odieux de la conduite du roi. Circonvenus par I'imposteur. 
Manasse et les princes de Juda se decident a faire arreter le Voyant 
qui a pretendu voir le Seigneur et qui a inflige le nom infame de 
Sodome a Jerusalem et traite de peuple de Gomorrhe les princes de 
Juda. Ils prirent done (ajoute le recit) Isaie, fils d'Amos et le 
scierent avec une scie de bois. Manasse, Balkira, les faux prophetes, 
les princes et le peuple, tous se tenaient debout le regardant . . . Et 
tandisqu'il etait scie, Isaie ni ne cria ni ne pleura, mais sa bouche 
parla a I'Esprit-Saint jusqu'a ce qu'il fut scie en deux.)>' Cette 
narration qui jouit d'un grand succes dans la litterature ecclesiastique 
ne comporte aucune donnee topographique.- 

Si I'ceuvre originale du Martyre contenait quelque indication de 
lieu, le redacteur de VAscension d^ Isaie I'a completement negligee et 
il est necessaire pour la retrouver de recourir au curieux document 
intitule Vies des Prophetes dont nous possedons plusieurs recensions 
grecques et quelques abreges syriaques. La plus connue de ces 
recensions est celle que Ton attribue a S. Epiphane. On a tente de 
placer a I'origine de ces notices un opuscule hebreu ou arameen, 
mais les tournures semitiques s'expliquent suffisamment par le grec 
aramaisant parle en Palestine. Pour sa notice sur Isaie, I'auteur a 

1 TissERANT, Ascension d'Isa'ie, \, 11 14, p. 131. 

- Outre les allusions de Justin. Tertullien, Lactance, Hilairc. Ambi'oise etc. 
on a des mentions explicites dans Origene et Jerome. 

ABEL : Le Tombeau d'Isaie 27 

pu puiser ses renseignements dans des traditions locales deja anciennes. 
II semble avoir connu le Martyre d'Isaie. On est incapable d'affirmer 
cependant qu'il y ait puise des circonstances topographiques omises 
par V Ascension. Sans meconnaitre I'incertitude qui regne au sujet 
de la date des Vies des Fro^jJietes, on ne risquerait pas de se tromper 
beaucoup en optant pour le second siecle de notre ere, epoque de 
I'eclosion de maint apocryphe judeo-chretien et des Memoires d'Hege- 
sippe, reserve faite d'additions posterieures manifestement chretiennes. 
Le texte de la notice vaut d'etre cite en entier: 

1. Le prophete Isaie, fils d'Amos. naquit a Jerusalem de la tribu 
de Juda; ayant ete mis a mort par Manasse, roi de Juda, scie en 
deux, il fut enseveli sous le chene de Rogel, pres du passage des 
eaux que le roi Ezechias avait fait disparaitre en les comblant. 
Dieu fit le miracle de Siloe en faveur du prophete, qui, pris de 
defaillance avant de mourir, demanda a boire de I'eau. Aussitot il 
lui en fut envoy e de cette source, laquelle, pour cette raison, fut 
appelee Siloe qui signifie envoye. 

2. Du temps du roi Ezechias, avant que celui-ci n'eiit fait creuser 
les citernes et les piscines, il etait sorti un peu d'eau a la priere du 
prophete Isaie, le peuple etant investi par les etrangers, afin que 
la ville ne perit pas de soif. Les ennemis se demandaient: D'ou 
boivent-ils I'eau? ignorant le fait. Tout en maintenant la ville en 
respect, ils vinrent camper a Siloe. Quand les Juifs venaient puiser, 
I'eau de la source s'elevait, et ils s'approvisionnaient; les etrangers 
venaient-ils, ils n'en trouvaient pas, I'eau avait fui. Aussi jusqu'a ce 
jour, I'eau arrive subitement pour manifester ce prodige. Et parce 
que ceci avait eu lieu par I'intermediaire d'Isaie, le peuple, en souvenir, 
I'ensevelit avec soin et honneur pres de la source pour que par ses 
prieres on ait toujours la jouissance de cette eau. Le peuple regut 
un oracle a ce sujet. Le tombeau du prophete Isaie est a cote du 
tombeau des rois, derriere le tombeau des pretres au midi. En 
batissant Jerusalem, Salomon avait fait le tombeau des rois suivant 
un plan trace par David. C'est a I'orient de Sion, qui a une entree 
depuis Gabaoth, a une distance de vingt stades de la ville; et il la 
fit tortueuse, compliquee, insoupgonnable, aussi est-elle jusqu'a ce jour 
inconnue du grand nombre.w 

3. ccLe roi Salomon avait la Tor d'Ethiopie et les aromates. 
Comme Ezechias avait devoile le secret de David et de Salomon 

28 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

aux gentils et avait profane les ossements de ses ancetres, Dieu jura 
de livrer sa postorite en esclavage a ses ennemis. A partir de ce 
jour, Dieu le priva de descendance.i 

L'originalite de cette notice consiste a etablir une relation etroite 
entre Isaie et la fontaine de Siloe, quitte a embellir I'histoire 
d'ornements legendaires. Ce prophete, d'apres la Bible, avait reproche 
a Ezechias et a ses sujets d'accorder trop' de confiance aux travaux 
hydrauliques destines a capter tout le debit de la source dans un 
nouveau reservoir place hors de I'atteinte des ennemis. II semble 
meme avoir pris partie pour Tancien canal de Siloe que le tunnel 
d'Ezechias allait rendre inutile, en se plaignant du mepris qu'on 
avait pour les eaux de Siloe qui coulent doucement. Is. 8 6. A I'aide 
de ces reminiscences une exegese peu scrupuleuse aura vite fait 
honneur au Voyant de ces eaux si utiles a I'ancienne ville. Le 
prophete en aurait done provoque un premier jaillissement en petite 
quantite et par intermittences, afin de soulager ses concitoyens 
menaces de perir de soif pendant un siege. Peut-etre I'auteur a-t-il 
pense alors a cette invitation d'lsaie 12 3 : <(Vous puiserez des eaux ^| 
avec joie aux sources du salut. La seconde fois, la source aurait 
jailli en faveur d'lsaie pris de defaillance au moment de son supplice. 
A sa priere, de I'eau lui est envoyee miraculeusement, et ainsi, 
suivant notre legende, s'explique le nom de Siloe qui signifie envoye)>, 
etymologic deja donnee par Job. 9 7. L'bypothese de deux recits 
paralleles ne manque pas de fondement, et le doublet se poursuit a 
propos de la sepulture du heros. 

Le premier recit (1), qui a surtout pour but d'expliquer I'etymologie 
du nom de Siloe, situe cette sepulture sous le cbene de Rogel pres 
du passage des eaux obturees par Ezechias. Le second recit (2), 
qui s'attache surtout au phenomene de I'intermittence, place le 
tombeau d'lsaie pres de la sortie des eaux, dans la proximite du 
tombeau des rois et du tombeau des pretres. Le premier fait tout 
graviter autour du supplice, le second autour de I'episode du siege. 

Mis en parallele avec le chene de Debora ou le terebinthe de 
Jabes sous lequel furent enfouis les os de Saiil et de ses fils. 

' MiGNE, P. G., XLIII, 397. ScHERMANN, Prophetsn und Apostellegenden, 
Texte und Unters., XXXI, 3, p. 74 ss, Sur Finterpretation de ce texte voir 
Cl.-Ganneac, Acad, des Inscript . . . Comptes rendus, 1897, p. 420 ss. 


ABEL : Le Tombeau d'Isaie 29 

I'ensevelissement d'Isaie sous le chene de Rogel garde une saveur 
plus archaique. On serait done autorise a croire qu'il y eut, a une 
certaine epoque, aux environs de Siloe, un vieil arbre qui marquait 
aux yeux des populations le lieu de la deposition d'Isaie et peut-etre 
aussi de son martyre. Nous n'essaierons pas d'etablir si des rapports 
existent entre la legende du cedre et celle du chene de Eogel. II 
est plus facile de constater que la mention de Rogel ou du Foulon> 
a pu etre inspiree par le fait de la rencontre d'Achaz et du nabi 
vers 'd'extremite de I'aqueduc de I'etang superieur, sur le chemin du 
champ du Poulonw, Is. 7 3. L'equivalence de 05*13 employe ici et de 
b^^ a ete reconuue par le targum de Jonathan et les versions syriaque 
et arabe, qui les rendent par le meme terme: t^'l?!^. A noter pourtant 
le cas de Josue 15 7, oii T Arabe substitue a 'win RogeJ I'identification 
tres nette de 'a/in Ayouh, et la paraphrase non moins interessante 
d'Isaie 7 3, dans le targum : sur le chemin du champ de I'etendage 
des Foulons J1?j5 riBB'D bpn. Ce champ oil les blanchisseurs 
etendaient leur lessive au soleil se localise aisement entre les piscines 
de Siloe et le Mr .Ayoub. Un chemin sortant de la ville ancienne 
par une issue meridionale et se dirigeant vers 'mn Rogel, apres avoir 
passe a proximite de la bouche de I'aqueduc de Siloe qui preceda 
le tunnel d'Ezechias serait fort bien en situation pour representer le 
chemin du champ du Foulon. 

La notice des Vies des Prophetes concorde pleinement avec ce 
point de vue, le chene de Rogel, ainsi appele sans doute en raison 
de sa situation sur le chemin qui mene a la source de ce nom, etait 

plante l\d/iva tiJs 8ta/3acreojs rwv vSaTOw, wv airwAeo-ev 'ECcKta? 6 f3acri\evs 

avrd, pres du passage des eaux que le roi Ezechias avait fait dis- 
paraitre en les comblant. Le terme Sidftaa-ts que nous traduisons 
par passage)> ne signifie ni un canal, ni un aqueduc, ni un cours 
d'eau quelconque. C'est le terme consacre pour indiquer I'endroit 
oil Ton passe un fleuve, oil Ton franchit un cours d'eau, de preference 
un gue. Aussi bien le texte rapporte-t-il I'obstruction operee par 
Ezechias aux eaux et non au passage {Sta/Sda-Ls). Le point le plus 
evident oil Ton passait I'ancien canal qui amenait les eaux de la 
piscine superieure du Gihon (Oumm ed-Daradj) a la piscine inferieure 
que represente aujourd'hui le hirket el-Hamra, se trouvait a son issue 
du rocher, un peu avant I'endroit ou il se deversait dans ce dernier 
bassin. A I'epoque de la redaction des Vies, un sentier venant, 

1 Klostermann, Onomasticon, p. 39, 165. 

2 Contin. de Guillaume de Tyr dite du ms. de Rotlielin, Bee. des Hist, des 
Croisades, Occid., II, p. 510. 

3 Josephs, Antiquites . . . XVI, 7, 1; Guerre . . . IV, 9, 7. 


30 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

comme de nos jours, de la vallee du Tyropoeon coupait I'antique 
aqueduc de Siloe vers son extremite siid-ouest avant de gagner le 
terrain plat avoisinant le h'lr Ayoub. 

L'ensemble de ces indications aboutit a localiser le cliene de 
Rogel vers la pointe sud de la colline dite d'Ophel (ed-DehouraJi), 
aux abords du hirket el-Hamra. II est assez probable, d'apres 
Y Onomasticon d'Eusebe et de S. Jerome, i qu'aux temps byzantins 
et peut-etre deja auparavant, ce hirkeh ait porte le nom de piscine 
du Foulon '/} KoXvixftrjdpa Tov Km<^kios, piscina Fullonis a cause 
de son utilisation par les blanchisseurs du temps, utilisation claire- 
ment attestee pour le Moyen age. De cele aigue, tanoit Ton les 
cuirs de la cite. Et si en lavoit Von les dras etc.2 Mais ceci, 
n'infirmant en rien Tidentification de 'a'ni Bagel avec le hir Ayoiib, W 
montre que le domaine de Rogel ou du Foulon avait alors pris une 
extension qu'il n'avait pas a I'origine. 

Le second mode de sepulture enregistre par la notice (2) revient 
a I'erection d'mi monument commemoratif vers les eaux de Siloe. 
Ce terme s'appliquant strictement, a I'origine, a I'aqueduc creuse a 
flauc de coteau etait lui aussi devenu d'une comprehension plus vaste, 
jusqu'a designer les piscines pratiquees dans le creux du Tyropoeon 
et Tissue meme du canal souterrain d'Ezechias. Quoi qu'il en soit, ^ 
ce tombeau qui presentait en quelque sorte Isaie comme le genie ^ 

tutelaire de la source n'etait pas eloigne de I'arbre sacre de Rogel, :; 
Les deux traditions ont-elles coexiste ou se sont-elles succedees? II fl 
est difficile de se prononcer a ce sujet. II fut un temps oil la : >3 
sepulture d'Abraham etait cherchee soit sous le Terebinthe de Mambre Ji 
soit a la grotte de Macpela. Le tombeau dit d'lsaie, participant 
aux embellissements que provoqua sous Herode la renaissance du 
culte des tombes ancestrales, dut prendre a cette epoque un regain 
de notoriete, epoque ou les sepulcres des patriarches a Hebron 
etaient rehausses d'une merveilleuse enceinte, et ou le tombeau de 
David recevait une somptueuse entree de marbre blanc.^ 


ABEL: Le Toirfbeau d'lsaie 31 

Ce tombeau de David et do sa lignee sert a I'auteur des Vies des 
Prophetes de point de repere pour la localisation du sepulcre d'lsaie. 
II s'agit a n'en pas douter de I'hypogee royal mentionne frequemment 
par les livres des Rois et des Chroniques, hypogee qui se developpa 
selon les besoins, car il est fait parfois allusion au sepulcre que tel 
prince s'etait prepare, hypogee situe dans la cite de David, dans la 
partie meridionale, ainsi qu'il ressort de Nehemie 3 16, Si plusieurs 
rois ne sont pas deposes dans la sepulture davidique, aucun n'est 
exclu de la cite. Leurs tombeaux ne s'eloignent pas d'ailleurs de 
ceux de David et de Salomon. Osias est enseveli dans le champ de la 
sepulture des rois. Ezechias trouve sa derniere demeure a la montee 
des tombeaux des fils de David. Par un privilege accorde I'excellence 
de sa conduite, on admit le grand-pretre Joiada' a partager la 
sepulture des rois dans la cite de David. D'apres les Vies des 
Prophetes, le pretre Zacharie, tue sur I'ordre de Joas, aurait ete 
enterre avec son pere. 

Notre document connait aussi un tombeau des pretres pres duquel 
il situe les sepultures d'Aggee, du prophete Zacharie et d'lsaie. i 
Pour ce dernier, la position est plus detaillee. II se trouve au midi 
du tombeau des pretres, a cote du tombeau des rois. On deduira 
done de ces divers renseignements I'existence d'une antique necropole 
dans la partie sud de la colline, dont les divers hypogees etaient 
reserves aux grands personnages de la cite, princes, grands-pretres, 
prophetes. Les discussions posterieures entre docteurs sur la purete 
levitique de Jerusalem ne font que confirmer cette conclusion. 2 
Lorsque I'interdiction de toute sepulture a I'interieur des murs mise 
en vigueur surtout a partir d'Esdras fut consideree comme une loi 
antique, il ne vint jamais a I'esprit d'aucun rabbi de nier que des 
tombeaux illustres se trouvassent dans la ville. II etait laisse a leur 
ingeniosite de casuistes de donner a cette anomalie une explication 
plausible. De plus, quand vint I'epoque ou Ton se crut oblige d'enlever 
les sepultures situees dans les murs, certains tombeaux echapperent 
a I'ostracisme dont les puritains voulaient frapper sans distinction 
toutes les demeures des morts. 

1 ScHERMANN, op. c, p. 68, 70, 76. 

2 Cf. R. Weill, La Cite de David, ch. II : Les tombes royales dans la Cite de 
David, p. 35 ss. 

32 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

Parmi les prohibitions des causes d'impurete legale qu'enumere la 
Tossefta a propos de Jerusalem nous lisons ceci: <(A Jerusalem on 
ne laisse pas les morts passer la nuit; on n'y place pas d'osseinents ; 
on n'y laisse pas de tombeau, a I'exception des tombeaux de la 
maison de David et du tombeau de la prophetesse Houlda, qui y 
etaient depuis les jours des premiers prophetes.w^ L'exception devient 
plus generale avec cette hara'fta: Tous les tombeaux (a I'interieur 
de la ville) doivent etre enleves, sauf le tombeau d'un roi ou celui 
d'un prophete. Houlda n'etait done pas la seule entre les prophetes 
a jouir de ce privilege, comme le manifestent egalement les Ahot de 
B. Nathan qui presentent sous cette forme la cinquieme prohibition 
du traite Negaim: 'lOn ne doit pas a Jerusalem laisser de morts 
pendant une nuit, a l'exception du tombeau des rois de la maison 
de David, du tombeau d'lsaie et de celui de Houlda.)>2 L'interet de 
ce texte est de s'accorder avec la notice des Vies des Froj)hetes sur 
la position generale du tombeau d'lsaie. 

La relation de ces hypogees avec la canalisation souterraine de || 
rOphel est aussi un point sur lequel ce document s'allie avec la 
litterature rabbinique. Une dizaine d'annees avant la destruction 
du temple par Titus, on aurait precede a I'enlevement des sepultures 
de la ville exige par les Schammaites. Quand on chercha plus tard 
le motif qui avait preserve de cette mesure les tombeaux des rois et 
des prophetes, la presence de conduits souterrains dans la meme 
region servit a justifier cette derogation a la loi commune. On 
supposa, sans se preoccuper de leur veritable destination, quils 
etaient des exutoires des I'impurete que degageaient les tombeaux. 
0n dit qu'il y avait la une caverne qui entrainait I'impurete dans 
la vallee du Cedron.)>3 R. Aquiba avait parle d'un canal remplissant 
le meme office. La notice grecque sur Isaie place son tombeau a 
proximite du canal de Siloe; de plus, elle fait allusion, sous une 
forme legendaire, au dedale qui formait I'acces du tombeau des rois 
et aux cachettes annexes ou Ezechias eut I'imprudence d'introduire 
les envoyes du roi de Babylone. 2 Rois 20 12-19. Le fin du recit (3) 

1 Tr. Negaim, VI, 2. 

2 D'apres Buchler, La purete levitique de Jerusalem, Rev. des etudes juives, 
LXII (1911), p. 203. On trouvera dans cet article un bon developpement sur la 
question relative au maintien de ces tombeaux. 

3 Buchler, p. 209, 210. 

ABEL : Le Tombeau d'Isa'fe 33 

suppose en effet que le tresor se trouvait dans I'hypogee royal, car 
le conteur reproche a ce propos au roi d'avoir profane les restes de 
David et de Salomon. Hyrcan et Herode, d'apres Josephe (Antiq., 
XVI, 7 i) se seraient livre a des operations analogues au tombeau 
de David pour en ravir des richesses. 

Isaie etant represente comme le genie tutelaire de la source, on 
serait tente de chercher son monument a la sortie du tunnel 
d'Ezechias, la oil les colons d'Aelia eleverent plus tard un edicule a 
la Fortune (au Gad-Yavan) auquel fut substituee, au 5 siecle, I'eglise 
de Siloe. Mais les indications de notre notice font obstacle a cette 
supposition. Les eaux de Siloe representent avant tout le conduit 
antique dont I'histoire d'lsaie fait mention, et que Ton a retrouve 
sur le flanc de la colline ed-Delioiirah parallele au Cedron. II serait 
done plus juste de placer le tombeau du grand prophete a proximite 
de ce canal que de le mettre en relation avec le canal d'Ezechias. 
Sa situation se precise davantage grace au voisinage des tombes 
royales dont une partie a etc mise a decouvert par les fouilles de 
M. R. Weill. Mais I'etendue du champ des tombeaux des fils de 
David)> n'est pas encore connue, pas plus que les secretes retraites 
de la necropole primitive. D'immenses travaux sont encore necessaires 
pour arracher a la venerable colline de I'antique Sion tons ses 
mysteres. Nous esperons que le jour oil I'on reprendra des fouilles 
qui denuderont le rocber entre le champ explore par le capitaine 
Weill et la pointe sud de la colline, le tombeau d'lsaie, ou ce qu'il 
en reste, verra de nouveau la lumiere, apres de longs siecles 
d'obscurite et d'oubli. 





ONE of the most interesting and important branches of Arab 
folklore is Bedouin law. As the subject is so wide, I have 
chosen for this paper only one phase of it: "Judicial Courts among 
the Bedouin," ^ and have postponed consideration of the remaining 
phases: qdnun ed-diydfak, or regulation of hospitality; qdnnn e^-jaza, 
the murder code; qdnun eWard (class, 'ird), the code of rape; and 
qdnim el-huquq, the civil code. 

A legal system was in force among the Arabs long before Islam; 
the names of some well-known lawyers have been preserved Aktam [^^ 


ibn Saifi,2 Hajib ibn Zirarah,^ 'Amir ibn ez-Zarb,* Abd el-Muttalib 
al-Qurasi.^ Female lawyers were also known Hind bint el-Hassah^- 

1 [The writer of this paper is a young Muslim gentleman, son of one of the 
most prominent sheikhs of southern Palestine. From boyhood he has been 
intimately acquainted with the customs and practises of the Fellahin and Bedouin, 
between whom in southern Palestine there is little distinction, one class gradually _j 
merging into the other. He has been collecting folkloristic and ethnographic -$; 
materials for thirteen years, noting them down in special diaries and notebooks, 
a number of which unfortunately fell- into the hands of the enemy during the >| 
war, and were destroyed. Our knowledge of the history, languages, and customs 
of southern Palestine will gain greatly from the intensive knowledge, and large 
collections which he has gathered; this, we hope, is only the first instalment (W.F. A.)] 
I wish to express my appreciation to Dr. W. F. Albright and Dr. T. Canaan for 
encouragement and help given in the preparation of this paper. 

2 Of the tribe Beni Tamim, between Yemameh and Ihsa. He died soon after 
the coming of the Prophet. 

3 Contemporary and fellow-tribesman of the former, 
i Ditto. 

5 Of the Qureis, the Prophet's grandfather. 

6 Daughter of the Emir el-Hassah of the Beni Tamim. i|j 


EL-BAEGHUTHI: Judicial Courts among the Bedouin of Palestine 36 

and Jum'ah bint Habis.i With the spread of Islam these laws and 
regulations were influenced and more or less modified by the laws 
of the new religion. It was, and still is, customary that whenever 
two individuals or two tribes differ on something they consent to 
refer the matter to a judge, who settles the dispute according to 
hereditary laws. These laws suit the Arabs better than any others, 
since they accord with their psychological state, their customs and 
manner of living. 

These judicial principles also guide legal procedure among the 
peasants of Palestine, with differences which will always be noted. 
The inhabitants of our country are at present divided into two 
political parties Qaisi and Yemeni. Both parties have judges to 
aid in the solution of hard problems and the settlement of disputes. 
There is no objection offered if one party brings the case to the 
judges of the other party, for the judges must never be partial, nor 
do they fail to search for the truth and deal with justice. Nor is 
the case different when a Qaisi and a Yemeni who have a dispute 
come to a judge who belongs to one of the factions. The judge does 
only what he thinks right, as he is afraid of the majdlis ed-daha, 
i. e. of the talk which takes place in the maddfah- before noon 
(morning gossip).^ 

The right to judge belongs only to certain families, such as el- 
Manasira among the Beni Nu'eim,^ Abu 'Iram in Yattah,^ el-Mahamideh 
in es-Samii',6 the Dar 'Ureiqat in el-Wadiyeh,^ and el-'Arrabi in 
Qabatiyeh,8 etc. No other families are supposed to mete out justice, 
and the administration of justice is thus hereditary. The father 

1 Daughter of a renowned warrior of the Beni Tamim. 

2 The maddfah is a room for the common use of the villagers, where guests 
are entertained and lodged. The custom of the maddfah exists in nearlj^ every 
village south of Nablus, and among the Beni Saib on the coast of the sea North 
of Nablus we find, instead of maddfdt, daivawin, or visitors' rooms in the house 
of every notable. The elders of the village spend much of their time in the 

3 The gossip of the elders and loungers in the maddfah, while the others 
are at work. 

'* In the Hebron district (Jebel el-Halil). 

5 Ditto. 

6 Ditto. 

1 El-Wadiyeh is the district to the east and southeast of Jerusalem. 
8 In the district of Jenin. 



36 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

drills his brightest and cleverest son, or an uncle trains his nephew, 
allowing him to attend his court until he becomes acquainted with 
all types of cases, after which he may be permitted to judge and 
settle easy cases under the former's supervision. When he gets 
sufficient practise, and is trusted by the people, difficult cases will 
be referred to him, and gradually he gains the entire confidence of 
the villagers.' 

There may be one judge or more in a family. The oldest is 
most respected, and if several are of the same age the richest and 
noblest is the most acceptable. In case they are equal in wealth 
and nobility, the judge is chosen whose father was a better judge 
than the other judge's father. It is still true at present that the 
judges belong to the noblest families of the district.^ These judges 
have ample jurisdiction, and are not bound to govern their decision 
by any written code which fixes a maximum or minimum penalty. 
Their most important duty is to know the rank of difi'erent families. 
A murder, violation of female honour, or of the right of a noble and 
powerful family weigh more heavily than a murder, rape, etc., of 
other families. A hamiileh (family) in which many females have 
been violated or many members killed is despised and regarded as 
weak and dishonourable, being therefore placed on a lower level than 
other families.3 The judges have full authority to increase or reduce 
a penalty, always taking into consideration the common welfare and 
the personal influence of both parties. Sometimes they punish a crime *1f 

with half, at other times the same crime with a third, and still on 
other occasions the same crime is punished with more than a diyeli i| 

t Following are the names of the present judges from these families, all peasants: 
Hajj Hosein and 'Isa Mohammed from el-Manasirah ; Shadeh of Abu 'Iram ; 'Abd 
er-Rahim Taljeh of el-Mahamideh; and Hasan Abu Mharib from Deir Jrir. The 
names of Bedouin and semi-Bedouin judges will be given below. 

2 The Prophet ordered that the noblest of the people should settle cases 
arising in his people. A liaclU warns against the danger of entrusting a post to 
an inefficient person. 

3 Proverbs alluding to this point of view are: "Cheap blood and broken 
honour" {damm rlns u-'arcj rsls); "This family neither takes revenge nor removes 
disgrace" {hal-'eleh Id htohid-et-tar wold btinfi el-'dr). The repeated violation of 
female honour is alluded to vpith the phrase "Olives crushed before they are 

EL-BAEGHUTHI: Judicial Courts among the Bedouin of Palestine 37 

and gurrah. ^ The judge must know the social position of the offenders 
and their families exactly. Minute knowledge of all these important 
details differs among judges, since some are cleverer than others, 
have had more experience, and are more accustomed to intricate 
cases. Sometimes a judge cannot decide a case, because it is too 
complicated. In this event he sends somebody secretly to reconcile 
the parties.'^ If he does not succeed, he postpones his decision until 
he discovers the right one with the help of some other judge who 
must proffer his advice. 

The number of judges nowadays is decreasing, and there are none 
at all in northern Palestine. The Bedouin and the semi-nomadic 
tribes are most conservative; the closer we approach cities the more 
seldom are real judges found, while the people patronize the official 
government courts increasingly.. 

Judges are paid for investigating and settling cases. The payment 
in criminal cases is called rizqah,^ while in property and other un- 
important cases it is called jHah. The payment is determined 
according to the importance of each case: that of a murder or 
violation is 100 Turkish mejidis; that of an unpremeditated murder 
or the injury of an important organ .50 mejidis; in the case of theft 
or other minor crimes 10 mejidis. There is also a fee, called hislah, 
paid to judges of the religious law {^eri'ah), who are sometimes called 
on to decide questions. This sum, which varies between ten and a 
hundred mejidis, is generally estimated by the collaboration of the 
parties involved and the judge.^ There are four different kinds of 

1. Rizqat mubtil, the fine which is paid by the accused, that is, 
if Zeid and 'Amr quarrel, and the latter wins the case, the former 
pays the fine. 

1 The dii/eh is the blood-money, price of blood, weregeld. The gurrah is a 
girl taken from the party of the murderer and married to a man of the family 
which lost the victim. This girl is married without a bridal price or mahr 
(rendered ,,dowry"). 

2 The phrase for "(the judge) reconciled them" is itayyib 'aleihum in the case 
of murder or rape, and otherwise iftdlihhum. 

' The custom of the rizqah (rihdn) is very old; cf. the story of Alqamat 
el-Fahl and 'Amir ibn et-Tufeil in Risdlat ib7i Zeidun. 

4 If the judge prefers, he may take sheep or cloth, etc., instead of money. 
The payment is then called ma'druj. 

38 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

2. Riziat mujrim, the fine which is paid by the criminals. 

3. Rizqat mundsafah, a settlement by compromise, each party 
paying half. This payment occurs when the case is evenly balanced, 
and open to suspicion, each party claiming more than is due. This 
payment is also known in canon law. 

4. Rizqat muntasir, given by the party which has gained the 
victory, or by the accused person who has been absolved of guilt. 

Before the case is taken up, it is decided which sort of rizqali is 
to be paid, and by whom. As soon as both parties have agreed with 
the judge upon one of these modes of payment, the case takes its 
regular course. As it is naturally still doubtful which side will win 
the case, the parties do not pay anything at first, but offer the 
judges security, such as a mare's bridle, a pipe, a ring, a tobacco 
case or bag. Though in themselves very insignificant objects, they 
signify that the litigating parties have pledged their honour. If one 
fails to pay his fine, he cannot redeem his pledge, and is very much 
despised. 1 After the decision has been made, the judge keeps the 
pledge of the person who is to make the payment, and the latter 
must not leave the assembly room (maddfah) until he pays his debt.'' 
The pledge is returned to the other party at once. It happens but 
rarely that a house or rifle is given as a pledge. The judge is not 
ashamed to ask for his fee, and the people see that it is paid. If 
any difficulty arises, the family of the accused person compels him 
to do his duty. 

Judges are divided into four classes: (1) Qiuldt ed-dyfif, judges 
of guests; (2) quddt es-suVj, or civil magistrates; (3) quddt ed-damm, 
judges of blood; (4) quddt es-seif, judges of the sword. The last tw^o 
are the most important and the most powerful. The quddt ed-damm 
are divided into three categories: 

1 The custom of pledging is very old, and we find it as far back as in the 
time of the Jdhiliyeh (before Islam) ; cf. the story of Hajib ibn Zirarah and 
Kisra (Chosroes II.) in 'Iqd ul-FarU (by Ibn 'Abd Rabbuh), Vol. I, p. 130. 

^ Nearly every maddfah lias its care-taker, or ndtur (lit. watchman), who is 
selected by the elders. In some places he is paid a stipend, up to a hundred 
mejidis a year, while in other villages he receives up to a hundred sa' of wheat 
(the Srt' is 3 6 ratls, or 9 18 kg.), varying in different places. He makes the 
coffee, gathers the wood, keeps the guest-house clean and in order, sees that all 
the guests have bedding, provided by the rich inhabitants of the village. In 
some places he is employed to carry letters to other villages. The natur receives 
a portion of the food oifered to the guests. 

EL-BARGHUTHI: Judicial Courts among the Bedouin of Palestine 39 

1. El-mahdfU (sing. maUut),^ the courts of first instance. Et-Tall 
of ez-Zahiriyeh is a judge of this type. 

2. El-mandsid (sing, mansad),'^ the courts of appeal. El-Mahamideh 
of es-Samii' is a judge of this court. When one appeals to this 
court, one says to one's opponent, 'aleik hil-mankid. 

3. El-mandqif (plur. of manqa'),'^ the courts of cassation, of final 
appeal. Their decisions are final. Dar Taljeh represents this court. 

These three courts settle blood questions alone. Cases of violation 
are brought to the court of honour {'ard) of the Beni 'Uqbah. Any 
case of murder may be brought directly to any of these courts, 
without going first to the lower ones or ones, but one may agree 
from the beginning to go through the three courts. 

The judges of guests have no official power, and in each village 
there is only one, generally a popular person or a notable. If a 
guest arrives in a village the villagers contend for the right and 
honour of banqueting him. Even women may take part in this 

Villages may be divided into two categories with respect to their 
mode of showing hospitality to the guest: 

1. Villages where the terms of offering meals to guests are settled 
in advance. 

2. Villages where the people dispute as mentioned above for the 
honour of preparing a meal for guests. There are four qwds (bows) 
each formed by a stick with a string tied to both ends of it. On the 
threads are strung slips of paper, each bearing the name of a villager. 
The villagers are divided into four categories: (a) the rich, who must 
provide a good meal for noble visitors, the meal consisting of a 
sheep and the accessories; (b) those whose means will not permit of 
their offering more than a fowl; (c) those who prepare the meal 
from food always ready at home, such as cheese, olives, eggs, butter, 
lehen, etc.; (d) the poorest, who bring only barley for the animals 
belonging to the guests. These four classes are called, respectively, 
dor khir, dor zglr, dor nhdr, dor md'mleh (mihlaJ). If many guests 
arrive together, one of the dor el-khir must feed them. 

' Lit. "the chosen one.'" 

2 Lit. "the place of oath," from nasad, "take oath." 

3 Lit. "the place of stagnation," i. e. where the course of justice stops. 

40 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

The judge to whom authority is given announces his decision in 
favor of a person belonging to one of these classes, always acting | 

according to the following rules: 

1. A companion of the guest in his journey (rafig et-tariq) has 
the -first right to provide the meal (Id bitqdda wold hithdkam). 

2. A guest of high rank is entertained by a person of his rank. 

3. A well-to-do person is fi-equently selected to entertain the guest, 
since the poor cannot afford the expenditure, i 

If there are two men who wish to have the same guest, one 
strengthens his case by saying that he has not given a meal for a 
long time, while the other did so only recently. In such arguments 
the following expressions are used: md sabaq li tmyeli, "I have never 
entertained a guest;" tmyeto Jjadra, "his banquet is green (fresh)"; 
tveis tqfd hit 'ifi illi la-zdd ed-dyvf nmtht, "what do you say of the 
rich man who is eager to entertain guests"; Allah yihayyi ed-dyuf 
'a-qadar md darJiamn el-heil u-dannaq el-bMl w-ana el-mau'ud f ilium 
min zamdn, "may God greet the guests in proportion as their horses 
have trotted and as the miser is abashed, I promised to entertain 
them long ago." A longer formula is: iveis tqid, u-'ainl tir'dhum 
min mimsdhum la-malfdhum , u-hayye ed-dyuf u-hayye Ihitak wi- 
Ihdhum; u-hayye qddi af/dm-ydhum'^ iv-ana el-mismin el-muqdir = 
"What do you say, my eye watched the guests from their starting point 
to their rendezvous. Welcome to the guests, welcome to your beard 
and to their beard; 3 welcome to the judge who has given them to me - 

I am the one who is allowed to entertain them." This custom is ti 
gradually dying out, and at present it is practised only among the ^ 
Bedouin of Gaza and the vicinity, among the Beni Hasan,"* Beni j 

Srilim,5 and in the Hebron and Jerusalem ^ districts, especially where :l 
there is close contact with the Bedouin. l| 

1 In such a case the rich man may say, "My intestines are stronger than his .W 
bones" (masdrim aqiva min 'i^'dmiiJi), i. e. my resources are greater than his. 

2 The fellahm use afani or antdni instead of aHdni. 

3 Among the Arabs, the beard or mustache is the symbol of a man's honour. 
Since the beard is so important it is never shaved, and it is counted a disgrace 
to have it shaved. 

* The Beni Hasan live in the villages Bittir, Walajah, Malhah, Beit Jala, etc. 

5 In the villages Tayyibeh, Deir Jrir, K.ufr Malik and Rammun. 

6 This term is here used to include the Jebel el-Quds, i. e. the villages about 
Jerusalem, as far as Bireh, toward the north. 

EL-BAEGHUTHI: Judicial Courts among the Bedouin of Palestine 41 

The justices of the peace are chosen from among the notables 
of the villages and their chiefs. When they hear of a struggle in a 
village, they go at once to the place, and stop the quarrel by 
separating the contending parties. After this they stand around the 
grave of the slain man. If the victim is of a good family, the man 
who demands his blood, the waliy ed-damm or blood avenger, or 
perhaps the notable of the family stands at the upper end of the 
grave. He usually takes a handful of dust, and strews it, saying 
"Bear witness, O angels of heaven and earth, that I have sprinkled 
my blood on these present, and they are more worthy than I to 
demand blood-revenge" i (ishadu yd niald'ikt es-sama ival-ard inm 
natart damnii 'ala-l-hddirm, u-hum aJiaqq minni M-talah it -tar). 
The audience then encourages the bloodavenger, and addressing the 
victim, says: "You have only to sleep, but we must act" (ente 'aleik 
en-nom weljna ^aleina el-qom).^ The bystanders help the family of 
the victim to wreak vengeance upon the murderer or to secure its 
blood-money. After this brief prelude to their tedious and difficult 
task all leave the cemetery and proceed to the village, where they 
forbid the relatives of the victim to attack the house of the murderer. 
The judge or judges consider the case and its importance, and try 
to make a settlement. If unsuccessful, they try to bring about a 
primary armistice, 'ativat el-ftuh,^ lasting from a few days to several 
months. Sometimes the accusers refuse to accept the armistice as 
arranged by the justices of the peace. In this case a judge of blood 
is brought immediately, and he arranges an armistice, as will be 
described below. An armistice made through the judges of the peace 
is thus less effective than one ordered by the judges of blood, who 
are much more important than those of the former category. They 
enjoy the full confidence of the people, who acknowledge the justice 
and fairness of their decisions, and, therefore respect them and fear 
their decisions. 

Owing to the spread of modern law the number of these judges 
has decreased, as observed above. Among the judges of blood from 

1 The strewing of dust represents the sprinkling of blood. All those upon whom 
the dust falls have the right and obligation to take vengeance for the victim. 

2 Cf. Haddad, "Die Blutrache in Palastina," Z. D. P. V., 1917 (T. C). 

3 Sometimes a short armistice of four days is given, called 'attvat J<am u lamm, 
"a truce of some days {ham yom) for collecting (money)." 

1 From Qaryet el- 'J nab (Beui Malik). 

2 From Deir Gassaneh (Beni Zeid). 

3 From Kur (Beni Saib). 

* From Sanur (Masariq el-Jarrar). 

5 He thus ascribes the religious prerogatives to the learned man and the 
secular power to himself. 

6 Respectively "the owner of blood," i. e. the nearest relative of the victim, 
and "the one who demands honour" (in rape cases). 

i" ' 


42 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society i 

the Bedouin and the semi-nomadic tribes may be mentioned: Hajjaj 
abu-Fhed, of the tribe of Huteim, whose family may be traced back 
to Bahilah, to which belonged also Quteibah ibn-Muslim, tbe great 
general of 'Abd el- Malik ibn-Marwan and his son el-Walid; and 
Mohammed iz-Zir of et-Ta'amreh. 

The judges of the sword, or arbitrators act as a kind of court | 

martial. Among these judges are Abu G6s,i el-Baragte,'- ej-Jayusi,^ 
and Dar Jarrar.^ They are not real judges and do not act according 
to Bedouin law. If a dispute or conflict arises in their distiict, thej 
go to the parties or send for them and decide on the ground of 
purely political considerations, regardless of justice. Hence they are 
disliked by the people, who try their best to be judged by the judges 
of blood, in order to make sure that the criminal is punished. The 
arbitrators impose a fine, from which they take their share. Frequently 
they take with them a man learned in Muslim law (^dlim), who would 
follow the principles of sari'ah law in making his decision, which the 
arbitrators then carry into execution. When the a-sembly meets, 
the "judge of the sword" says: "Here is paradise [pointing to the 
'alim] and here is hellfire [pointing to himself] and here is the sword 
[pointing again to himself] and here is the holy Book [el-mushaf, 
pointing for the second time to the learned man]," in other words, 
"By whom do you wish to be judged, by me or by the sarVali.^ For 
the last two generations these arbitrators have practically ceased 
to exist. 

Having dealt fully with the judges, let us describe the introductory 
procedure in a case, and then outline the process in court. If no 
legal steps are taken, the murderer or ravisher must die. In that 
event there is no way to come to terms^ and hostilities will continue. 
The saliih ed-dainin and the tdlib lil-'ard^ are very bold and have the 
right to slay their opponents w^henever and wherever they meet them, 
and are not held responsible for their act. Accordingly the relatives .;. 

EL-BAEGHUTHI: Judicial Courts among the Bedouin of Palestine 43 

of the murderer try their best to obtain an armistice ^attvat 
el-ftuh^ as mentioned above. The murderer pays 100 mejidis2 for 
the privilege of an armistice, and this money is not deducted later 
from the blood-money or diyeJi. After the lapse of the first armistice, 
50 or 70 mejidis are paid for a second one 'atwai el-qhyl'^ and 
this amount is deducted from the blood-money. If a third or fourth 
armistice is given, nothing is paid for them.^ The armistices may 
even be prolonged for years until peace is declared, but the latter 
never happens without the preliminary armistice. The relatives of 
the victim wait for an opportunity to avenge themselves, but are 
hindered by the armistice from carrying out their purpose. If a 
murder has been committed unintentionally, the fine paid for the 
armistices does not exceed half the sum mentioned for cases of 
premeditated murder or violation. When a member of a family is 
accused of a crime, and his family is unable to oppose the accusers, 
it takes refuge (yitnibu) with a powerful notable (mtannib)^ who is 
able to protect them, and the latter begins negotiation for peace. 
The family of the accused person may even be obliged to shift all 
its moveable property to some other place, where it is safer, since 
nothing stolen during the first three and a half days after the murder 
is deducted from the blood-money. In case the guilty man and his 
family are equal in position and honour to their opponents, they send 
for people respected by the accusers. The latter respond to the call, 
and begin the difficult task of making an armistice. During the 
armistice, the irritated spirits are calmed, and better relations may 
arise between the parties. The mediators compel the guilty party 
to pay whatever fine the judge imposes. 

1 The word futuh, from fdtah, "to oi^en," refers to the "opening" of negotia- 
tions for the truce. I have never heard the expression ^atwat el-faurah, quoted 
by Haddad, loc. cit. 

2 A Turkish mejuli, or a fifth of a Turkish pound, is twenty piastres sag, or 
about 4 1/4 francs. 

9 The term quhul, "acceptance," is employed because the acceptance of a 
second truce smoothes the way to a final agreement. 

f In some places, money is paid for every truce, even for the fourth, fifth, etc. 

6 The word tunb (tunub) means "tent-peg"; tannaba (tdnaba) is "pitch a tent 
beside another" (become a neighbour). Ano iamb 'aleik means "I wish you to 
accept me as a neighbour," i. e., as a client. 

44 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

The family of the accused and its relations as far as the fifth 
degree ' may be obliged to emigrate from the village. Those who 
desire to remain in their homes must pay a fine of 30 100 mejidis 
(tis'at en-nom'^) and several pieces of cloth to the family of the 
plaintiff. They are not safe from vengeance until this is done. This 
sum of money is not reckoned in the cliijeh unless the one who pays 
it is a distant relation (beyond the fifth degree). 

The advantages of the armistice are: it prevents the continuation ' 

of hostilities; its acceptance is a partial confession on the part of 
the accused person; as time elapses the bitterness over the crime 
disappears. The conditions are formulated by an agreement of the 
two parties. Among these conditions are: the murderer may not 
enter the village where the relatives of the victim dwell; he may not 
approach a fountain which is frequented by the other party. Some- 
times the plaintiffs ask only that he shall not enter their quarters. 
After the agreement the murderer is free to go wherever he desires, 
aside from the places specified. If he abides by the agreement he 
is not subject to molestation by the other party. 

The armistice is not formed until the judges have appointed a 
man to act as guarantor for the accusers. The judge asks the 
guarantor: "Do you guarantee that they [the accusers] will not 
trespass against the defendants nor perform any evil action, but that I 
they will live with the accused as peacefully as the clothes line,^ 
that they will load a camel together and draw water together in 
peace from the cistern?" 4 The man or men who act as guarantors i 
ask the accusers: "Do you accept us as guarantors against treachery, Jl 
breach of promise, injury to your enemies, and change of your mind ;| 
[violation of the armistice]?" ^ If they answer in the affirmative, an |s 
armistice is made in the village of the victim. The guarantors who 
are thus appointed must be of higher rank than those whom they 
guarantee, and are usually selected by the defendants or by the 
judges. The accusers reserve the right to reject these persons if, 

1 Lit. "fifth grandfather" (jidd). 

2 Lit. "the nine of sleep" i. e. security, assurance (cf. Haddad, Z. D. P. V.). 

3 Clothes-lines hang beside one another in perfect harmony. 

* Ar. ibtikfal innhum Id ya'du wald yahdu, mitl hbdl el-yastl, isilu 'ala b'ir 
u-'t/iridu'ala bir? 

5 Ar. hal qhiltum wjuhna min el-hon u-l-boq u-l-'atdl u-l-batdl? 

EL-BABGHUTHI : Judicial Courts among the Bedouin of Palestine 45 

for example, they are their enemies. The choice of the wujuh may- 
take place in their absence. Even an amir may stand security for 
a noble or notables. However irritating the circumstances may be, 
the accusers cannot break the rules of the armistice and attack their 
enemies. They try to rid themselves of the wujuh by asking the 
guarantor to remove his wijh. If he accepts they are free to do 
what they like. The expression 'adalium el-lom ^ is used of the 
accusers in such a case. If he does not accept they must keep the 
armistice peacefully until its expiration, but then they may refuse to 
renew it. If the plaintiffs break the armistice, the guarantor has 
the right to kill the offenders if he meets them during the first three 
and a third days. In case he does not meet them, he places them 
under trial. 2 

The rights of guarantee are greater than those of blood, since a 
greater number of persons is affected. They are . championed not 
only by the guarantors, but also by the witnessing bystanders in 
generah If the person who has broken the rules of el-hidneh ^ refuses 
to appear before the judge, the latter summons him himself. If he 
still refuses, his life and property are forfeit to those whom he has 
dishonoured by the violation of the armistice, nor has he any right 
whatever to demand damages for what has happened. He is left 
without a diyeh and without a wajdha (see below), hild 'awacl wold 
qawad,* i, e,, "without exchange and without a sheep," The guarantor 
must pay compensation for whatever loss or damage the peaceful 
party may have incurred from the treachery of the other party, so 
that it may not be said: "The one who takes refuge in the guarantee 
of A is like the one who takes refuge (lit, covers himself) with a 
cloud" (el-mitgafM hi-wijh fldn mitl el-mityatfi his-shdh).^ Owing to 
the extreme severity of the punishment which is meted out to the 
treacherous violator of the armistice, and to the dishonour which 
follows, it is very rare. 

1 Lit. "They have no bJame," i. e. they are not to be blamed for what they 
do, since the tvijh has withdrawn. 

- Of such breakers of the truce it is said, tahu bi-l-wijh, "They violated the 

^ Hidneh is the ordinary Arabic term for Fellah ^atwah. 

4 The word qdwad means Jit. "an animal led with a rope," i. e. a goat or a sheep, 

5 Another saying is : el-mithazzim huh ^arydn, "The one who covers himself 
with him is naked." 

46 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

When the trial of a case has been postponed for a sufficient time 
to allow the excitement to quiet down, the parties come to an 
agreement, and select the judges. The judge may be asked to come 
to the village of the plaintiffs, or to a neighboring one, or they may 
agree to go to him or to the beit el-muqddd, or "court-house." I know 
of only one such court-house at present among the peasantry, that 
of Miisa Hdeb in Dawaimeh. There is also one among the Beni 
'TJqbah of the Tayahah tribe. 

The people of the village must entertain the judges, the expenses 
being borne by the whole village. In case the assembly takes place 
in the village of the guilty party, his family must meet all expenses. 
The accusers walk ahead and the defendants follow, but there is no 
meeting. Each party stays in a different guest-house, ^ to which they 
come on the morning preceding the trial. Before entering the court, 
one or both sides may appoint lawyers called hujjdj. The client 
publicly entrusts the case to his lawyer, saying, "I have given my 
tongue to A to defend my case'' (inm a'tait ham la-fldn liyddfi' 'anm). 
It is, however, permissible for each party to defend itself For good 
reason either party may change or dismiss its lawyers during the 
proceedings. The reasons for appointing a lawyer are: 

1. Inability to defend oneself owing to lack of knowledge of -M 
the law. 

2. In case either party is a woman. 

3. When the plaintiff and the defendant are of unequal social 
rank. The nobler one considers it a dishonour to face his inferior 

4. When one or both parties are still in a very excited state. 

1 Generally there is only one madafah in each village, but when a village is 
divided into two different factions, each establishes a madafah of its own. In 
case the two parties appear before the judge in a village other than their own, 
the inhabitants will divide at once into two sections, each providing for the 
entertainment of a party. The madafah is sometimes called by other names, such 
as scihah, qnaq (of Turkish origin), and jdmr. It is generally a large room with 
an Oriental oven (ujdq) built in the wall farthest from the door. In many maddfahs 
there is a hollow in the centre of the room (nuqrah) in which fire is made. The 
coffee kettle is always to be seen on the fire, so that the guests are supplied 
with coffee. Each person in the village is expected to bring something with 
him to the madafah when he comes for the entertainment of the guests. In 
front there is an open space where the horses are tied; in summer the visitors 
sit here in the shade. Cf. p. 38, n. 2. 

EL-BARGHUTHI: Judicial Courts among the Bedouin of Palestine 47 

5. When the crime is a base one, so that the accused person is 
ashamed to appear before the assembly. 

6. When a party is composed of a number of persons, so that it 
is difficult to hear them all. 

No special fee is given to the lawyers. The lawyer on each side 
endeavours to win the case for his client, and thereby to elevate the 
standard of his party. A winning lawyer is often given a new silk 
garment, kidm. There are many lawyers in all parts. They win 
fame through their skill in oratory, their poetic speech, and their 
noble phraseology. Judges are also chosen from the ranks of those- 
who have won renown as lawyers. 

When the case is opened, the judge sits by himself and the contesting 
parties appear before him. Each spreads part of his mantle {'dbdyeh) 
on. the ground, and says: "Here is part of my mantle for the truth" 
(Jiai farj 'abati lilhaqq), that is, I am open to conviction. The judge 
then demands the rizqah, and asks for two sets of guarantors, one 
to guarantee payment of all expenses by the guilty party (the kufala 
daf), the other to prevent the accused party from further trans- 
gression against the other (the kufala man'). The guarantors must 
be equal or superior in rank to those whom they guarantee. 

To the first guarantor the judge says: Btihfal liada el-qd'id 'ala 
ed-diyeh u-hint ed-diyefi? (Will you guarantee that the man who sits 
here will pay the blood-money and what follows it?). By the ex- 
pression hint ed-diyeh is meant the jdhah and the ivajdhah. If the 
judge and the parties come to an agreement on the matter, the judge 
then asks for a man to stand security for the good behaviour of the 
accused. When the guarantor is found, the judge asks him: Btikfal 
! 'ala man' hadol u-tewq/fhwn 'ala el-haqq iv-ibn el-haqq? (Will you 
! guarantee to prevent these people from further transgression, and 
i guarantee that they abide by the truth and its consequences?). If 
I the reply is in the affirmative, the trial commences. 

During the case no talking, smoking, or cofi'ee drinking is per- 

' mitted.i All follow the course of the process silently and attentively. 

The accuser has the right to begin. He says: Good evening, O judge, 

what do you say regarding my cousin, (or) my little brother (an 

i| illustrative case), of good blood and gentle descent, of spotless 


'' 1 This stillness shows the solemnity of the occasion, for it is only during 

prayers in a mosque or iveM and Koran reading that such stillness is observed. 

48 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

character, generous, always victorious over his enemies, reliever of 
distress, sword-brandisher, welcomer of guests, protector of his female 
relatives, helper of the poor in his family, thirty years of age, not 
yet satisfied Mith the joys of life, who has not enjoyed his youth (to 
the full)? Behold, I demand justice from him, and sprinkle my blood 
on those present" (AlldJi ymassiJc hll-Jjeh' yd qdtji, tv-eiS tqul fi-bn 
'mnnw au-lnveiyi^ tayyih el-asU jeyyid el-jar' tdhir ed-deil,^ ta"dm ez- 
zdd, qdhir el-a'da, mjurrij el-h'uh, ndqil es-seif, mhayy ed-deif, sdtir 
er-raJjm,^ jdhir el-azm.,''' ibn taldtln md UW min zamdnuh wald firih 
h-sibdli, fajdh fldn ihnfldn; u-tarann, el-harud md ^aleh fdlih, a'tdh 
en-ndr fa-tayyahuli iv-arddli: iv-ana fdlih haqqi minnuh u-ndtir 
damnn^ 'alljddrln). 

The accused party then steps forward and says (again an illustrative 
case): "Grood evening, O judge, what do you say when blood is boiling, 
minds are bewildered, and the one who does not assist his cousin in 
battle does not acknowledge his father. I was dazed and deprived 
of my senses and struck; God knows I intended no wickedness, and 
did not purpose evil, but now what has happened has happened, and 
justice is yours to dispense" (Alldh ymassik hil-ljeir yd qddi, w-eis 
tqul w-ed-damm, fdyir tv-el-'aql hdyir w-ilU md hyunsur ihn 'ammuh 
Jil-kdneh md hyi'rif abdh,' u-dd' sawabi u-tdr hsdbi u-darabt u-yishad 
Alldh inni md arid e^-Hin ivald bniyeU es-sau u-sdr md sdr w-il-huJcm 
Htidak).^ "What do you say when there is neither truce nor trial 
between us, and he is the murderer of my cousin. When he met me, 
he did not turn aside, and the one who does not take revenge does 
not come of a good family (lit. has a bad uncle). I took it and took 
vengeance, blood for blood. My cousin is not base, and if he is not 
his superior he is not his inferior, and the one who comes to the 
place of justice will not be defeated" (eiS tqiil u-md beini u-beinfidn 

1 Hweiyi is the caritative diminutive of mod. Palestinian heiyi, "my brother." 

2 That is, the family is highly respected, and no one normally ventures to 
attack its members. 

3 Lit. "clean of skirt (lower part of garment, coat-tails)" i. e. he was not 
killed for a mean action. 

" Lit. "uterus, womb," but here "female relation." 

^ ^Asm, lit. "bone," means here "poor member(s) of the family." 

6 The blood of my cousin is really my own blood. 

7 That is, he is a bastard. 

8 This is a preamble illustrating a case where the killing is admitted. 

EL-BARGHUTHI : Judicial Courts among the Bedouin of Palestine 49 

Id-'ativah ivald qa'Jivah,^ u-hu qdtil ibn 'amml u-sadafni u-nid tnahJia 
w-illi md hydhud et-tdr hiktm radl el-Jjdl,- fa-aJjadtuh iv-istaddeituh, 
dmnvi h-danwi, iv-ibn 'amnn md Mi ridi, in md kdn heir ininnuh md 
Ml duniih, v'-ilM yisal mdljall el 'adl tardh md yingilih). "What do 
you say praise God, O judge of a man who is healthy and wealthy, 
when ignorance is treacherous and youth is hasty, and a voice summons. 
1 heard it, and hastened to respond to it. I helped my cousins and 
I am but flesh and blood and he who betrays his people will not 
protect his women. I smote with zest. By God, I have not slain his 
cousin, nor do I know his adversary, but God is my advocate" 
{w-ei^ tqiil iidkur Allah yd qddi fi-l-'ifi ed-difij^ iv-ej-jahl haivivdq 
tv-es-siba mizrdq,^ iv-es-sbt jammd' 'W-ana smi'tuh fa-turt leli u-sa'adet 
iildd 'amml w-ana min lahm, u-danuji, w-ilM hyinkil qomoh md yustur 
rahmuh u-farraht keff't^ iv-ayy-Alldh md thazzatid b-ihn 'mnmuh, 
ivcdd adri lahii haslm iv-Alldh el-waMl). 

The foregoing is a brief outline of a typical plea in a case of blood, 
abbreviated to avoid tedious repetitions. In a case of rape, or violation 
of female honour, typical pleas are the following: What do you say 
of him who is made of water and dust, and exposed to error, whom 
Satan has tempted as he tempted our father Adam. Every human 
being has a sexual appetite ; love leads him and youth drives him to 
flirt with women. I have flirted with so and so may God protect 
her I did not intend evil, but only love and play (eiS tqid fi-illi min 
maye i(-fm, u-mii'arrad lil-hata iv-ayrdh es-sUdn kama ayrd abuna 
Adam ii-kull insdn fih Sahweh ysuquh el-hubh, ii-yidfa'iili eS-sahdh ila- 
muJiddatdt en-nisa u-nayet fldneh w- Allah yustur 'aleiha w-ana ma 
harid minha, es-sfi Idkin huhheh u-lu'heh)S' 

1 That is, nothing has taken place to compensate for my cousin's death. 

- In illustration of this conception some proverbs may be cited : "Two-thirds 
of a boy's character) come from his uncle" {tulten el-weled la-hdhih); "Only the 
man who has a liad uncle will leave blood-revenge unrequired" {md butruk et-tdr 
illd radl el-hdl). Hal means "maternal uncle." [A relic from the days of 
exogamy"? W. F. A.] 

3 Lit. "healthy and warm"; meaning a healthy and wealthy man. 

* Lit. "youth is a spear." 

5 Lit. "I caused my palm to rejoice," i. e. I lost control over my hand. 

6 This is an illustrative case where guilt is acknowledged. Where it is denied 
a form like the following may be used : "Praise (lit. pray for) the Prophet, 
O judge, what do you say of a man who sleeps in the night and keeps his skirts 
clean. (Though) I have no knowledge and am ignorant, they impute this calamity 


5() Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

There are many variations of the introductory defense in cases of 
murder and rape, specimens of which have been given. New variations 
are also introduced by the skill of lawyers. If we analyze the types 
of defence we shall find the following categories: 

a. Full confession and apology. 

b. Admission of the act, with the explanation that the crime was 
the result of a feud (as in the example given above). 

c. Confession; but the crime was accidental, and unpremeditated. 

d. Denial of personal guilt. The guilt was collective. If there 
was a struggle, in which many took part, the accused person 
denies his guilt, and imputes it to one or several of the party, 
without being able to designate the guilty one or ones exactly. 

e. Absolute denial with proofs. J 
The judge listens to the case as presented by both sides, and 

then demands the evidence of the accusing party and the defence of 
the accused. But evidence is very hard to find in cases of murder 
and rape, whence the saying, "In the case of a murder there are no 
witnesses, and there is no securing proof of a rape" (Id damm 'aleh 
shfid wald 'eb 'aleh tvrud). The following types of evidence bear great 
weight in a case: 

1. The testimony of the victim before his death that a certain 
person is guilty. 

2. The confession of the murderer to his guilt in the presence of 
people who are free from hatred or covetousness with regard 
to the defendant (Jjdlin el-gez iv-et-tama')A 

3. When the guilty person is caught in the act. 

4. Signs of the crime on the person accused. 
In every case the witnesses must be honourable men. 

to me. And from the day (from the moment) I reached your sitting room I 
arrived at the place of justice. You see that I cannot be suspected upon the 
words of a malicious person (lit. evil-eyed), son of a wanderer." The Ar. is: 
mill 'a-n-nebi, ya qadi, w-es tqid fi-n-ndyim leluh u-hafif: deiluh, Id bvlam wald 
bidri u-birmu 'aleih b-hal-baliyeh, u-niin yom ilhiqt maq'adah usilt mahall el-insdf 
tardm md anthim ^ala kaldm sdyih bin rdyih. 

1 The common peasant and the sakkdr (the man who only cultivates a small 
piece of ground), sayydf (gleaner after the reapers), etc. have no right to act as 
witnesses. This rule is said to have been made by Ibn is-Smeir of el-Hirsan 
(Suhur). It is an old rule that the 7idsif el-jild (beardless man) and the maqtu' 
el-ivild (man who begets no children) have no right to testify. 



EL-BARGHUTHI: Judicial Courts among the Bedouin of Palestine 51 

If the accusations cannot be attested by competent witnesses, and 
proven to be absolutely true, the judge asks the defendant to give 
"one-ninth, an oath, and five" (et-tis^ u-yamin u-lmmseh). The tis' 
(= tusu') stands for one-ninth of the blood-money, or 3670 piastres, 
a sum which is paid at once. The hamseh refers to the oath, which 
is to be sworn by the defendant and one of his relations, while three 
others of his kindred second the oath, by swearing good faith. The 
person who swears with the accused, jeyyid el-amdneh, is appointed 
by the accuser, and is always the most honourable and distinguished 
of the family of the accused. The three others are called the muzakldn, 
from saklid, "to justify." 

The four persons who swear with the accused go to a well-known 
saint {iveli) or prophet (nehi) to make the oath.i The judge either 
goes with them himself, or sends someone else to act as his repre- 
sentative. They take off their shoes, and enter reverently. The accused 
crouches (jjuqarfis) in the niche (miJirdh), stretches forth his hand, 
and swears. The jeyyid el-amdneh, who is regarded as the most 
important of all, comes next. The three others follow to sanction 
the oath of the two. If one is absent, a rifle, held by one of the 
nmzaMin, takes his place. The oath, which must not be interrupted, 
runs as follows: "By the great God (repeated thrice), the creator of 
night and day, the only One, the victorious, who deprives children 
of their fathers and makes women widows, who vanquishes kings, who 
subdues oppressors, I have not acted, nor killed, nor seen, nor heard, 
nor known, nor accomplished evil, nor helped to do it" (W-alldhi-l- 
Uifim[ih.r\CQ repeated], M% el-leil tv-en-nJidr,el-wdhid,el-qahMr/myattim 
el-atfdl, mratnmil en-nisivdn, qdJiir el-mluk, u-mhid ez-mlimm, innl ma 
fa'alt, tvald qatalt, ivald aret, wcdd smi't, tvcdd drit, ivala qaddamt 
asiyeh wcdd memaslyeh). The three muzakkm swear: "We bear 
witness by God that their oath and all that they have said is true" 
(niSliad hilldh inn yammhwu u-kidl md qdluh sudq). 

When the jeyyid el-amdneh swears, the judge sentences the defendant 
to only one-ninth of the blood-money (see above), or to a thousand 
piastres on his entrance (dahleh) and another thousand on his exit 
(harjeh), or again a white camel on his entrance, and another on 

I Those who swear must be ritually clean before entering the sanctuary. 
Generally a Friday is appointed for swearing, to make the oath more solemn. 

52 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

going out.i These sums are paid when the accused person enters 
the house of the accuser for reconciliation, and when he leaves it,- 

If the jeyyid el-amdneli refuses to swear, he is asked to explain 
the reason for his refusal, and the accused is condemned to pa^^ the 
full sum of the blood-money if he has accepted the nomination of 
jeyyid el-amdneli. The defendant has the right to reject a man named 
by the accusers as jeyyid eJ-amdneJi. This is done when they are 
on unfriendly terms, and the former must declare openly: "Praise 
the name of God, O people, for between me and so-and-so there is 
bad blood" {udkiiru Alldli ya nds u-'beim u-hein fan Scdl u-rncdl). 

The three inuzcddihi will only decline to attest the oath of the 
others when no other members of their tribe are found to take this 
responsibility upon their shoulders. Generally none but the powerful 
have the right to take an oath. After the oath the accused pays 
one-ninth of the blood-money, and is declared free. This ceremony 
is called et-tis' u-l-hard'ah, "one-ninth and innocence." 

In cases of theft and litigation arising from business transactions 
witnesses are also accepted after swearing by the Koran, a well or 
a prophet. 

If a person is killed and several are suspected, the judge resorts 
to the ordeal by fire, ndr et-tajribeh (fire of trial), ndr el-bard' ah 
(fire of innocence) or has' all. A piece of iron, or a coffee- roaster 
(mihmdseh) is heated until it becomes red-hot, whereupon the suspects, 
one after the other, come forward to lick it with their tongues. This 
barbarous practise is under the direction of the sheikhs of the dervish 
order er-Rifa'iyeh, who are called nmhasH'm. The accused person 
says: atia hikdwnak 'al-bas'ali, malmml, mazmmii, ir-eJ-haUi'ah w-el- 
yrdmeh ' aleiyi = '''1 challenge you to the has'ah\ you will be carried, 
all your expenses will be paid, and I will pay the fee (hasd'ali) for 
the ordeal, as well as the other fees." Everyone who undergoes the 
ordeal must pay a fee of 500 piastres for the privilege; this fee is 
the hasd'ah. Witnesses accompany the accuser and the accused. 
The latter licks the hot iron. He who shrinks back, cries, or shows 
signs of pain is considered as the culprit. Originally this custom 
may have been introduced to frighten people, and force them to 

1 This is done when the guilty family is known to be very poor. 

2 Other expressions for dahleh and harjeh are iehali and iaVah. 

EL-BARGHUTHI : Judicial Courts among tlie Bedouin of Palestine 53 

speak the truth. Many a man who feels his gnilt tries secretly to 
find someone to arrange the matter with the accuser before being 
brought to the ordeal by fire.^ 

Another test of the ordeal type, though far more humane, is the 
hal'ali, "swallowing," which consists in swallowing quickly and without 
hesitation either something hard, like dry bread, or something 
nauseating or disagreeable, like medicine. The one that hesitates, 
complains, or vomits, is accused, even though he may have a very 
weak stomach. Those who perform the act quickly and with 
nonchalance are declared innocent, even though they may be the 
real ofienders. The sheikh frightens the accused by repeating some 
magic words and prayers over the articles to be swallowed, pretending 
that they thus attain a special potency, which has a different effect 
upon the guilty and the innocent.- There is no appeal from the 
result of the ordeal. 

After the investigation has been completed, the judge inquires of 
the parties whether they have any additional statement to make, 
or any objection to present. If not, he closes the case, and pro- 
nounces judgment, saying: "I have decided * * * and order the 
guarantors to execute the decision." The judge may postpone the 
decision until an oath has been administered. This may happen in 
the following cases: (a) to secure new evidence; (b) to give additional 
weight to the pleas of one party; (c) to allow time for a more careful 
study of the case, and its comparison with other cases of a similar 
nature; (d) when there is prospect of an amicable settlement. The 
judgment is generally pronounced at the close of the first session, 
as prolongation of the case may lead people to suspect or doubt the 
conscientiousness of the judge. 

The Bedouin criminal code does not comprise articles and addenda 
to- them, but is made up of laws governing specific cases and the 
penalties in each case. The principal penalties imposed by the judge 
belong to the following categories: 

1 The most important places for the ordeal are el-'Ola, Han Yunis (in the 
territory of the 'Ayyadeh trilie), Seih Mabruk (among the 'Azazmeh) and among 
the Beni 'Atiyeh (Transjordania). 

2 Cf. the ordeal by means of a draught of holy water (water of jealousy), 
Num. 5 11-31, which becomes bitter and causes disease in the body of the unchaste 
woman, but does not affect the chaste one at all (W. F. A.). 

54 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

1. Capital punishment (el-qisds). 

2. Blood-money (ed-diyeh). 

3. Banishment (el-jeli). 

4. Payment of an indemnity {el-'ein hil-'ein). 
Capital punishment is only imposed in the following cases: 

a. When a man violates a married woman, whose husband is 
still alive. 

b. When a man murders a notable. 
In the first case, up to forty years ago, the woman and her 

paramour were both put to death. Now only the adulterous female 
is executed, while the man is allowed to buy himself off, either by 
payment of a sum of money, or by giving two girls, as described 
below. In the second case the murderer was formerly always put 
to death. Now-a-days there is greater clemency, and people are 
satisfied with the payment of one or more blood-prices. 

Banishment is ordered for a fixed term of months or years when 
a person is accused of rape or murder. Meanwhile the impression J 

produced by the crime is partially effaced. If the two parties have 
not come to terms the culprit is liable to be killed by one of the 
plaintiff's party (garhn), an act which goes unpunished. 

The payment of an indemnity is only prescribed by the judge in 
the case of damage or theft of movable property other than coins 
including the kinds of property known as 'urudA For example, if a 
sheep is stolen, a sheep must be paid as indemnity; a camel is given 
for a camel, an ass for an ass, and so on. The payment of the 
price of an article is also permissible especially in cases where the 
original object cannot be returned, as when a tent is burned, or a 
pile of wheat is destroyed. When the stolen property cannot be found 
itself, it is replaced by similar property, or the estimated price of 
it is paid to the owner. Blooded horses (asdyil)- are a case where 
such an estimate is difficult. As pedigreed horses are Adrtually never 
sold without fawdyid,^ the owner insists on receiving a horse equal 

1 PI. of ^arad (from ^dracl, "to offer"), i. e. everything offered for sale except 
animals, money, grains and liquids, according to 131 of the Turkish civil code, 
el-Majalleh. The fellah now includes under this head everything but money. 

2 Plur. of asil. 

3 Plur. of fdyidah, "interest on capital." Whenever a well-bred mare is sold 
a contract is made by which two of her female colts are to be given to her first 
owner. These colts are called fawayid, or matdnt. 


EL-BARGHUTHI: Judicial Courts among the Bedouin of Palestine 55 

in value to the one he lost, or its price with the addition of the 
fmjidah. The penalty for the theft of a pedigreed mare is high, and 
the thief is under obligation to give compensation for its colts 
as well. 

The diyeh, or blood-price, is the most important penalty. It is 
fixed at 33000 piastres, a sum which is supposed to represent a 
hundred she-camels. The payment of a hundred camels for a murdered 
man is a very ancient pre-Islamic custom, the practise of which has 
continued to the present time. In the case of the Prophet's father, 
a hundred she -camels were paid as ransom. At present some ask 
for more than a hundred camels, or 33000 piastres, on the ground 
that they are members of a stronger tribe or a nobler party. This 
again is a very old custom: kings and emirs were ransomed with a 
sum equal to four times the ordinary diyeh. 

Property plundered within a period of three and a-third days 
after a murder, by the injured party, is not subject to return, and 
is not deducted from the diyeh. Property pillaged after the expiration 
of this period is either restored in kind, or its price estimated by 
an impartial arbitrator, to be appointed by the joint action of both 
parties, and the sum fixed is remitted to the owners of the 

A diyeh must be paid under all circumstances except when the 
murder was accidental, in which case only half a diyeh is paid. It makes 
no difference how the crime was committed, or why, whether in 
attack or defence, in a just cause or without right. The same amount 
of blood-money is reckoned for a man, a boy, a slave born in the 
house, 1 a freed slave,- or a free negro. '^ The payment for a slave- 
who has been purchased by the present owner is half the full diyeh. 
A freedman and a slave born in the house pay their share of the 
blood-money, but do not receive amy compensation i. e., do not 
share in a diyeh received by their party. The full diyeh is paid for 
a murdered woman among the Bedouin, and half to a full one among 
the peasantry. A pregnant woman is reckoned at from a full diyeli 
to a diyeh and a half, since her child is taken into consideration. 
The latter is not considered as a fully living being yet, being still 

^ ^Ahd mwallad, a slave born from a slave father in the house of his master. 

2 ^Abd uiaHuq. 

3 ^Abd here means "negro." 

o() Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

exposed to serious perils (taht el-f/araq tu-eS-Saraq)A If a woman 
kills a man, her i)arents, and not her husband are responsible for 
the blood-money. If she is killed her husband shares with the 
members of her family in the dujeli. This distinction is illustrated 
by the proverb: "The good of a woman belongs to her husband, and 
her evil to her family {heir el-marali lajozha u-Sarrha 'al-ahillia). In 
case a female is killed by a ravisher, from one and a half to four 
times the normal diyeJi is paid, because of the combination of dis- 
graceful crimes. Miscarriage of a foetus less than seven months old 
is atoned for with half a diyeh. Often a reconciliation with payment 
of fifty pounds or two camels takes place. One of these camels is 
given at the commencement of the reconciliation in the house of the 
accuser (dahleh see above), and the other is delivered after the 
agreement (Ijarjeh). When abortion is caused after the seventh month, 
a diyeh is counted in case the child is a male, and half a diyeh if 
it is a female. When the murderer is a young boy, those that are 
of age in his family ^ are responsible for the blood-monej'. 

In a general fight, when the murderer is unknown, the whole 
tribe or family must pay the diyeh. Such blood-money is termed 
diyeh maylnleli. If a man is found dead outside a village, the whole 
village is responsible, and his relatives may even share in making 
up the amount. When a man is killed in the house of another, the 
murderer must give the owner of the house a white camel and a 
black slave. The murderer cannot bring these things himself, but 
they are taken under the principle of el-jdhah. This gift is thought 
to restore the honour of the man in whose house the shameful deed 
was committed. 

The following important types of murder may be distinguished: 

1. Qatl ifrdk, when the victim dies at once, or within a few hours. 

2. Qatl dagineh, a murder at dusk or in the night. 

3. Qaf intiyeh, the murder of an unmarried youth, thus precluding 
the possibility of his having ofi"spring, and effacing his name. 

4. Nazlet el-'ard. murder of a person who is on the point of raping 
a woman. In such a case no diyeh is paid. 


I Lit. "under (the danger of) drowning and suffocation (in the womb)." 
' On the father's side. A hadit says, ed-diyeh 'ala-l-'dqilah (relations on the 
paternal side). 


EL-BAEGHUTHI: Judicial Courts among the Bedouin of Palestine 57 

When the murderer is known, he pays one-third of the diyeh, and 
his relatives pay the other two-thirds. The heir of the victim receives 
one-third of the diyeh and his relatives two-thirds. The two-thirds 
is divided among the males of the family, both young and old. An 
Arabic proverb says : "He who shares in paying the diyeh takes from 
it" (haffdt Jid-diyeh ahlidd ftlia). If a person takes part in a fight, 
though not belonging to either of the fighting families, he must share 
in the payment of the diyeli if he assisted the side of the murderer, 
but does not share in the diyeli received if he was on the other side. 
This principle is well expressed in the following proverb: "One who 
enjoys (using) his hand in striking must enjoy (using) it in paying" 
{nian farrah haffuh fid-darh farrahha fid-daf). In a big struggle 
between two parties, in which several are slain on both sides, the 
excess of slain on one side or the other is not considered at the 
time of reconciliation, since it is said: "Burying (lit. grave-digging) 
and oblivion (lit. striking back) for all that is unknown and known" 
{hafdr u-dafdr 'cda md fjaba ii-hdn), i. e. "Let us forget all that has 
happened." The same is true of the spoils in such a case, for 
neither the judges nor anyone else can decide justly in so difficult a 

If the murderer dies before the reconciliation, the blood-money is 
paid by his family and relatives. 

The loss of any vital organ or limb of the body, such as an eye, 
an arm, or a leg, is reckoned at a quarter to half the diyeh. For 
injury to the nose half a diyeh is paid. When two organs, two eyes, 
a leg and an eye, etc., are injured half to a full diyeh is given. For 
a wound in the face, leaving an ugly scar, a quarter of the diyeh, 
and Sijdhah and luajdhah to boot are paid hivdyet eJ-wijh el-mSahhar, 
"The blow on the face which is visible." In the case of a slight 
wound, a sheep is offered as ivajdhah, together with full compensation 
for the loss and expenses or damages incurred, i 

The penalty in the case of rape is quite different. If a man 
meddles with a girl, but does not complete the act, he is required 
to swear that he had no bad intentions in touching her, and to 

1 For the loss of each first incisor tooth 500 piastres are required as indemnity ; 
for each second incisor 250; for the canine on each' side 125; for each of the 
two bicuspids, as well as for each of the two first molars 62 '/j; for the last 
molar 31 1/4- 


58 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

prove the truth of his oath by the testimony of five credible witnesses, 
know as the din u-hamseh, "religious (cermony) and five." Moreover, 
when he enters her father's house he must pay fifty pounds {daMeh), 
and another fifty pounds must be given on leaving it after the E 

reconciliation (harjeh). If the girl belonged to a low social rank a 
smaller amount is paid. If the girl is raped, the man is sentenced 
to pay double the amount of her dowry, and she will be given to 
him as a wife. If, however, she is of a better family, he must give 
two girls as an admission of his wTong-doing and an application for 
forgiveness. A man who abducts a girl with her consent is sentenced 
by the judge to give two girls and two dowries, and to bring a 
witness to testify that he had not touched her except after a legal 
agreement. Such a witness is called ynuhrl.'^ If he fails to provide 
the witness, he must pay five she-camels in addition to the payment 
already mentioned. A married woman who commits adultery is 
executed, and the offender pays one dowry to her husband and 
another to her people, or two girls. If a girl offers herself to a man, 
the latter must bring a witness to testify that he did not touch her 
until officially married, and must pay her dowry (i. e. her bridal 
price). This is the rule in Transjordania. In Palestine, she is slain 
by her relatives. The violation of a widow is generally punished in 
proportion to the importance of her family. The ravisher must pay 
her dowry and marry her. 

If a man assaults a woman in broad daylight or near human 
habitations, and she calls for help, 2 the life of the offender is at the 
mercy of her relatives for three and a third days. If he escapes 
death, the following punishments are customary (the practise is now 
much less strict in this respect) : his arm is cut off; he must surrender 
all the weapons and the horse which he had at the time to her 
relatives. Besides, he must place a row of camels or sheep from the 
place where the rape was committed or attempted to the place where 
the girl's cry was heard. Others then act as arbitrators, and the 
number of animals is gradually reduced until it comes within his 

1 The official ceremony of marriage must be performed in the presence of 
the qd(ji 'dlim or the hatib, but in practise it is sufficient that the man ask the 
girl in the presence of a third person, who must be a noble, to accept him as 
her husband. 

2 Such a woman is known as sdyihat ecj-duha, "she who cries in the morning." 

EL-BARGHUTHI: Judicial Courts among the Bedouin of Palestine 59 

capacity for payment. If the offender can furnish proof that he did 
not touch her until after a legal union, he is allowed to marry her, 
and it is said of the girl, "Her garments are torn, and her pearls 
scattered" (tohha qadtd u-harazha badtd). Such a man has no right 
to ask for a truce ('atwah), but is known as a mSammas, "one who 
stays in the sun," and remains in this condition until after the process 
is over. 

It is well-known that Arab girls are the property of the whole family. 
A girl is therefore not her father's possession alone, nor her brother's. 
If anyone asks for her hand, the father will call all his relatives, 
and the marriage of the girl will depend upon their consent or 
dissent. The cousin, son of her father's brother {ibn el-'amm) has 
the first right to a girl, as he is the nearest of kin outside the pro- 
hibited limits. Next comes the son of her mother's brother {ihn el-Ml), 
followed by the others in the family and the brother of her sister's 
husband, each having a right of priority in proportion to the degree 
of his relationship. 

A cousin always pays half of a normal dowry. The proverb runs: 
"A cousin may take (the bride) down ^ from her mare" {ihn el 'amm 
hitayyih 'an el-faras) and: "Follow the circular (i. e., the normal) 
path, even if it is long, and narry your cousin even if she is a 
miserable (match)" = dur ed-dorah u-lu ddrat ii-lmd hint el-'amm 
u-lu hdrat. The dowry (bridal price) is between 2000 and 4000 piastres, 
normally. The girl receives only a fourth of her dowry, and is 
deprived of a share in the legacy of her father and her husband. 
She knows the unfairness of this treatment, but dares not demand 
greater rights because of the immutability of custom. It is not clear 
why she is treated so unjustly in this point, and at the same time 
respected so highly otherwise.2 

1 If a girl is given to a stranger, her cousin, if he chooses, has the right, 
even at the last moment, to take her. He then takes her down from her horse 
in the wedding procession, and takes her home. 

2 Among the Bedouin, woman shares man's struggles, accompanies the warriors, 
and even goes into battle with them. Whoever strikes a woman, even if he has 
been wounded by her, is despised. If cajjtured, women are not retained as prisoners, 
but are sent home with due protection and honour. In their gazu (razzia) the 
Bedouin take the captured women of the enemy tribe with them, not to enslave 
them but to send them back to their people with due respect at the first 
opportunity. The song of the women during battle has a stimulating effect upon 

60 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

There is no provision among Arab judges for dealing with sodomy, 
since the very mention of the practise is avoided. In Arabic there 
is no native term for the practise, which is designated by the term 
laivdf, derived from the name of Lot, Abraham's brother. i 

Some of the modes of punishment in the case of theft have already 
been mentioned, but a few others remain to be described. When 
cattle have been stolen, the judge sometimes orders the payment of 
a head of cattle for every step from the spot where the theft took 
place to the first halt afterwards. But, as we have seen, it is 
customary to reduce such exaggerated penalties by a gradual 
process of reduction, "for the sake of those present." Punishment 
for theft varies according to the relations between the two tribes 
involved, viz: 

1. Thefts from an enemy tribe, radd naqa (declaration of war). 
Objects stolen cannot be recovered, according to the proverb, 
et-tdihah rdihah, "what strays is lost." 

2. In the case of friendly tribes or families, the principle 'en hi-'en,- 
"an eye for an eye," holds, as already described. 3 This is also 
called Ijoqah, lit. "calamity." 

3. When the parties are neutral, stolen objects are returned 
fourfold, but an agreement must first be made between the 
parties, which may modify the general principle. When the 
understanding in regard to the fourfold payment (tarW) is 

the men. They exhort the latter not to fear the enemy fire, and reproach them 
for cowardice, in order to sting them and compel them to stand firm. It is said 
that when the men of a certain tribe had a falling out, and began iighting, the 
women appeared, led by one of their noblest ladies, declaiming fiery words: 
Shame upon you, men! A dog barks at the door of his house, donkeys play 
on their dunghills and bray at their cribs, and fear panthers and wolves. And 
the man who does not aj)pear small in the eyes of (does not humble himself to) 
his cousin does not seem great to the enemy. May death carry you off, may 
hatred scatter you, may the enemy capture you ; see, your foes will seize us 
to morrow. The Arabic runs : Hasa 'aleikum, yd rajajtl (Fellah pejorative diminu- 
tive of rjal, '-man") el-kelb bi'cmwi bdb ddrich, w-ijjhds bithdris 'a-mzdbilha 
u-bitnahJdq 'n-mddwidha u-bitbardin 'ind en-nmurah w-id-diydb w-illi nid yhijar 
libn 'amnmh md yikbar Hnd 'aduwuh. Tahadddkum el-bein, w-it'adddkum en-naya 
w-ithaftafkum el-qom, har't, i'ddkuni //ahuduna yaddkum. After this tirade the 
men were ashamed, and stopped fighting. Later, they were reconciled. 

1 The death sentence would be enforced in such a case. 

2 'Ein means not only "eye," but also, as in 'ein es-Set/, "the very same thing." 

3 Cf. Ex. 21 24, Lev. 24 20, Deut. 19 21, etc. (T. C). 

EL-BAKGHUTHI : Judicial Courts among the Bedouin of Palestine 61 

reached, the following is said: es-sirqah hmna mr abba' ah ta-yinsaf 

el-hahr u-yinhit 'al-liqff m'r ; mina h-arha'ah u-lialdlna^ tarhV 

u-kull md rah henna mrahha' = The theft between us is 

(compensated for) fourfold until the sea dries and hair grows 

in the palm of the hand. Our goats shall be (reckoned) fourfold, 

and our cattle fourfold, and all that has gone (i. e. been stolen) 

between us fourfold." 

The hatsaJi or hajsah,- entrance into an enclosure by night to 

steal, is punished by a fine of 500 piastres. 500 more must be paid 

at the reconciliation, called sadrah, "leaving (the enclosure)." 

After pronouncing a decision of any kind, the judge says: "This 
is my judgement; if anyone is not satisfied let him appeal the case 
to other judges or take the advice of the Beni 'Oqbah." 3 The judge 
is exposed to the danger of criticism by those present who hear his 
decision and by other judges, so his honour and reputation are at 
stake. One mistake might lead not only to his own disgrace and 
dismissal, but also to loss of confidence in all the members of his 

If both parties accept the decision pronounced by the judge, they 
proceed to fix the time and conditions of the execution of the 
judgement. If one of the parties considers himself to have been 
treated unjustly, he asks for a copy of the decision signed by the 
judge, and appeals to other judges. If the judge or judges to whom 
the appeal is made approve of it, execution must follow. If not, the 
objection is written on the copy of the decision, which is returned 
to the judge who gave it. The latter must interview the protesting 
judge and try to convince him. If he succeeds his judgement is 
confirmed. If not, the first judge must pay the loser in the suit the 
difference between his own sentence and that of the second judge. 
If the verdict was absolutely wrong, the judge is debarred from 
further practice and greatly despised. When the first judge and 
his opponent refuse to yield to one another, appeal is made to 
other judges, who are usually members of the Tayahah, in the 


Beersheba district, the tJlad 'Amr, in the Hebron district, the 
Masa'id, or the Fa'ur, both in the Gor (Jordan Valley) below Nablus. 

1 The Bedouin understand by haldl "sheep, goats, camels, horses, asses," etc. 
- Fellah hatasa is equivalent to classical hatlasa (cf. MuMt el-MiiMt, II, 2182). 
3 The highest court of appeal, especiallj- resorted to in cases of honour. 

62 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

The first judgement and the protest agamst it are both submitted 
to these judges, and the losing party finally yields to the other 
(falajah). The winning party makes its verdict, confirmed or approved, 
known throughout the country. The loser {mafluj) must apologize, 
and present sheep, etc., to the judge whose decision prevails. This 
act is called lafyet el-mqflvj. Both parties have the right of appeal. 
In a murder case, when the final verdict is announced, a time is 
fixed and the people of the victim are notified. The notables of the 
district meet in the village or camp of the murderer. If both parties 
come from the same village, they meet in the quarter of the guilty 
one. The latter take with them the tvajdhah, composed of rice, 
sheep, butter, flour, coffee, tobacco, sugar, barley, and even^^wood.^ 
The wajdlmh must go a little way before the jdhah, or notables, who 
escort the guilty person to the abode of the injured party. When 
the procession nears its destination, the turbans or headdresses of 
the criminal and his family are removed and placed around their 
necks, to signify humiliation and submission. The criminal hides 
behind the notables while entering the house of the injured party, 
who remain seated. The latter then arise and arrange the headdresses 
of the criminal and his family, after which these serve coffee to all. 
In the case of the murder of an obscure person, the father or other 
members of the immediate family of the victim are exempted from 
preparing the meal for the peace delegation, but it is left to the 
other members of the family and the more distant relatives. 2 In a 
case affecting female honour, the injured family may prepare the 
food. Nothing is said about the purpose of the gathering until the 
food is ready. Then the hosts press them to eat, while the guests 
refuse. While this is going on, the judge, who occupies the highest 
social rank among those present, says to the people of the house: 
"We will not eat at all unless you promise to give us what we have 
come for." A long argument is carried on until the promise is 

1 There is also a small wajahah called lafyeh. The guilty party goes to the 
house of the opponent, taking with him a sheep or two, and after making con- 
fession and apology asks for reconciliation. This is the practise only among the 
common people and when the crime is petty, such as cutting down olive trees 
and stealing produce, etc. 

2 When the victim belongs to a noble family, his relatives will not prepare 
the food, but leave it to' the murderer's family. 






EL-BARGHUTHI: Judicial Courts among the Bedouin of Palestine 63 

finally made, whereupon all join in the meal. This is a good 
illustration of the hospitality and generosity of the hosts, who are 
willing to sacrifice everything in order to please their guests. 

When the meal is finished and coffee has been served again, one 
of the notables rises and says: "We are the flesh and you are the 
knife" {ehna el-lahm iventu es-sikkm), that is, "We are in your power; 
you can do with us as you like"." The judge takes a long stick and 
a piece of white muslin, which he ties to the top of the stick, making 
thirty-three knots, indicating that the blood-money is 33000 piastres. 
It is considered a great honour for a man to tie these knots; he is 
then spoken of as the man who knots the flag (bi'qiii er-rdyeh) after 
bloodshed and violation of female honour. Then the judge gives the 
stick to the murderer or ravisher, who stands and holds it up. The 
judge appeals to the honour, generosity and chivalry of the injured 
party with the question: How highly do you estimate the honour 
(lit. face, ivijh) of God, of the Prophet, of Abraham, of X (giving the 
name of some notable, who is not necessarily present)?" In other 
words, the judge asks how much the injured party is willing to 
deduct from the total, which is beyond the means of the average 
person. As various names of notables are given, the original sum is 
reduced according to the generosity of the people concerned, and 
for every thousand piastres deducted a knot is untied by the judge, 
who continues until the amount remaining is reasonable. In case the 
criminal is poor, he is made to pay in instalments, the third part 
at once, and the other two thirds after six months and a year 
respectively. Before the guilty person leaves, after the settlement, 
one of the bystanders rises, and says: raijtak Mda yd rd'i l-yurmeh, 
"Your flag is white, O shepherd^ of the fine." 

The system of jdJiah u-wajdhah, lit. "nobility and honour," i. e. the 
nobles (who come with the guilty party) and the present (of food 
brought by the latter), as developed among the Arabs of the desert, 
is the best possible mode of securing the reduction of the indemnity 
and the mitigation of punishment. It also demonstrates and encourages 
the generosity of the injured party. 

When the murderer flees from his tribe or village, he cannot 
return unless or until a well-known person assumes the responsibility 

1 That is, "ownei'," according to the usage in modern Arabic. 


()4 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

of bringing him back to the tribe as a criminal and delivering him 
safe to his people (ywarridnh mliin ii-yisiddriih sdlim). The procedure 
is then as follows: The judge binds the hands of the guilty one 
together, and escorts him to his foes, either alone, or accompanied 
by his people. He then addresses the injured party: "Take X, son 
of Y, in place of Z the victim" (Jmd flan ibn flan 'aivad 'an flan) J 
The nearest relative of the murdered man rises with a sword in his 
hand, or a knife, and asks the accused: "Do you have guaranty or 
security?" "No" "May 1 then kill you?" The culprit answers 
in the affirmative, whereupon the other cuts off his bonds and 
forgives him. 

If the murderer is accompanied by his relatives, he does not join 
them, but sits by himself. When the food is served, his guarantor 
will not partake until assured that part of the diyeh will be remitted. 
After this is done, the whole party joins in the meal. 

The judge himself makes no attempt to reduce or to mitigate the 

decision he has given. On the contrary, he demands that the 

guarantors execute it, and the latter are required to see that it is 

exactly fulfilled. If for some reason or other the injured party 

refuses to mitigate the severity of the dii/eh, the criminal will be 

compelled by his guarantors to pay the full sum demanded; the _ 

latter receive a tenth of the sum they recover from the murderer. '-^ 

The accusers, however, are practically never so severe; they act %|. 

honourably and yield. Thus peace is made and the bitter hearts | 

of foes are reconciled. After a case of blood or honour is settled, % 

and all the formalities are carried out, the two hostile tribes '^ 

become friendly again, and make an alliance. The new relation is n;- 

called 'umumiyeh. ^ 

Some severe and even intolerable punishments have been 

mentioned. If the criminal were not punished severely, he would 

continue to do mischief, and others would follow his example, 

until the public security Avould be endangered. Punishments of 

extreme severity, now modified, were often very useful in a more 

primitive society. 


1 This is a verj- old Arabic (pre-Islamic) custom. See Tarih Ibn el-At'ir, I, 
.s. v. harh el-hasus. 

EL-BARGHUTHI: Judicial Courts among the Bedouin of Palestine 65 

To conclude, we find that most of the civil code has its 
Bedouin counterpart. If we compare them, we shall find that the 
latter is in many respects more exacting and more equitable, as 
for instance in the matter of oaths, witnesses, appeal, dismissal 
of judges, and the like. 


p. DHORME 0. P. 


IE chap. 37 du livre de Job contient la fin des discours d'Elihou. 
-i Avant de ceder la parole a Jahve, Elihou decrit certains 
phenomenes naturals qui marquent specialement la puissance de Dieu. 
Le V, 9 commence la description des vents et de leur action. II forme 
une strophe avec le v. lo et cette strophe peut se traduire ainsi: 

Du sud arrive I'ouragan 

Et du septentrion le froid: 

Par son souffle Dieu produit la glace 

Et il solidifie I'etendue des eaux. 

Les vv. 11-12 sont d'une interpretation plus difficile. Et en parti- 
culier le mot "'liS qui ouvre la nouvelle strophe a la suite de la parti- 
cule f]i^ a suscite beaucoup de commentaires. Le targum m"l''"l3 et 
Theodotion kXkt6v le rattachent a la racine IIS etre pur)> et y voient 
une allusion a la purete de I'atmosphere. C'est aussi I'opinion 
d'Aben-Ezra. La Yulgate traduit par frumentum et identifie ainsi 
avec "1? ble, tandis que Symmaque semble avoir lu ""IS, ce qui lui 
permet de rendre par KapTrw. Parmi les modernes I'opinion qui a 
prevalu consiste a decomposer ''"13 en deux mots: la preposition "3 
et le substantif """l qu'on fait venir de ni"l etre arrose, humide. 
Ainsi Le Hir traduira le 1' hemist du v. ii par il charge les nuages 
de vapeurs, Renan par '<il charge la nue de vapeurs humidesw. Les 
plus hardis transforment "'la en Tia grele)> (Duhm, Fried. Delitzsch) 
ou en p'ja eclair {Hontheim, Budde). Mais il serait etrange que 
des mots aussi caracteristiques que TID ou p"lD eussent fait place a 
I'enigmatique ''12. 



DHOEME: Un mot aryen dans le Livre de Job 67 

Or, selon nous, c'est un nom de vent qui doit etre le sujet de 
n"'"ltD\ En effet, le second hemistiche signifie certainement : il 
pourchasse sa nuee lumineuse)>. Le verbe employe est Yr^) l^i, 
dans 38 24, a pour sujet D'^np <de vent d'est)>. Les mots 3j; rmb'' 
veulent dire fatigue la nue ^ et c'est le role du vent de fatiguer la 
nue. Tout le monde connait Boree, en grec /Sopms, qui est le nom 
du vent du Nord: I'aquilon. Ce qu'on sait moins, c'est que (iopkas 
est un vieux mot aryen qui existe sous la forme hirias chez les 
Cassites ou Cosseens. Le dieu Burias etait precisement I'equivalent 
cassite du dieu ouest-semitique Adad ou Hadad, qui est le dieu du 
vent, de la pluie, de l'orage.2 Si nous enlevons les desinences, il 
reste le radical huri, en grec Pope. Tel est le mot que nous retrou- 
vons dans I'hebreu ""l^. La vocalisation hen n'a pas de quoi nous 
surprendre. Nous avons ici un phenomene qui n'est pas sans analogie. 
Le nom de la ville de Sodome etait primitivement sudum, qui est 
devenu usdum en arabe, mais sedom, D'lp, dans la massore. Et pre- 
cisement on trouve a cote de hurias la forme ubrias. De meme que 
sudum a fourni d'un cote usdum, de I'autre sedom, de meme htirias 
a fourni librias et berl (apres la chute de la desinence). Le v. ii 
se traduira done: 

L'aquilon aussi fatigue la nue, 
II pourchasse sa nuee lumineuse.^ 

Cette explication a le grand avantage de donner la clef du v. 12, 
mal partage dans la ponctuation massoretique. Les exegetes sont 
d'accord pour placer Vathnah avant D^J^B*?, ce qui donne un vers 

Pour qu'ils executent tout ce que Dieu leur ordonne 
Sur la face du monde terrestre. 

La difficulte git dans les premiers mots du verset. On n'arrive 
pas a en former un vers. Remarquons d'abord que ini et lui du 

1 En hebreu moderne le verbe mts signifie se deranger, se donner la peine 
de, etc.. A Vhif'il deranger, importuner, etc.. 

2 Voir notre conference sur Les Aryens avant CyrusM, p. 72 (dans lea 
Conferences de Saint-Etienne, 19101911). 

3 Une tradition rabbinique, dont I'echo se retrouve chez Rasi, voyait dans 
na ou ''12"i le nom de I'ange prepose aux nuages ou a la pluie. 


68 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

debut se rapporte naturellement a ""l^ <(l'aquilou. II est clair qu'on 
pourra traduire, en uuissant "jSHnc ;\ m2D0: 

Et lui, touruant en tourbillons. 

Malheureusement il ne reste qu'un mot in'punns (kethih) ou 
vn^unns (qere) pour le 2 hemistiche. Quelque chose a disparu, a 
savoir le verbe dont XIH est le sujet et dont le complement est 
rappele par le suffixe de D^yD^. Nous attribuons ce fait a un 
phenomene d'haplographie et nous proposons de restituer ub^^l il les 
fait monterw avant D^^S^. Uhif'il de n^y est precisement applique 
a Taction de faire monter les nuages de I'horizon (Jer. 10 13, 51 le; 
Ps. 135 7). La similitude des consonnes D^y de D^j;*' et D^VS^ explique 
suffisamment I'omission du premier mot par erreur d'liomoeoteleuton. 
Si I'on restaure le texte on obtient pour le 2^ hemist. il les fait 
monter a sa guises. Ainsi le passage de Job 37 11-12 pourra etre 
interprete de la fa^on suivante: 

L'aquilon aussi fatigue la nue, 

II pourchasse la nuee lumineuse 

Et, roulant en tourbillons, 

II fait monter les nuages a sa guise, 

Pour qu'ils executent tout ce que Dieu leur ordonne 

Sur la face du monde terrestre. 






THE loug controversy over the exact character of Hebrew prosody 
is now reaching a point where the main principles may be 
regarded as definitely established. Though we may object to certain 
extravaganzas of emendation and arbitrary rearrangements, we cannot 
well gainsay the results attained in general by such students as 
Duhm and Haupt, building on the foundations laid by Budde, Ley, 
and Sievers. According to this view, Hebrew metre was accentual, 
consisting of verse-units Avith 2 + 2 beats (lyric), 3 + 2 beats (so-called 
qmah, though "elegiac" is really a misnomer), and 3 + 3 beats (epic, 
as in Job, didactic as in Proverbs, and liturgical). Combinations 
of the different measures were also known. Epic and didactic verse 
was divided into distichs, as has been clear since, more than a 
century ago, Lowth introduced the phrase, parallelismits memhrorum. 
Lyric verse, being set to mus^c, with its recurring airs, was divided 
into strophes or stanzas of varying length, often with a refrain. 

Strange to say, there are still many scholars who look with more 

or less scepticism at the metrical analysis of the Old Testament, 

partly from a horror of novelty, and partly because of erroneous 

notions regarding ancient Oriental prosody. The idea that there is 

no regular metre in Babylonian or Egyptian verse is wide-spread, 

I but is based upon a series of misunderstandings. It is quite true 

^ that late Babylonian and Assyrian poetry is not always characterized 

f by exact metrical form, but this is due to the fact that many com- 

I positions are intended to be literal translations of Sumerian originals, 

( and that the vers lihre which resulted was often imitated. The writer 

' is inclined to think that this secondary Assyrian poetic fashion has 

influenced certain of the Psalms. Yet most Assyrian poems, such 


Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

as the Creation Epic and the Descent of Istar into the Lower World, 
are governed by a regular system of prosody, usually falling into 
couplets of four hemistichs each, with a caesura, which in the best 
cuneiform editions is marked by a blank space in the middle of the 
line. The verse-units, or lines, are 2 + 2, as was established a gene- 
ration ago by Delitzsch and Zimmern. A convenient account of 
late Assyrian prosody is given by Burney, in his commentary to 
Judges, pp. 158ff. 

Until recently there was no reason to suppose that the Baby- 
lonians or Assyrians were really strict in matters of prosody. Now, 
however, the situation has altered completely, thanks to the publication 
by Zimmern and Scheil of two tablets of the magnificent poem of 
Agusaya, belonging to the reign of Hammurabi-' Ammurawih (B. C. 
2124 2081). This poem follows a very elaborate strophic system, 
with Sumerian designations for strophes and counter-strophes, etc. 
Each strophe consists of a quatrain with eight hemistichs, so the 
verse-unit is 2-1-2. In other poems of the Hammurabi age, such as 
the hymn to Beltili (Belitilani), another to Istar, and an ode to 
Hammurabi, we find not only the characteristic repetition of words 
and phrases, but also a complicated strophic structure and a refrain. 
The first stanza of Agusaya, published by Zimmern as Istar and 
Saltu (the title was discovered later by Scheil) runs as follows: 


L-tmd'id surhuta 
hukrat Nilikal 
Istar surbuta 
hukrat Nikkal 

"I will praise the princess, 
The first-born of Nikkal, 
Itar, the princess, 
The first-born of Nikkal 

in-ili qaratta 
dunnasa l-ulli 
in-ill qaratta 
dunnasa l-uUasni 

Mighty among the gods, 
Her valiance I will exalt, 
Mighty among the gods, 
Her valiance I will recount.'" 

The first section of the poem to Beltili {Cun. Tah.XY, Iff.) is 
composed of four couplets, each having the scheme 3: 2-1-2: 

Zamdr Beltili azdmar 

ihru ussird qurddu sime'd 

Mama zamdrasd 

ell dispim u-qaranim tabu 

ALBEIGHT: The Earliest Forms of Hebrew Verse 71 

tdbu-(e)li dispi u-qaranim 

tdbu-(e)li Ijana- nabi-ma hashurim 

el(u)-ulu himetim zcikutim 

tabu eli-(so!) Jjana- nabi-ma hashurim 

'The song of the Lady I will sing 

comrades, attend, O warriors, hearken! 

1 sing of Mama, whose song, 

Is sweeter far Than honey and wine, 

Sweeter than honey and wine, 

Sweeter it is Than grapes and figs, 

Sweeter than pure cream. 

Sweeter it is Than grapes and figs." 

If we turn to Egyptian verse, we find that the work of Erman, 
Max Miiller,! and now of Devaud^ and others is bringing order out 
of the obscurity of Egyptian metrics. The difficulty hitherto has 
been (1) failure to realize the elaborate structure of Egyptian poetry, 
and (2) ignorance of old Egyptian vocalization. The present writer 
is about to publish studies which will partly remove these difficulties. 
As generally recognized, Egyptian metre. is also accentual, and the 
verse-units are generally 3 + 3 or 2 + 2, though short lines without a 
caesura are also found. Just as in Babjdonia, the most perfect 
prosodic development is found about 2000 B. C, during the great 
literary revival of the Twelfth Dynasty. One of the most beautiful 
and formally perfect among classical Egyptian poems is the "Colloquy 
of a Misanthrope with his Soul." Commencing where the text is 
best preserved, line 86, we have three successive divisions, each with 
a regular strophic system of its own A. 86 102; B. 103 130; 
C. 131 142. A has eight strophes, each with the same beginning 
and the same tripartite scheme 3 : 3 + 3, e. g. : 

mk b'h my 

mk r-sty 'stv m-hriv sniw pt-ft 

"Behold, my name is a stench 
Behold more than the odour of 's- birds 

In summer days when the sky burns." 

1 Cf. Liebespoesie der alien Aegypter, pp. 1012. 

2 Of. Uecueil de Travaux, XXXVIII, 189. 

72 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

B offers a series of sixteen strophes, each similarly introduced 
and with the same strophic scheme 3: 2 + 2 + 2 (except last, which 
has 3: 2 + 2), e. g.: 

ddy mn myn 

yhtv 'wn oi-tvn-yh U'Sy rhntiv hrf 

"To whom shall I speak today? 

Hearts are evil; That man hath no heart Upon whom one relies." 

C presents six stanzas, each with the same beginning and strophic 
structure, metrically the same as in B (the last strophe has 3 : 2 + 2 : 
2 + 2) but resembling A's repetition of mk twice in each strophe 
with its twice-repeated my, e. g.: 

'tv-mt m-hry myn 

my-sty 'ntyiv my-hmst hr-M'w hriu t'w 

"Death stands before me today 

Like the fragrance of spices. Like sitting under a sail 

On a day of breeze." 

When after a close occupation with Egyptian and Babylonian 
metres of the classical period, the writer reread the Song of Deborah, 
he was struck at once by the fact that its climactic parallelism, to 
employ Burney's happy phrase, ^ though found only very rarely and 
sporadically in later Biblical and Oriental poetry, is obviously derived 
from the poetic style fashionable in both Mesopotamia and Egypt 
during the first half of the second millennium. The affinities are 
much closer with the former, as will be seen, but the time has long 
since passed when sober scholars attempt to derive all cultural 
elements of the Syro- Palestinian milieu from a single country, 
especially since we now know that mutual influence of the two great 
ancient civilizations upon one another may be traced back into the 
fourth millennium. The merchants and travelers who circulated 
between Mesopotamia and Egypt exerted a profound influence on 
the land through which they passed, as archaeological research in 
Palestine has so vividly illustrated. Thanks to recent discoveries, 
elaborately presented by Langdon,2 it is now certain that the phra- 

1 Burney, The Book of Judges, pp. 169 f. 

2 Journal of the Boyal Asiatic Society, 1921, 169192. 


ALBEIGHT: The Earliest Forms of Hebrew Verse 73 

seology of''^re1>relF^ p^liiiody has been profoundly influenced by 
Babylonian terminology. Most striking is the fact that the ordinary 
Hebrc-vv' word for '^sWlg," .^ir, is a loan from Bsib. seru, sine, "song, 
strophe in a longer composition," itself etymologically identical with 
Arab. .siV,'"poem." As Langdon has pointed out Assyr. zamar seri 
is the equivalent of Heb. mizmor sir. 

If one bears the cadence of the Babylonian hymn to Beltili in 
mind, it will be seen at once that the Song of Deborah falls without 
a single disturbance of the order of stichi, and with the excision of 
only a very few variant lines and obvious glosses, into fifteen strophes, 
with the scheme 3 + 3 : 3(2 + 2). A few stanzas are incomplete, having 
only two lines 2 + 2. The Babylonian poem agrees further in the 
character of its climactic parallelism and in the style of the opening 
address : 

"O comrades, attend, warriors, hearken! 

The song of the Lady I will sing." 

The Song of Deborah begins its first tetrameter tristich with 
the lines: 

"Hear, O kings. Give ear, O princes! 

For I to Yahweh, Even I will sing." 

The following reconstruction follows the stichic tradition preserved 
in the Masoretic Bible with hardly an alteration, except that the 
four-foot strophes should be 2 + 2, in accordance with the general 
rule in Babylonian and Hebrew verse. In the main, the text of the 
Song in the Masoretic form is excellent, as attested also by LXX, 
but the pointing is often impossible, and the pronominal suffixes and 
other endings have suft'ered more than once from dittography. The 
writer owes most to Haupt^ and Burney.2 Haupt's reconstruction 
is altogether too drastic and arbitrary, it is incredible that a text 
in the Heptateuch should have fallen into such a state of corruption 
as his emendations presuppose. Yet the writer owes a great deal to 
the thoroughness of Haupt's analysis and the completeness of his 
treatment. Burney's treatment is cursory and rather superficial, and 

1 See his treatment in Stiidien zur semitischen Philologie * * Julius Well' 
hausen * * geividmet, Giessen, 1914, pp. 191226. 
Op. laud., pp. 160ff. 

74 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

his emendations are sometimes singularly i-fli^it<aua.!-3Io him, how- 
ever, we owe the first clear explanation of t))^ uiiiq^e'JippeMe style 
of the Song, and the invention of the term "rCliniacticlpai'all8Usm," 
from the discovery of which it results that the text bjiavi suffered 
more from haplography than from dittography. His restoration of 
the metre sniffers from the frequent occurrence of more than two 
unaccented syllables before the ictus; it is very improbable that a 
poem so perfect in structure would tolerate a metrical anomaly of 
this nature. 1 

II .11 

1 Cf. Ai-nold, in Harvard Theological Revieiv, XIII, 188. Burney's theoretical 
reconstruction of the original phonetic form of the Hebrew in our poem gives 
us results possible in many cases for the third millennium B. C. , but not for 
the twelfth century to be more exact, about 1150 (see the writer's paper, Yeme 
has-saharut sel ha-^am ha-Hvri, in Has-SiloaJt, Jerusalem, Vol. XXXIX, jjp. 28ff. 
and "x\. Revision of Early Hebrew Chronology," Journal of the Palestine Oriental 
Society, Vol. 1, pp.49 80). Since the j)ublication of Bauer and Leander's 
Hebraische Grammatik, and Leander's important article on Hebrew historical 
phonology, in Zeitschrift cler Deutschen Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft, Vol. 74, 
pp. 61 ff., it is clear that the Hebrew of the twelfth century was not particularly 
archaic. When we bear in mind that the literary language of ancient Oriental 
peoples, like that of modern ones, lagged far behind the evolution of the popular 
speech, we will not expect a serious difference between the Hebrew of the Song, 
which represents the folk-speech of its time, and the literary language employed 
thi'ee to five centuries later. We must also remember that the Masoretic 
vocalization arose as a protest against an Aramaizing pronunciation of Holy 
Writ, and often went too far in its zeal, as in the case of the pretonic qomes 
and the vocal sewd. 

2 This liturgical phrase is doubtless to be pronounced harkii-ydh or even 
harhu-yah, just as the original mn'' I'j^n is shortened in the liturgies to halleluyah. 

3 V. 9 gives us a misplaced variant to the first line of the poem, written in 
the margin, and later incorporated into the text along with a small group ot 
obvious glosses in 8, 111) : 

My heart is with the rulers of Israel, Who enlisted with the people praise Yah ! 
Here the line adopted in the text is decidedly preferable to the variant; on the 
other hand, the variant line v. 15 1j, to 16 ti, though inserted in the wrong place, 
while IBlJ is in the right one, is preferable to the latter. For a possible ex- 
planation of the origin of the variant in v. 9 cf. Haupt, p. 211, n. 82. 

ALBRIGHT: The Earliest Forms of Hebrew Verse 75 

nn nnt^o nnysn yym ^nssn n]r\'' n 4 

L J I I I T 1 

1 In view of (several MSS), and Hexaplar (see Moore, ad loc.) irapaxdv we 
should probablj" read Itstai instead of IBlai, "dripjjsd." The heavens may pour 
down floods of rain when Yahweh appears in his majesty as lord of the thunder, 
but "drip" is an anticlimax, and here so absurd that a scribe felt impelled to 
add the remark D''D IBtaa D^2 Di, "the clouds (also) dripped water," that is, the 
heavens did not leak, but the clouds distilled a gentle shower. 

2 In view of eaoiKevd-r^aav and the fact that in Is. 63 19, 64 2 this verb is pointed 
=i^lti with D''"in, there can be no doubt that the stem is zll, belonging- with Ar. zhl, 
"quake, of earth," and zU, "slix^." 

3 All serious scholars agree that the phrase ''VD nt, "that is, Sinai," is a gloss, 
restricting the general statement to Mount Sinai. Ehrlich's objection to this 
interpretation, on the basis of later usage, is unwarranted; the use of nt in early 
Hebrew as here is precisely like that ofEg. ^jt;, "this," and in the commentaries 
to the sacred texts "that is." - 

* The bv in the text is naturally impossible, as there is no room for an 
additional name in the line, to say nothing of the serious historical objection. 
The "' is perhaps a corruption of ,the original 1 in the Vtt^S we have substituted 
for the ''0''3 of the Hebrew text. The bv may be due to the misreading of a 
partially erased dittography of the first letters of Pfb'phpV in the line below. 

5 ^l has here nimN, evidently due again to vertical dittography, since the 
word means "caravans" in the preceding verse, while here it would have to 
mean "paths." 

6 Pronounce saq-qamtem. The ending Ti in the second person feminine may 
be an archaism here, but it may also be merely historical spelling. The glosses 
in the Amarna Letters show that tie in the first person had already become ti, 
so it is more than likely that ti in the second feminine had become t. At all 
events, it would so be pi'onounced before a vowel the alef in Hebrew has 
almost throughout lost its consonantal force. 

7 Between the end of this stanza and the beginning of the next there are 
several glosses, which have been grouped together for lack of a better place. 
V 9 has been discussed in connection with v. 2. V. 8 contains three glosses. 
The first one, D''lnn D''n'7 (1, hapl.) nnS'' is probably a theological explanation, 
"they (shall) choose new gods," for the text, "they follow crooked paths." The 

!?"!W"'3 \^ n"'j>anKl nohl hxt-dk ]M "Is shield seen or lance Among 

76 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

)n^w Ti^-bv ""sSm u inline mjn ^m-i ivio 

I < > ill 

mn^ nipnij lin^ Dty 

Ttf-nm my, nij^ nnm niy nij; v 12 

'Dni3:i() ^^(j;) (n)nT nin^-oj; 

forty thousand in Israel?" cannot well be original, since the Israelites would 
hardly celebrate a great victory by boasting that they had no weapons at all. 
It is perhaps a comment to v. 7a, borrowed from some other poem, on the part 
of a scribe who was thinking of 1 Sam. 13 19-22, where it is stated that the 
Israelites had no swords or lances. The preceding remark W'W^ Unb tN is 
obviously a tertiary gloss, commenting on the absence of arms by quoting Jud. 7 13, 
"Then was the barley bread," i. e. , just as the barley bread, representing the 
fellah host of Gideon, overwhelmed the Midianite camp, so the unarmed Israelites 
defeated the army of Sisera, thanks to special divine interposition. 

1 The phrase pft bv '2W, which is in a different metre from the preceding 
and following hemistichs, and completely spoils their antithetic jjarallelism, besides 
being unintelligible Hebrew, is perhaps corrupt for some such phrase as ]''T "'315'"', 
"judges," meaning that only judges, i. e. nobles, had the right to ride on red-roan 
(so Haupt) asses. 

2 M has ^Iptt, evidently influenced by the initial tt of the two following nouns. 

3 In the repetitious style of our poem there is constant danger of haplography 
or haplology. The chiastic order follows the example of v. 7 a, Chiastic order 
is most characteristic of elegant literary style in Assyrian. 

4 The following phrase, nin'' Dl? n"'"is?w'? ni"' tx, is not metric, and has no 
connection with the preceding or the following stroj)be, so may belong with the 
group of glosses in vv. 8 9. In this case it is apparently a comment on the 
gloss D^iytr Dnb t, which Masoretic tradition took to mean (of above for the 
true interpretation) "then to them were gates" (Moore says that it is difficult to 
imagine what is meant by the anomalous pronunciation of dn^ , but it evidently 
indicates a qere nnb), which our gloss explained as "then the people of Yahweh 
went down to the gates." has D''1 (7r6Xeis), a valueless guess. 

5 The interijolfl+ion of p3 is wholly superfluous, since "son of Abinoam" makes 
the person addressed known. The following 1 is a secondary insertion. 

- The Masoretic tradition still derives the verb from rm, as shown by the 
pointing, so there is no objection to adding art; it must be remembered that the 
original text did not have matres lectionis, and that where they are found they 
are later insertions. The "' which should be affixed to tN was lost by haplography. 

7 ill D''"l13i3 ''b ^^^\ which is unintelligible. Haupt suggests DniaiS lb IT, "went 
down as warriors" but on account of the parallelism with the preceding line our 
reading seems preferable. : 


ALBRIGHT: The Earliest Forms of Hebrew Verse 77 

' Since it interferes with the metre the introductory ''3b is evidently vertical 
dittography from the next line, where the metre requires it. Quite aside from 
metrical considerations, the second hemistich shows that Ephraim, Benjamin's 
brother, is the subject. 

2 Virtually all scholars read pDJ?3 instead of M p'7f35?2, following important 
MSS evidence (cf. Moore). It is possible that for ill DViVf we should read DC? Ity. 
@ read the same consonants, though rendering differently, e^epii'ua-ev. My suggestion 
is in accord with the frequent repetition of verbs for poetic emphasis in our 

s M has "i"'liOS?3, but the suffix is clearly dittogyaphy of the suffix in the 
preceding "fins. 

* To preserve consistency, I point the verbs as present or imperfect instead 
of perfect. 

5 This passage is unquestionably corrupt, and our reconstruction may be quite 
wrong. According to Jos. 19 is Daberath, i. e. Deborah (see below) was on the 
border between Zebulon and Issachar. V. 18 of the Song shows that it was 
already considered a part of Zebulon. A later scribe, however, may have supposed 
that the missing Issachar was referred to here, and have inserted it, which 
would also account for the strange repetition of the name twice in the verse an 
erroneous double entry in different lines. It is improbable that Issachar was 
originally mentioned in the Song, since it is an opprobi'ious term, "hireling," 
applied by the Israelites in the hills to their Hebrew brethren who formed 
part of the dependent peasant population of the plain, under Canaanite over- 

6 The pointing av, "people," instead of Dj;, "with," is certainly right (see 

? One may suspect that p"i2 is an explanatory gloss to the first word of the 
fifteenth verse, reading ^'jK'i instead of M. The "prince" who is thus associated 
with Deborah would naturally be Barak. The impossibility of the present text 
is well put by Moore. 

8 The present text has 1'^J"Q nb^, which is very queer, and cannot be connected 
with what precedes. 

9 This is a correct marginal substitution for the somewhat corrupt line now 
in place, v. 16 1>. 

78 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

''-)^J; mj^-ity y^&b ^u'^ni^ti^i^i [] 2^\ n^b^-(ii) vine 

]:>^ ]1"i%T 12V2 nj;^i 17 

II ill 

]Vi3 "'^^o i^n"?: -[] ittn^i d^d^d in3 1x19 

1 The present text hangs iu the air, and we do not know what tribe is 
intended; v. 17a shows that we may expect the name of a tribe before nn!?, while 
the metre indicates a short name. The tribe in question is Transjordanic, since 
it is pastoral and followed by Reuben. Accordingly it must be Gad, the absence 
of whom from the present text hais given rise to all kinds of hypotheses, especially 
that Gilead in 17 a takes tlie place of Gad. But from Num. 3234ff. it is clear 
that Gad originally occupied northern Moab, as stated also in the Mesha Stele, 
while it is expressly stated that Machir occupied Gilead. 

2 M has D-TiBiyan ]''2 nac"' no"?. The change of tense in the verb may be 
erroneous but the present haphazard alternation of tenses is vei'y strange, and 
imperfects seem to predominate. The word DTiBti'tt (pi. rather than dual) is a 
crttx interpretum , but the only etymologically reasonable explanation is "piles 
of rubbish, manure," referring to the extensive mzabil, which surround the 
Transjordanic village, especially in the Hauran. In western Palestine the mzabil 
(sing, mezheleh) are not nearly so striking a feature, since there is not so much 
animal husbandry. The cognate riBCit, "rubbish, manure," belongs (which has 
not been observed hitherto) with Ar. tdfat, "rubbish" (note the transposition). 
The superflous ]''2 is probably a dittographic reminiscence of the ]"'2 before D''3Nl0. 

3 Cf. above. The marginal correction seems here to be preferable to the form 
in place. The variants "'ppn and "'ipn may indicate that the original was different; 
cf. Ar. hqf, "beat, of the heart" as a possible suggestion. However , hqq means 
properly "to pierce" (Ar. ihtaqqa) and in Ar. also "to afflict," so there is no 
serious objection to its retention. 

* IS is a superfluous scribal insertion to make sure that the reader would not 
mistake the highly poetic repetition for dittography. 

5 A stylistic peculiarity of the Song requires the repetition of a verb with a 
prepositional phrase modifying it, unless the metre forbids it. Here both style 
and metre seem to demand it, so we may assume that it has fallen out by 
haplography, since the same verbal form is found twice in the preceding line. 
Now, since there is a superfluous ien^3 in v. 20, we may suppose that the scribe 
discovered his mistake in collating the text and inserted it in the margin, whence 
it was transferred into the wrong line later. 

6 This hemistich should be scanned as follows, besa'-kesf lo-laqdhu. 

7 Owing to the common initial tt the word Dn'^DOO has changed places with 
the following hemistich. The present order is nonsense; the stars, that is, the 

ALBRIGHT: The Earliest Forms of Hebrew Verse 79 

^m(n) D^onp bm Dai:i ]wy bn^ X2i 

4nDiD 'npj; 3(D)-i^^n o)tK 22 

elements, may fight against Sisera, but the planets do not fight from their highways 
(M has plur.) against him, nor can their orbits be called "highways." The use 
of harrdnu in Babylonian astronomy is quite different. On the other hand, nVoo 
is evidently equivalent to Bab. harrdnu, girru, "road, campaign." In sixteenth 
century English "road" meant "foray, raid" (a Norse doublet of "road"), as in 
the A. V. of 1 Sam. 27 lo, "Whither have ye made a road today?" . 

1 M has ''3"nn. Our rendering of the second hemistich requires a passive 
form here (see next note). In Hebrew the hif^U of this verb sometimes serves 
as an intensive. Yellin's suggestion of the Arabic and Aramaic meaning reach, 
overtake" for "jmn {Jour, Pal. Orient. Soc. I, p. 13f.) is very doubtful. 

2 M has V ''tS3, but we should probably read rjs? like V^ax at the end of the 
second line below. Still preferable is perhaps Haupt's reading VPtS? mt^BJ. For 
the idiom cf. Assyr. napsdtsunu usiq ukarrt, "I brought their life to a close and 
cut it off (cf. Ar. sdqa, "be at the point of death, said of a sick man"); haltusun 
qdti iksud, "I captured them alive." 

3 This verb is transitive, as in v. 26, so the suffix is necessary. 

* The fi belongs with the preceding word, instead of with the following, as in M. 

5 The nits of M is probably corrupt, since no town of this anomalous name 
is to be found in any Palestinian literatui'e. We should probably read ]'\'\0, 
Meron. This Meron is hardly to be identified with either Meiron, W. N. W. of 
Safed, or even with Marun er-Ras, further noi'th, nor is it clear to which Meron 
the Marun of Tiglathpileser III. refers. The Canaanite royal city Madon, Jos. 11 ], 
may perhaps be a mistake for Meron, just as Sarid should be *Sad6d, modern 
Tell Sadud. Probably our Meron is the town mentioned Jos. 12 20 with Simon 
(text Simron), modern Semuniyeh, on the edge of the Plain, ten miles due west 
of Deburiyeh-Deborah and north of Megiddo. A situation in the neighborhood 
would explain why Meron refused to. take up arms for the Israelites; it was 
too near Harosheth, modern Tell 'Amr, and therefore dangerously exposed to 
Canaanite vengeance in case of an Israelite defeat. 

6 M nW"' "jsbo "ifiW is metrically impossible. It is possible to omit ^Nbo, which 
might have been introduced because of a religious scruple against the conception 
that Yahweh curses men himself, but more likely that "angel of Yahweh" was 
substituted, as apparently often, for a name of pagan origin, still employed, like 
the Lithuanian Perkunas, in maledictions even after the conversion of the Hebrews 
to Yahwism. 

^ The insertion of a n is not grammatically necessary, but greatly improves 
the sense, besides improving the metre. 


Journal of the Palestine Oriental Societj- 

innn Vnn d^k'jd 
2[] itfKi n)5ni3 

I I 

I I 

^ty D^D 25 

I I 

mn^tiTi in'*'? nTxiii2o 

I I I 

t I 

nsptj^i 4[;pijysn nj;3xiv2s 

niij?n n^nnB' ma^n xv29 
i^iJD'' ^n 30 

r I 

I I 

1 The interpolation "^ypn nan riB^K is admitted on all sides to be a learned gloss. 

2 Jl adds the gloss inpl ns'jm nsnttl. nsna is inserted to ex^Dlain the early 
Aramaic form npno, with orthography like Np-| for NS:"lS=fnN, -lOp=-iO==1ttS,etc., 
the p being employed to indicate the glottal catch (K) into which the dad had 
been modified in Aramaic like q in the cities of modern Egypt and Palestine. 
The alef lost its original pronunciation in Aramaic and became a vowel-letter. 
Later the ^ayin was pronounced as a glottal catch, as it still is in parts of northern 
Syria, having lost its correct pronunciation as a voiced Ji with somewhat greater 
contraction of the glottis. Another Aramaic form found in the poem is the^^a"e/ of 
nan, employed like Assyr. sunnii, '-recount, relate." These Aramaic forms are not 
late glosses, nor are they strictly dialectic; they are rather an indication of a 
mixture between the Aramaic tongue originally spoken by the Hebrews and the 
Hebrew which they learned in the land of Canaan, and are thus on a par with 
such an Aramaic word as "ni, "vow," which has suj^erseded "lO, only preserved 
in the specialized meaning "devotee," Ttl Bauer and Leander have recently 
called our attention to evidences of dialectic mixture in morphology; there are 
also a number of Aramaic loanwords in early Hebrew. The additional gloss 
"she pierced his temples" is harmonistic, designed to make the original poetic 
version, according to which Jael felled Sisera while he was drinking, square 
with the well-known prose version. The two cannot be harmonized; see Moore. 

3 The observation "pBJ ntf yna iB^wa, "where he stooped there he fell," is 
anything but poetical, and "ityx is not found elsewhere in the poem. It is also 
harmonistic, and means that he fell dead where he crouched, without moving 
from his place thanks to the "nail" which fastened his head to the ground. 

4 iil, yhrm nn, is simply a gloss explaining the archaic term ail^N, on which 
see Haupt, ad loc. 

s The rh is wholly superfluous, besides being metrically awkward, and is 
obviously suscejitible of ready explanation as dittography. 

6 The bbV) of M is dittography of the preceding hb^ , because both are 
followed by the same word. 

7 The four-beat line which follows may belong to the original; one would 
like to read for SX, hb^ ''INIS'?, bhr\ nwiStt, "from the backs (lit. necks) of the slain." 


ALBEIGHT: The Earliest Forms of Hebrew Verse 81 

The poem may be translated as follows: 

When locks were long^ in Israel, When the folk responded praise Yah! 

Hear, kings, Grive ear, princes, 

For I to Yahweh, Even I will sing, 

I will sing to YahAveh, Unto Israel's God. 

n Yahweh, when thou rosest from Seir, When thou marchedst from Edom's land, 

The earth was quaking, The heavens shaking, 

The mountains rocking Before Yahweh's face. 

Before the face of Yahweh, Israel's God. 

in In the days of Shamgar ben Anath, In his days the caravans ceased,2 

And wayfaring men Followed crooked paths; 

The yeomanry ceased, In Israel it ceased, 

Till thou rosest, O Deborah, As mother-city in Israel.^ 

IV O rideis on tawny asses, O wayfaring men, attend! 

To the sound of the cymbals, Between the drums,* 

There they will recite , The triumphs of Yahweh, 

The triumphs of his yeomen In Israel they will tell. 

1 This rendering may now be considered practically certain; cf. Haupt, ad loc. 
Jeremias's rend, ring (Ds Alte Testavtnit iin LicJite des alten Orients, 3rd ed., 
p. 423), "When Pharaohs ruled in Israel," deserves notice solely as a curiosity. 

J This rendering is quite certain; in Assyr. harrdnu, "road," also means 
"caravan." Shamgar was chief of the Canaanite town of Betb Anath, modern 
Ba'nah, Talmudic Be'anah, a little to the northeast of the Plain of Accho, as the 
writer has shown in the papers mentioned above. His role of robber baron is 
like that played by Sutatna (so) or Zatatna of Accho in the Amarna Tablets; 
the latter also robs the caravans. 

3 There can surely be no longer any doubt that Deborah was originally the 
town of that name at the foot of Mt. Tabor, as first suggested by Carl Niebuhr, 
and accepted by Haupt. For the origin of the confusion between the "mother 
in Israel" i.e. the metropolis, chief city (as in 2 Sam. 20 19) and the feminine 
figure of Hebrew legend liy the same name cf, the note on the subject in the 
writer's article {Journal of the Pal. Orient. Sac, Vol. I, p. 61). The town, whose 
remains lie to the north of the modern village of Debiire (so pronounced; 
Deliiiriyeh, not Deburiyeh ib the literary form), is called in the 0. T. elsewhere 
Dbrt, the Dabaritta of Josephus and the Dabira of the Onomasticon. The ex- 
pression for "city" used in our text is not peculiar to the Hebrew of the Bible, 
but is also found in Phoenician. On Sidonian coins Sidon is called mother of 
Carthage, Hippo, Citium, and Tyre. On Laodicean coins the city is termed 
]S?i23 DS, "mother in Canaan" (the reading t^X which some have substituted is 

^ Tliis passage has been a crux interpretum. Haupt renders, "At the trumpet- 
call from the banquet;" Burney emends with unusual recklessness, and gives us 
a pretty conceit, "Hark to the maidens laughing at the wells." Haupt's D''"iSnD 


82 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

V Awake, awake, O Deborah! Awake, awake, sing a song: 

"Arise, take thy captives, Abinoam's son, 

For then the survivor Will rule the haughty. 

The people of Yahweh Will rule the mighty." 

VI OEphraimstorm,storm into the valley- After thee come Benjamin's clans! 

Prom Machir's folk Come down the captains, 

From Zebulon those who wield The staff of the marshal. 

While Deborah's folk Sends footmen into the valley. 

VII Why does (Gad) dwell on dung-heaps Harking to pastoral pipings? 

In the vales of Reuben The chiefs are faint-hearted, 

While Gilead dwells Beyond the Jordan. 

And why does Dan Become attached to ships? i 

VIII Asher dwells on the shore of the sea And settles on his harbours 

But Zebulon is a people Which dared to die 

And Naphtali, too On the heights of the plain. 

IX There came the kings and fought, They fought, the kings of Canaan, 

They fought at Taanach, At Megiddo's waters; 

No silver they won From their campaign. 

For the stars from heaven Fought against Sisera. 

X Kishon's torrent swept them away. An impetuous torrent becoming; 

In the Kishon were trampled His living warriors, 

For the hoofs of their horses Struck them down, 

Rearing, plunging, They struck down his strong men. 


and Burney's ripnstt both seem unnecessary, since a much more natural ex- 
planation is at hand; I would combine the word with Ar. hadda, hadhada, "shake," 
hddad, "shells," and hadad, "shell necklace, fetters," etc., and render either 
"cymbals," like D'Ti^SD (nibso, Zech. 14 20, refers to a string of bell's or small 
pieces of metal for the adornment of horses), or "sistra," like n''l?33D, 2 Sam. 6 5. 
The word n''3J<0 belongs with Ar. mis'ab, "leather skin," and probably means 
leather drums or tambourines (cf. Sachs, Altdgyptische Musikinstrumente, Leipzig, 
1920, pp. 5ff.). The women of the Qureis, at the battle of Ohod, beat drums 
(akbdr) and tambourines {dufuf and yardbil), according to Ibn Hisam. 

1 "We seem to have a most important chronological datum in this line. Dan's 
residence on the sea-coast preceded the Philistine occupation. On the other 
hand, our poem dates from after the career of Shamgar, who beat oflf or 
assisted in warding off the first Philistine irruption, presumably that of the 
year 1190 B. C. The date of the battle of Taanach will then fall between about 
1180 and 1170 or a little later, when the successful invasion occurred, after the 
death of Kameses III.; see the fuller discussion in Jour. Pal. Or. Soc, Vol. I., 
pp. 55 62. 

ALBRIGHT: The Earliest Forms of Hebrew Verse 83 

'XI Curse ye Meron, saith .Eternally curse ye its people, 

For they would not come To the help of Yahweh, 

To the help of Yahweh, Sending their warriors. 

XII Blest above women is Jael, Above women in tents is she blest. 
Water he asked, She gave him milk, - 

In a lordly bowl She brought him cream. 

xmOne hand she put to the tent-pin Her right to the workman's mallet; 
She struck down Sisera, She crushed his head, 

At her feet he bowed, He fell, he lay. 

At her feet he bowed. He fell, outstretched. 

XIV Out from the window there looked And wailed Sisera's mother: 
"Why does his chariot Tarry in coming? 

Why linger the hoofs Of his chariot-steeds?" 

XV The wisest of her women replies She, too, echoes her words: 

"Are they not finding And dividing the spoil? 

A maiden or two As spoil for each warrior. 

Dyed work for Sisera Dyed and embroidered." 

In its present form, the poem is unmistakably a torso, but we 
should perhaps be grateful for the fact that our copy closes at so 
dramatic a point, sparing us, it may be, a weaker ending, an anti- 
climax. The present ending is formed by a very weak and awkward 
distich, evidently of liturgical origin: 

Thus may all perish Of Thy foes, Yahweh, 

While Thy friends be as the rise Of the sun in his strength. 

It must be emphasized that the preceding arrangement of the 
poem has not been reached as a result of any a priori theory, but 
that it simply imposes itself upon the reader who knows what to 
expect in ancient verse-forms. It is highly probable that it was 
recited antiphonally, one chanting the hexameter, and another or a 
chorus singing the following tristich. This is indicated by the fact 
that the hexameter line always stands apart, having no direct 
connection with the preceding strophe, and only a loose one with the 
following tristich, which it introduces. Thus stanzas V, XI, and XII 
each contain an introduction, followed by a direct quotation. As is 
well known, this antiphonal chanting and singing was a very common 
practise in Babylonia as well as in Israel. 


Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

If there are still any doubts regarding the general correctness of 
our results they should be removed by a careful comparison of the 
Lament of David over Jonathan, the only other early Israelite poem 
of this type now extant. While the text of this poem is more corrupt, 
like the text of Samuel in general, the dominant structure is again 
unquestionably the tetrameter tristich, like the Song of Deborah. 
The introductory hexameter appears as a refrain, following the 
tristich instead of preceding it, but the same elements exactly are 
used to form the strophe, and the character of the hexameter verse 
is made certain by the fact that it is a refrain, and hence certainly 
antiphonal or choral. We have also echoes of the old climactic 
parallelism, now falling into disuse. 

'I ill 

' I 

b)t<^ mm 




I I 

(? n;n) nn^^nn 


1 If the nisinn of ill is original, we must have here a line 3 + 3; it is then 
possible that the line which we have considered the second verse of the second 
strophe is also 3 + 3 and introduces the strophe, just as in the Song of Deborah. 
It is safe to say that the original structure of the poem was more complicated 
than it now appears to be, as well as more formally perfect. 

2 a is here grammatically and logically impossible, while the substitution of 
a n for the 3 gives a perfectly idiomatic and exact phrase. 

3 The hemistich should evidently be transposed from its place in M after the 
next line. 

< Of. preceding note, as well as note on the first line of the poem. 

5 The articles are wholly superfluous, and hurt the rhythm appreciably. 


ALBRIGHT: The Earliest Forms of Hebrew Verse 


'n"':nj;o() ^i^ 


1 1 I I 





Tell it not in Gath 
Lest they rejoice, 
Lest they exult, 

Proclaim it not in Ashkelou, 
The Philistine maidens, 
The heathen girls. 

Ye hills of Gilboa, 
Let there be nor dew 
For there was disgraced 
The shield of Saul, 

And lofty uplands, 
Nor rain upon you, 
The warrior's shield, 
With oil unanointed. 

From the blood of the slain, 
The bow of Jonathan 
Nor the sword of Saul 

From the entrails of warriors, 
Never retreated. 
Returned empty. 

1 M has D''3nr UV '3tS>, "scarlet with delights," but the omission of J? gives a 
logical and idiomatic text. 

2 M offers nbro, which is here impossible. After the corruption, in order 
to preserve an intelligible text, it became necessary to transpose the following 

3 The pJin^ of ill does not really belong in the text, but in the margin, as 
explanation of the expression "gazelle of Israel." Fortunately, this line was 
employed as a title for the poem, and hence has been preserved intact, save for 
an impossible article, at the beginning. 

4 This foot should probably be scanned 'al-bmoteka. In the genuine folk 
verse of modern Palestine (see my note to Stephan's paper in Jour. Pal. Or. Soc, 
Vol. II) long vowels may be treated as short at any time for the sake of the 
metre. In Hebrew this tendency was probably not marked, but the "Aramaizing" 
inclination to eliminate short unaccented vowels in open syllables certainly existed; 
the Masoretic vocalization represents a learned reaction (cf. above). 

5 ill, 'h inanN nnx'^BJ, is clearly a prosaic gloss, explaining the beautiful line 
whose cadence it so rudely interrupts. 


Joui'nal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

Saul and Jonathan, Beloved, delightful, 

In life they were comrades (?) In death were not parted, 

Swifter they than eagles, 

Stronger than lions. 

O maidens of Israel, 
Who was wont to clothe you 
Who decked your garments 
How have the warriors fallen 

Weep ye for Saul, 
In elegant scarlet. 
With golden adornments! 
In the midst of the battle! 

The gazelle of Israel 
I grieve for thee, 
Far sweeter wast thou 
How have the warriors fallen 

Is slain on thy heights (Gilboa) 
My brother Jonathan, 
Than the love of women. 
And the weapons of war been lost! 

We have thus seen that the Song of Deborah and, to a lesser 
extent, the Lament of David over Jonathan represent what must 
have been once an important category of Canaanite and Israelite 
verse, written in the language of Canaan, and influenced by the 
models which had governed the writing of verse in the literary centres 
of the ancient Orient some centuries previously. The post-Davidic 
poetry of the Old Testament is influenced by late Assyrian and 
Babylonian models, which passed into Israel from Syria and Phoenicia, 
where both Phoenicians and Aramaeans were always powerfully 
affected by Mesopotamian cult and literature. In the Old Testament 
we also have fragments of a different kind, without a literary back- 
ground. Of this nature is the Bedu poem known as the Song of 
Lamech, written in two couplets, one 2 + 2, the other 3 + 3, with a 
rhyme in t which has always been characteristic of the nomad Arabs. 
The triumphal song of Sihon, Num. 21 27 if., does not lend itself to 
successful reconstruction, but the metre is clearly 3 + 3, and at least 
four of the seven lines perhaps five end with on, showing again 
the Bedu origin of the song. The Song of the Well, Num. 21 17-18, 
can almost be duplicated in Moab today. But ih^ literary poetry 
of Israel does not owe its beauty to Bedu models, uui to the fact 
that it was able to clothe the formally elegant models of the ancient 
Orient with a spontaneous and freshly exuberant life. 





CAPHARNAUM, toi qui te dresses jusqu'au ciel tu seras abaissee 
jusqu'aux enfers! Yoila le triste adieu que Jesus fit a sa seconde 
patrie a la veille de la quitter pour toujours. Pour ceux qui connaissent 
la position privilegiee qu'occupait Capharnaum a I'avenement du N. T., 
ces mots de I'Evangile sont parfaitement intelligibles, quand on par- 
court (a 19 siecles de distance) le vaste champ, ou sont encore 
enterrees la plupart de ses mines. 

Ville de passage et de marche international, Capharnaum etait 
au centre meme du mouvement des caravanes, entre la plaine 
d'Esdrelon, Scythopolis et Damas, Elle possedait en outre, un port 
qui I'enrichissait de son transit particulier. Les mariniers du lac y 
decliargeaient le ble du Hauran pour les exportations de Tyr, Sidon 
et Cesaree: mouvement des plus actifs encore, puisqu'il contribuait 
au ravitaillement de Rome et de I'ltalie. Ce ne sont pas seulement 
les Juifs qui viendront la pour entendre Jesus: mais des Idumeens, 
des Tyriens, des Sidoniens et des gens de la Transjordane, attires 
par un commerce lucratif. Rien d'extraordinaire done, si Capharnaum 
etait devenue, au commencement du premier siecle de noire ere, une 
ville opulente et riche, digne de posseder la plus belle des synagogues 
connues en Galilee et dont nous venons de mettre a jour les derniers 

Helas! cette periode de prosperite ue semble avoir ete que de 
trop courte duree, puisque trente ans plus tard (66 67 apres J.-C.) 
elle etait dechue au rang d'une simple bourgade, kw/^ctj, dans laquelle 

I'Historien juif se fit transporter pour recevoir les premiers soins de 


88 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

ses blessuves, a la suite de la bataille eDgagee entre lui et Sylla, 
commandant des troupes d'Agiippa 11. (Jos. Vita, 72. ed., Dindorf.). 

lei, une premiere question se pose: a quoi devons-nous attribuer 
la decadence si rapide de Capharnaiim? L'histoire est muette a ce 
sujet: mais nous croyons pouvoir I'attribuer a plusieurs causes, qui 
y auront contribue egalement. Peut-etre, les tremblements de terre, 
(phenomene assez commun dans le bassin du lac de Tiberiade). 
L'liistoire nous a conserve le souvenir des nombreux tremblements 
de terre, qui ont ebranle le sol de I'Asie entre I'an 60 et 70 apres J.-C: 
Colosses et Laodicee furent detruites en I'an 60, sans parler de 
Philadelphie, qui merita le titre de nville pleine de tremblements de 
terre (Strabon XIII, 10). 

Un autre pbenomene d'ordre social aura egalement prive Capharnaiim 
d'un bon nombre de ses citoyens adoptifs et botes momentanes: je 
veux parler du developpement rapide d'une puissante rivale, Tiberiade, 
devenue capitale de la Galilee, situee elle aussi, sur une des ramifica- 
tions du grand reseau de routes commerciales entre Damas, la Phenicie 
et I'Egypte. Rien d'invraisemblable: d'autant p'lus que le roi Antipas 
fut tres large en favours et en privileges envers les nouveaux habitants 
de sa capitale, qu'il dut recruter principalement entre I'element payen, 
puisque les bons Israelites s'interdisaient d'habiter Tiberiade, et meme 
d'y passer. (Talmud de Jerusalem, Schebuth IX, 1.) 

Mais ce qui joua un role plus nefaste dans la decadence de 
Capharnaiim, ce fut la corruption des moeurs de ses habitants, _w 

alimentee par la convoitise des richesses et les abus du luxe. Jesus 
avait dit que Capharnaiim et ses deux voisines Bethsaida et Corozain 
s'obstinaient dans le vice plus durement que Sodome, Tyr et Sidon: 
et, a quelques siecles de distance, le Talmud nous confirme que chez 
les habitants de Capharnaiim I'immoralite etait tres avancee. 

Le Midrash Koheleth (7,20 fol.l4, 2) cite les paroles de I'Ecclesiaste 
VII, 26, oil il est dit de la femme au coeur leger: <(Celui qui est 
agreable a Dieu lui echappe: mais le pecheur sera pris par ellew, 
puis il ajoute: Cela vise les gens de Kefar-Nahumw. 

Plus loin, le meme Midrasch (fol. 109, 4) parlant de Hanania 
neveu du celebre Rabbi Jehosoua, qui habitait Capharnaiim dans la 
premiere moitie du 11 siecle, dit: Hanania, le neveu de Eabbi 
Jehosoua, fut un saint homme: par contre les habitants de Kefar- 
Nahum sont des pecheurs. 


ORFALI: La deroiere periode de I'liistoire de Capbarnaiim 89 

Un fait qui nous peint la profonde corruption des moeurs des 
habitants de Capharnaiim, est raconte par le Talmud au sujet d'un 
disciple de Rabbi Jonathan. Je le passe sous silence pour ne pas 
offenser les oreilles de mes auditeurs. (J. Lightfoot. Disquisitio 
chorographica. Apud Ugolini, Thesaurus V, col. 1123.) 

Nous ignorons la part prise par notre Capharnaiim a la guerre 
juive de 7i et de 132 ap. J.-C, mais il ne serait pas temeraire 
d'affirmer que ses habitants se soient battus avec un hero'isme digne 
de leurs freres de race, de cette race belliqueuse et vaillante qui 
habitait alors la Galilee, i 

Dans les luttes de succession a I'empire, surtout dans la seconde 
moitie du 11'^ siecle, les Juifs de Palestine prirent maladroitement 
parti, tantot pour I'un, tantot pour I'autre des rivaux : aussi essuyerent- 
ils des chatiments tres durs de la part des vainqueurs. Nous savons 
par I'histoire que Antonin le Pieux ecrasa les Juifs revoltes. Marc- 
Aurele n'a pas ete plus tendre a leur egard, quand il accourut en 
Palestine pour dompter la revolte provoquee par Avidius Cassius. 
Pris de degout pour les Juifs revoltes, il s'ecria (c'est Ammien 
Marcelin qui le raconte): Marcomans, o Quades, o Sarmates, 
j'ai enfin trouve des gens plus turbulents que vous!)>2 Quant a Septime 
Severe, le Senat lui decerna le T^'iomphe judaique, pour le succes 
obtenu sur les Palestiniens, qui, pendant longtemps, avaient porte les 
armes en faveur de Pescennius Niger. 3 Voila pourquoi il nous semble 
tres difficile d'admettre que la synagogue de Capharnaiim ait ete 
construite dans la seconde moitie de ce siecle, grace a la munificence 
imperiale, ainsi que certains auteurs I'ont pretendu. Le silence du 
Talmud serait inexplicable a ce sujet, et les habitants de Capharnaiim, 
certes, n'auraient point manque d'en perpetuer le souvenir par une 
inscription comme celle de Khirbet Keisoun. 

Mais alors, a quelle epoque precise peut-on faire remonter la 
construction de la celebre synagogue de Capharnaiim? Tels qu'ils 
sont les restes retrouves du monument peuvent bien etre assignes a 
mon humble avis a deux epoques differentes; a savoir, a une epoque 

1 Julius Capitolinus, Ant. Pius ad Diocletianum V ed. Nisard ap. Hist. August. 
Paris 1876, p. 331b. 

2 Ammianus Marcelinus, Historia Romana LXXI, 33 et 35. 

3 Aeiius Spartianus, Pesc. Nigei', ad Dioclet. XVI. 

90 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

ancienne, tres probablemeut le 1 siecle, et une restauration posterieure, 
peut-etre vers la fin du II" siecle de notre ere. 

Nous devons assigner une date approximative a la demolition 
systematique des figures animales, sculptees si souvent dans la 
decoration de la synagogue et de ses dependances. II est tres 
probable que ce vandalisme ait eu lieu avant I'organisation de la 
premiere communaute chr^tienne a Capharnaiim, c. a d. avant le 
lY" siecle. A son arrivee comme gouverneur de la Galilee, Joseph 
exigea des magistrats la destruction du palais construit par Antipas, 
-parce qu'il etait orne de figures d'animaux ce qui etait contraire a 
la loi. On pourrait se demander si ce mouvement ne s'est pas 
etendu jusqu'a Capharnaiim? Peut-etre pourrait-on songer aussi a 
une espece de represaille accomplie par un clan d'orthodoxie plus 
authentique du voisinage (serait-ce Tiberiade?) qui aura voulu donner 
une legon a ses correligionaires de Capharnaiim beaucoup trop 
liberaux? Ce qui est sui', c'est que le monument destine a recevoir 
les rouleaux de la Thora, a ete deplace du JSTord au Sud, apres 
I'etablissement de I'ecole rabbinique a Tiberiade. C'est elle en effet, 
qui prescrivit que les fideles se tinssent la face tournee vers le Sud 
(vers Jerusalem) pendant qu'ils accomplissaient les actes de la 
liturgie synagogale. 

La fondation a Capharnaiim d'une communaute chretienne organisee 
ne remonte (nous-l'avons dit) qu'au lY" siecle. Jusqu'alors, dit 
S. Epiphane, nul Grec, ni Samaritain, ni chretien n'a ete tolere a 
vivre au milieu de ses habitants, tons Juifs. L'eglise a ete batie sur 
I'emplacement de la maison de S. Pierre, grace a la bienveillance 
tres grande dont le Comte Joseph de Tiberiade jouissait a la cour 
imperiale. Le territoire ecclesiastique de Capharnaiim relevait du 
siege metropolitain de Scythopolis, qui englobait toute la Palestina II. 
L'histoire ne nous a conserve le nom d'aucun de ses eveques, comme 
elle a fait pour les sieges limitrophes. 

Un document, de saveur antique, utilise par Pierre-le-Diacre 
en 1137 dans son iraite sur le lieux saints parle de cette eglise et 
de la synagogue egalement. La description qu'il en donne montre 
clairement que le visiteur vise la synagogue de Capharnaiim a 

1 II ne semble i^oint vraisemblable que l'eglise eut ete batie avant 352 ap. 
J.-C. c. a. d. avant que Gallus eut mate d'importance les Juifs rebelles de la 

ORFALI; La derniere periode de I'histoire de Capharnaum 91 

laquelle, a la difference des autres synagogues decouvertes en Galilee, 
on accedait par des marches, ce qui nous fournit un argument tres 
important pour I'identification de Tell-Hoimi avec Capharnaiim, Quant 
a I'eglise, le pelerin remarque que son altarium (autel) avait ete 
dechiquete par les pelerins, qui par devotion en avaient enleve des 
parcelles. Cela indiquerait que I'eglise datait de quelques dizaines 
d'annees au moins. 

II n'est pas improbable que pendant la troisieme revolte des 
Samaritains centre Justinien, Capharnaum aussi, avant sa catastrophe 
finale, eut a souffrir de la part des insurges qui ravagerent villes et 
villages de la Pcdestina 11^.'^ Aussi dut-on fortifier la ville de 
Tiberiade, dont les remparts n'offraient plus que des moncea.ux de 

A I'invasion des Perses, en 614, Capharnaum semble ne pas avoir 
subi les horreurs du pillage et de I'incendie: puisque sur leur passage 
ils trouverent les meilleurs allies dans les Juifs de Tiberiade et du 
reste de la Galilee. 4 

Parmi les ecrivains posterieurs, seul Antonin le Martyr (570) parle 
de I'eglise ou basilique erigee sur la maison de S. Pierre, mais de 
la synagogue il n'est plus question. 

Peut-etre que dans I'Hodceporicon de Willibald (723726) on y 
fait allusion en disant ^iqiCd Ccqjhaniaum il y a une maison et un 
grand miir: probablement les restes de I'eglise et de la synagogue. 
L'une et I'autre etaient done en etat de mines au VII siecle et 
probablement longtemps au paravant, sans doute a la suite des 
tremblements de terre, dont les indices sont indeniables. 

Pendant le long regne de I'empereur Justinien (527 565) ces 
cataclysmes se renouvelaient presque chaque annee et causaient de 
grands ravages dans la Syrie et la Palestine. Nous croyons cependant 
que Capharnaum fut entierement detruite, comme Tiberiade, par le 
tremblement de terre signale une trentaine d'annees apres la conquete 
arabe c. a. d. vers 665 667. ^ 

1 Tout porte a croire que ce document est de S. Sylvie d'Oquitaine. 

2 Couret. La Palestine sous les empereu'rs grecs, p. 137. 

3 Idem p. 186. 

4 Couret op. cit. p. 211. 

5 Lung, ";-n min, Jerusalem 1892, p. 227. 

92 . Journal of the I'alesfcine Oriental Society 

Lorsque la Syiie fut conquise par les Arabes en 636 les Juifs et 
les Chretiens furent chasses de Tiberiade: et rien n'empeche de 
croire qu'ils soient venus jusqu'a Capbarnaiim pour y trouver un 

Les uns y etaient attires par les souvenirs evangeliques, les autres 'k 

par les celebres tombeaux des deux Rabbis Nahoum et Tanboum. J 

Entre les lampes trouvees pendant les dernieres fouilles, quelques 
unes sont de I'epoque byzantine tardive, de meme que les monnaies, 4 

malheureusement trop rares. Un fragment de lampe porte I'inscription 
connue <^\ S^}\ <^J\ <^. II est possible que la colonie des fugitifs ait 
ete rejointe bientot par des Musulmans, qui ont partage avec eux la 
beaute du rivage et la fertilite de la campagne. Une partie des 1 

maisons, retrouvees au Sud de la synagogue, ont ete surement 
construites avec du materiel plus ancien, tombe a la suite des 
tremblements de terre. Dans les murs on a melange pele-mele du 
materiel fruste avec des anciens montants de porte etc., en vue 
d'obtenir des habitations solides avec la moindre depense. 

Au VIII" siecle Capbarnaiim a du perdre completement son 
importance, puisqu'elle n'est pas mentionnee dans le Commemoratorium ' 
de casis Dei (808): chose d'autant plus digne de remarque, que I'auteur 
n'a pas manque de noter I'eglise de la proche Heptapegon et du 
monastere contigu, qui etait habite par dix moines. 

A partir du IX" siecle jusqu'aux Croisades, regne un silence 
parfait au sujet de Capbarnaiim, soit a cause de la difficulte de 
voyager, soit encore a cause de I'hostilite des Musulmans de ces 
parages envers les Juifs et les Chretiens. Les derniers, qui ont ^ 
mentionne Capbarnaiim et laisse une petite note de son etat d'abandon, 
sont Burchard du Mont Sion 0. P. (12831285) et Isaac Chelo (1334). 
Le premier nous dit que Capharnaum, jadis glorieuse, etait dans un 
etat miserable, ayant a peine sept maison de pauvres pecbeurs)>.i 
Le pelerin israelite nous dit que <(Kefar-Na}ioum etait un village en 
mines et qu'il y avait un ancien tombeau qu'on dit etre celui de 

Depuis lors I'ancienne ville de Capbarnaiim ne garde plus que le 
nom, deforme en celui de Tall-Houm, evidemment la corruption de 

1 Burchardi de Monte Sion, Descriptio T. S., ed., Canisius, t. IV, p. 3536. 

2 Cormoly, Itineraires de T. S., Bruxelles 1847, p. 310. 

ORFALI; La derniei-e periode de I'histoire de Capharnaiim 


Tanhoum par un phenomene phonetique tres frequent chez les Arabes. 
Cette etymologie nous parait la plus acceptable, parceque, comme le 
Dr. Macalister en fait la remarque, le site n'est pas un tell (monticule) 
mais plutot un khirhet c. a d. un amas de mines dans un terrain plat. 

Voila, d'apres les donnes historiques tres sobres que nous possedons, 
un rapide apergu de la derniere periode de I'histoire de Capharnaum, 
periode de decadence apres I'apogee de la prosperite et du bien-etre. 
La Custodie Franciscaine de Terre-Sainte a deja fouilee une partie 
assez importante des mines de Tel-Houm, et avec les resultats les 
plus encourageants. II me reste de former un voeux; c'est que le 
Departement d'Antiquites de Palestine, ou un des savants instituts 
archeologiques veuille prendre sur lui la taclie de soulever quelques 
plis du linceul, qui est encore etendu sur Capharnaum, qui restera 
toujours aussi cher aux disciples de Jesus, qu'aux enfants d'Israel. 





In Homer the word is generally applied to the Nile itself, the 
name Neilos appearing for the first time in Hesiod;i but the references 
which Homer 2 has occasion to make speak always of deep sea voyages, 
of swift sea-faring galleys, checked or urged on by fate in some 
expedition to the Delta creeks. 

Aigu])tos is thus synonymous with the Egyptian coast-line and this 
is confirmed by the important statement of Herodotus 3 who says 
that to the lonians AigtqAos meant the Delta only; the rest of the 
Nile Valley was divided by them (incorrectly as he himself thought) 
into Arabia on the east and Libya on the west. 

This Ionian testimony is not lightly to be dismissed, for the lonians 
by the consent of most Greek writers 4 were descendants of the 
Pre-Hellenic creators of the so-called Mycenaean culture and must 
have had trade or pirate relations with Egypt for many centuries 
before Herodotus' time. How is it that they never heard or used 
the Eastern name of Misraim? This name in various forms was long 
familiar to Mesopotamia and Syria, and is of course retained to-day 
in the form of al-Misr. It must have been the name usually employed 

1 Cf. Theogony, 337. 

2 Cf. Odyssey TV, 351 (sense indeterminate), ib. 477 and 581 (definite reference 
to the Nile). 

3 Herodotus II, 15. 

* Herod. I, 145; Thucydides I, 56 58. Cf. Ridgeway, Early Age of Greece, 
1901, p. 95. 



O the Greeks the Valley and Delta of the Nile were known by 
the collective name of Aiguptos. This is the sense in which the ':'-%. 

word has been bequeathed to us, but there are several indications f,^ 

that its original scope was more restricted. f^ 


PHYTHIAN- ADAMS: Aiguptos: A Derivation and some Suggestions 95 

in the later, as in the earlier, Dynastic times: how is it that it never 
reached Ionian ears? 

Two other problems present themselves. Why this restriction of 
the name Aigwptos to the Delta, and why this apparent ignorance 
of the historic kingdom which united the two banks of the Nile as 
far south as the first Cataract ? Not only is Aiguptos not synonymous 
with Misraim but the very titles of Arabia and Libya ignore in the 
most significant manner facts which must have been familiar to 
descendants of the pre-Hellenic Pelasgi. The theory briefly advanced 
in this paper to account for the questions raised above depends 
primarily on a most striking equation. For some reason it does not 
appear to have been noticed that not only is the name Aiguptos 
preserved to-day in the abbreviated form of Kibt (Kopt) but that 
there existed in Egypt from pre-historic times a name which bore 
the still obscure name of Kehti (Koptos). 

The Kopts were originally so called because they considered 
themselves to be the pure original Egyptians who differed on. certain 
points of Christian theology (into which we need not enter) from 
others who were for the most part newcomers to the country. That 
their name is derived from, or in some manner intimately related to, 
the Greek Aiguptos has, I think, never been questioned; what makes 
the equation so singular is that in using this abbreviated form they 
seem, as by some miracle, to have gone back heyond the Greek name 
and sounded a most remarkable echo. 

For Kopts have nothing to do with Koptos, which to-day is the 
modern Keft and (curiously enough) produces some of, our best 
archaeological workmen, all of them Moslems and none of them in 
the least degree interested in Christian metaphysics! 

The word Aiguptos itself seems to demand an underlying K as 
indeed is shewn in its derivative Kopt. Derivations therefore such 
as the once popular Het Ka Ptah (the house of the Ka of Ptah) 
must be rejected. This is perhaps beside the point in the present 
circumstances, for it is clearly our duty to investigate the identical 
form Kebti and try to discover if there is any reason for its having 
drifted as a national name to the Delta. 

Here we enter highly debateable ground. Nevertheless the nome 
of Koptos presents certain features of such peculiar significance that 
we cannot exclude them from our present discussion. 

96 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

In the first place the geographical position of the 7iome is an 
immensely important one: it stands in the face of the Wadi Hammamat 
through which it can control the Red Sea trade or meet invaders 
from the east or south. 

In the second place its god was the ithyphallic Min, a deity whose 
characteristics belong to the Aegaean, and not to the historic 
Egyptian, world. Osiris, the only god who shares them, came from 
the Syrian coast and his affinities are with the Anatolian- Mediterranean 
groups of Attis and Ma, Adonis and Ishtar, the Samothracian 
Mysteries of the Cabeiri, and the Thracian cult of Dionysus. Figures 
of Min have been discovered ^ which belong to pre-historic (pre Dynastic) 
times. In the historic period he enjoyed a certain prestige but he is 
the patron of an older race and his later fame rose partly from his 
oracle and partly, no doubt, from his resemblance to Osiris. 

In the third place it is just in the neighbourhood of Koptos, at 
Ballas, Nagada, Diospolis, Hou, Abydos etc. that modern researches 
have disclosed the most abundant remains of a primitive, possibly 
aboriginal, race of Mediterranean type, whose art, whose pottery, and 
whose burial practices differ toto coelo from those of the historic 
Egyptians. 2 These remains, thought at first by Petrie, their original 
discoverer, to be those of a new race entering Egypt in the Dynastic 
period, are now known from one end of the country to the other 
and it is recognised to-day that they constitute our chief evidence 
for the earliest population of the Nile Valley. Their presence in the 
neighbourhood of Koptos, even though they were found there in the 
greatest profusion, is not in itself a convincing proof of that city's 
primary importance in primitive times ; but taken together with other 
facts it forms an important link in our chain of argument. The 
legends of ancient Egypt supply another. 3 They tell us of an invasion 
from the south by certain Mesniu or Metal-workers who were followers 
of the sky-god Horus and they name the neighbourhood of Denderah^ 
as the scene of the combat between the intruders and the native 

1 Breasted, History of Egypt, 1920, p. 28. 

2 Petrie and Quibell, Naqada and Ballas, 1896. Petrie, Diospolis Parva, 1901. 
Randall-Mac Iver and Mace, El Anirah and Abydos, 1902. 

3 Budge, History of Egypt, 1902, I, p. 44. King, History of Sumer and Ahkad, 
1916, p. 324. 

* Budge ib. p. 45. It was called Khatd-neter "the god's slaughter." 

PHYTH IAN- ADAMS: Aiguptos: A Derivation and some Suggestions 97 

population, and of the slaughter of the latter. It needs little 
imagination to infer that this invasion, if it ever occurred at all, 
took place by way of the Wadi Hammamat. Broadly speaking, the 
stone-using aborigines went down before the metal-users from the 
Red Sea, and these latter, who may not have been as numerous as 
they were superior in culture, formed a kind of bridge-head in the 
Thebaid and thence gradually extended their power to the north and 
south. This invasion has been denied on anthropological and even on 
archaeological grounds. Both must be briefly dealt with here. 

The anthropological evidence is not decisive. If it be granted 
that investigations in the Thebaid by Thomson and Maclver^ shew 
little or no change in the physical characteristics of the population, 
it is a fact, none the less, that Elliott Smith,'- who examined similar 
remains in the same district as well as at Ghiza, notices a gradual 
intrusion of a new type of man which he calls the Ghiza type. And 
even if this does not represent the metal-working invaders, there 
seems no reason why these themselves should not have belonged to 
the same race as the aboriginal inhabitants of Egypt. Anthropology 
is therefore powerless to decide the question. Archaeology yields a 
more certain answer. 3 Although to-day there is a strong tendency 
to dismiss the invasion theory as untenable, those who do so must 
account for the fact that from the first Dynasty onwards we find 
(1) hieroglyphic writing appearing, as if by magic, in an already 
matured system; (2) skilled carving in ivory, sculpture, and bas-relief 
springing up "as if born in a moment;" (3) the introduction of the 
potter's wheel together with a notable decay in the old pre-historic 
designs; (4) the use of brick and the construction of tombs to 
represent chambers instead of their being as before mere pits in the 
ground ; (.5) the appearance of highly skilled vietal working as in the 
tomb of Zer; and (6) an apparent alteration in popular taste as 
regards pottery and articles of dress. 

A writer has said of the first Dynasty: "This is the life of the 
Egyptians and these are the true beginnings of Egyptian History." ^ 

1 Thomson and Randall-Mac Iver, The Ancient Races of the Thebaid, 1905. 

2 Elliott-Smith, The Ancient Egyptians, 1911. Cf. Keane, Man: Past and 
Present, 1920, p. 447. 

3 The facts are well summarised by Thomson and Randall - Mac Iver op. cit. 
pp. llsqq. 

* Ancient Races of the Thebaid, p. 13. 

98 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

It hardly needs to be added that it is from this period that the 
pre-Dynastic practice of burial in the contracted "embryo" position 
gradually goes out and is replaced by the mummification of the 
extended corpse. What can these facts mean, when taken in con- 
junction with the other evidence, but that a new and superior culture 
(even if brought by a race of the same physical affinities) has forced 
its way into the Nile Valley and initiated the historical Egyptian |:i 

life? Add to this two facts: (1) that the earliest Dynasties sprang ^ 

up according to tradition at Thinis^ (their tombs have been found at 
Abydos), and (2) that to Manetho^ the great monarch who began 
the Dynastic line, Menes, is also the land's first "founder," Mestraimus\ 
or, in other words, that Menes the first Dynast introduces the 
name Misraim. 

Now if we accept the ruling of those laws which have been laid 
down concerning the observed influences of geographical environment,^ 
we shall look, in the case of such an invasion as this, for some 
"misery spot" at it is called, some inaccessible region of swamp, fen, 
mountain or desert to which the hardier and less reconcilable elements 
of the conquered race retire. We have no time to consider the 
numerous instances of this withdrawal in history; it will be sufficient 
to mention Brittany, which still retains the ancient tribal name and 
speech, or our own English fen country which long harboured refugees 
from the Danish and Saxon invasions. Such a place in Egypt is the 
Delta amongst whose lakes and marshes Amasis himself in later 
days found a temporary refuge. In the dawn of Egyptian history it 
lay under the protection of the great god Set, who is actually one 
of the symbols of Lower Egypt and as such "appears sometimes 
with (his rival) Horus, preceding the King's personal name, the two 
gods thus representing the north and south" and "dividing the land 
between them"'* as the famous myth of their combat relates. Set is 
therefore, like Min, a pre-Misraim god; it is in the Delta that he 

1 Mauetlio as quoted by Julius Africanus and Eusebius. Muller, Fragmenta 
Historicorum Graecorum, ed. Didot, -p. 539, 

2 Manetho Eusebii F. H. G., p. 526. Manetho Syncelli E. H. G., p. 535. 

3 Cf. Semple, Influences of Geographic Enviromnent , 1914, p. 94: "We find 
tlie refugee folk living in pile villages built over the water, in deserts, in swamps, 
mangrove thickets, very high mountains, marshy deltas, and remote or barren 

4 Breasted, History of Ancient Egypt, p. 38. 

PHYTHIAN-ADAMS : Aic/uptos: A Derivation and some Suggestions 99 

retains his power; and it cannot be a mere coincidence that from 
the Hyksos invasion onwards he becomes identified with the Anatolian 

The Delta^ with its mixed population of Libyan Neith-worshippers, 
Mediterranean Osiris- worshippers, pre-Misraim Set -worshippers (if 
these two last are not to be identified), persisted always as a thorn 
in the side of Dynastic Egypt. It was indeed long before "the 
sacred Uraeus of the north took its place beside the protecting 
Vulture of the south" ^ and if the Union of the two Lands was 
symbolised by the name Misralm, there were not lacking forces in 
this hostile zone to contest the title and challenge at every period 
the supremacy of the followers of Horus. 

To sum up, it is suggested that the name Aigiiptos was derived 
from the pre-Misraim inhabitants who called their capital Kebti and 
their land and even their river probably by the same name. The 
word possibly meant "black" in allusion to the darkness of the 
alluvial soil. The later Egyptian K-M-I (preserved in Al-chemy) 
bore this meaning and we have Hesychius' authority for the equation 
aiyvTTTwo-ai == "to make black". Be that as it may, we have historical, 
archaeological, ethnological, and traditional eviden.ce for our 
hypothesis. A stubborn nucleus of the conquered race, retiring like 
the Bretons to a Jess accessible region, seem to have preserved their 
identity and cherished amongst the ruins of their past the name of 
their country and the hostility of their gods. That name the traders 
from over-seas learned in the coastal ports; may it not have been 
malicious design which concealed from them for so long the existence 
of an ancient kingdom in Upper Egypt even at a time when its 
glories were on the wane? 

There is, at first glance, one refractory point which seems to 
challenge the hypothesis advanced above. It is the initial diphthong AZ 
If Oyptos be Kebti, where does this prefix find its origin? One thing 
we may say with certainty, it cannot have been a fundamental part 
of the name. The Kopts dropped it, the nome of Koptos never 
possessed it. It seems therefore to have qualified the nome in some 
manner, to have been an element capable of detachment from the 
essential root to have been, we may even say, true of Ai-guptos in 

1 Breasted ib. 

100 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

tlie Ionian sense but not true of Koptos or the Kopts. A daringly 
simple solution stares us in the face; indeed it is so simple that one 
propounds it with every possible trepidation. It is well known how 
large a Semitic element is preserved in the ancient Egyptian language 
and, not to press this point, how loan words normally creep in. 
Are we dealing with one here? There is no prima facie objection 
to such a solution, for language ever rises superior to differences of 
race and imposes itself often through the will of a conqueror or the 
interchange of commerce. In this case, then, one cannot help recalling 
the Hebrew word which in our A. V. is translated "country" or 
"island" and in the R. V. more correctly "coast". This word is Ai, ''K. 
When we see the name Ai-Kaphtor (for example) we can hardly 
resist replacing the Kaphtor by a Kebt and studying the result: 
Ai-Kebt, the coast of Kebt, the coast of the Nile mouths, the Delta, 
the land or river to which the ships of Menelaus came, the region 
which the lonians knew and have handed down as AI-OUFTOS. 





ON the western shore of the Sea of Chinnereth, at the southern 
end, in a striking situation, at the very mouth of the Jordan, i 
is found a large mound, whose extent and character point to the 
former existence here of an important town. The narrow pass along 
the lake-shore widens out into a small plain at this point. The 
nearness of the Lake and the Jordan, with their abundance of fish, 
and the fertile plain of the Jordan, which begins here, furnished 

1 "With regard to the mouth of the Jordan at Chinnereth, it is interesting to 
note the description given by the E,ussian pilgrim, Abbot Daniel, who visited 
Palestine in the year 1106 (Palestine Pilgrims' Text Society, Pilgrimage of the 
Russian Abbot Daniel, p. 60) : "The Jordan flows from the Sea of Tiberias in 
two streams, which foam along in a marvellous way; one of these is called Jor 
and the other Dan. Thus the Jordan flows from the Sea of Tiberias in two 
streams, which are three bow-shots apart, and which, after a separation of about 
half a verst, reunite as one river, which is called Jordan from the names of the 
two arms . At the source fish abound, and there two stone bridges, very 
solidly built upon arches through which the Jordan flows, span the two streams." 
Daniel, as he was traveling northward from Beisan, seems to have seen the 
Jarniuk and erroneously taken it for an arm of the Jordan. The two bridges 
which he saw were presumably the Jisr el-Majami' and the Jisr es-Sidd, now 
ruined, near the modern Jewish colony of Betania. Since the distances do not 
agree at all with the facts, the good abbot evidently drew upon his imagination 
for details. I cannot therefore agree with Dalman, who in Orte und Wege Jesu^, 
p. 159, says that in the time of Daniel the Jordan flowed out of the lake in two 
streams, which encircled Khirbet Kerak. Such a unique position of the town, 
situated on an island, would certainly be mentioned somewhere in the literature, 
but of this there is no trace. What Dalman took to be the ancient bed of the 
northern arm of the Jordan is only an insignificant depression, through which 
water flows during inundations. The wall which crosses this depression has no 
arches, which would be necessary in case the water really flowed here in ancient 
times. Daniel's stone bridges were, according to his express statement, built 
upon arches. 

102 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

opportuuity for the development of a large settlement. The road 
from the north to Scythopolis (Beth-shan) passed by the ancient city. 
Accordingly, we are not surprised to find there extensive traces of 
an ancient city. The ruins extend for a kilometer along the lake- 
shore, and the remains of an ancient wall, of buildings projecting 
above the surface of the ground, of basalt pillars, rock-hewn tombs, 
the remains of an aqueduct which brought water to the city from 
the Wadi Fejjas, etc. prove conclusively that a large and important 
town was located here. We can hardly be wrong in asserting that 
this is the site of the most important ancient town on the western 
shore of the Sea, with the exception of Tiberias, which was founded 
at a later period. The Arabs call the mound Khirbet Kerak ("ruins 
of the fortress"); at present it is included within the territory belonging 
to the Jewish colony of Ghinnereth. 

What was the ancient town whose remains are found here? Un- 
fortunately, the majority of Palestinian topographers have identified 
it with ancient Taricheae, mentioned frequently by Josephus in 
connection with the Jewish war against the Romans. For decades 
a violent dispute raged in regard to the site of Taricheae. There 
were many who stubbornly maintained the identification of Taricheae 
with Khirbet Kerak, although every impartial reader of Josephus 
(who is the only one to be considered, since Pliny wrote from second 
and third hand) sees at once from his descriptions that Taricheae 
must have been located north of Tiberias, i Finally Professor Dalman 
has given up the identification of Taricheae with Khirbet Kerak, 
which he had long accepted, along with most scholars. 2 Dr. Albright 
will publish in the second volume of the Annual of the American 
School an elaborate resume of the controversy, with a defence of the 
Mejdel theory, which we may now regard as absolutely certain. 

It is therefore possible to state positively that Khirbet Kerak was 
not the site of Taricheae. Let us then try to reconstruct the history 
of the place, and discover its ancient name from the literary sources. 
Neubauer was the first to identify the site with Beth Yerah, mentioned 
in the Talmud in connection with the Jordan Valley. 3 The Talmud 
says that the Jordan, or better, the valley of the Jordan begins 

1 See Bell. Jucl II 20, 6; 21, 3; III, 10, 1; 10, 3; 10, 10. 

2 Orte und Wege Jesu^, p. 160. 

^ La geograi)hie du Talmud, pp. 31, 215. 

SUKENIK; The Ancient City of Philoteria {Beth Yerah) 103 

south of Beth Yerah: ntOD^I nT"ri"'30 N^ pn^ |\s (BeJchorot 55a). 
This statement and other passages of the Talmud, where Beth Yerah 
and Sinnabris (the Sinnabrah of the Arabic geographers, and modern 
Sinnabrah or Sinn en-Nabrah) are mentioned together show clearly 
that Khirbet Kerak is Beth Yerah. 

The name Beth Yerah ("House of the moon") points to a pre- 
Israelite origin; it is also found in the Amarna Tablets as the name 
of a town near Byblos (Bit-arha). At the southern end of the same 
valley in which Beth Yerah is situated we find another Canaanite 
town with a name of similar import Jericho (im''). During the time 
of the Second Temple, up until the Maccabaean period, Beth Yerah, 
like the rest of Galilee, remained outside the narrow Jewish boundaries. 
We may assume that the population of Beth Yerah was a mixture 
of Aramaeans and Canaanites or Phoenicians, with a small Jewish 
element. The world-conqueror, Alexander of Macedon, who cherished 
the desire of spreading Greek culture over his wide realm, found 
in this region a fertile field for his activities. While the little people 
of the Jews showed bitter hostility toward the Hellenizing plans of 
the Greek kings, the influence of Greek culture spread rapidly in 
northern Palestine and Transjordania. At that time were laid the 
foundations of the Hellenistic cities which remained as thorns in the 
flesh of Jewry during the course of centuries. The Egyptian kingdom 
of the Ptolemies, to whose lot Palestine fell, exerted a great influence 
in the direction of Hellenizing the country. Many cities gave up 
their native names and took new Greek ones. The new name which 
Beth Yerah assumed is found in a passage of Polybius, who wrote 
in the second century B. C. He describes the campaign of Antiochus 
the Great in Palestine in 216, and mentions Philoteria in the following 
words (Polybius, V, 70, Shuckburgh's translation): He (Antiochus) 
therefore broke up his camp again and continued his march (from 
Sidon) towards Philoteria: ordering Diognetus, his navarch, to sail 
back with his ships to Tyre. JNow Philoteria is situated right upon 
the shores of the lake into which the river Jordan discharges itself, 
and from which it issues out again into the plains surrounding 
Scythopolis. The surrender of these two cities to him encouraged 
him to prosecute his further designs; because the country subject to 
them was easily able to supply his whole army with provisions and 
everything necessary for the campaign in abundance. 


Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

The name "Philoteria," which is also found in Egypt, was, as it 
seems, given to the city in order to flatter Ptolemy Philadelphus, 

Fig. 1. Head of Tyche. 

whose sister was called Philoteria.^ So, also, Pabbath Ammon 
changed its name to Philadelphia during his reign.2 

1 I do not know why Dahiian {loc cit.) calls Philoteria "eiiie mazedonische 
Griindung." It is much more probable that the old town, Beth Yerah, simply 
changed its name, adopting the new Greek name to please its Ptolemaic suzerain. 
Cf. Strabo, XVI, iv, 5. 

2 That Philadelphia remained an Aramaean town, in spite of its new Greek 
varnish, is shown by the Gerza Papyri; cf. Vincent, Revue Bibliqiie, 1920, p. 189. 

SUKENIK; The Ancient City of Philoteria {Beth Yerah) 


Meanwhile the small Jewish state gained in strength "as a result 
of the national movement under the Asmonaeans, and began to extend 

Fig. 2. Head of Tyche. 

its boundaries in all directions. The Maccabaean conqueror, Alexander 
Jannaeus, conquered Galilee in the course of his reign; among the 
cities which a late Byzantine compiler, George Syncellus, evidently 
using an ancient source, includes among his conquests is Philoteria. 
Jannaeus tried to strengthen Judaism by settling Jews in the 
Hellenistic cities, but these efforts were soon frustrated by the Roman 
conquest. The Romans gave autonomy to all the Hellenistic cities, 



Journal of the ralestine Oriental Society 

aud under their rule, other similar towns were founded, while older 
cities took Greek or Roman names. Beside Beth Yerah, whose 
Greek name seems by this time to have fallen into disuse, there 
was founded another Hellenistic town with the name of Sinnabris, 
or SennabrisJ The Hellenistic cities did not jDarticipate in the 
wars between the Jews and the Romans, and Josephus relates that 
when Vespasian led his army from Scythopolis to subdue the rebels 
in Tiberias and Taricheae he pitched his camp at Sennabris,'- which 
with its sister town, Beth Yerah, remained, friendly to the Romans. 
Josephus mentions Sennabris, but omits the Hebrew name of the 
adjoining town. 

In the Talmudic literature, Beth Yerah and Sennabris are 
mentioned several times in connection with the name "Chinnereth" 
of the l&ible; with reference to Deut, 3 17, "From Chinnereth to the 
Sea of the Arabah," Rabbi Eleazar explained Chinnereth as "Yerah," 
and R. Samuel as "Beth Yerah," while R. Judah son of R. Simon 
identified it with Sennabris (Sinnabrai) and Beth Yerah together. 
R.Levi said that Chinnereth referred to the boundary of Beth-shan.3 

In another passage of the Jerusalem Talmud we have: "R. Levi 
asked: In Joshua it is written, and from the plain to the sea of 
Chinneroth (pi.). Were there two Gennesarets? No, there were 
two autonomous cities (nViltS^S) like Beth Yerah and Sennabris 
("'"'laiS) and the walled city (1"1D) was ruined and became heathen." ^ 

From the first passage it appears that both places were mentioned 
in close connection with Beth-shan. We find the same thing in 

1 The name is Semitic; the forms Sinnahrt and Sinnaln-i are doublets of a 
type frequently found when there is a S and a T in the same word, owing to 
partial assimilation. The etymon is obscure; one thinks of Heb. senappir, fin," 
but the name is more probably derived from the stem "12S, with a compensatory 
nasalization: cf. Ar. sabhdrah, "rugged tract covered wdth fragments of basalt" 
(W. F. A.). 

2 Bell. Jud. Ill, 9, 7, This is the clearest proof that Taricheae was not 
Khirbet Kerak, since Vespasian could not have camped under the very walls of 
the former without some mention of the fact being made by Josephus. If the 
identification were correct, the passage in Josephus would become wholly un- 

3 Ber. Babba, 98, 18: !?NiatJ' 'n ;nT lois ntr'?N 'n ,"n-i330" nmy.T D'' ni miio 
]Nty n''3 Dinn usvin bv ''h 'n iok .ht n"'ni 'KiaiD noix p''D 'nn mi,T 't ;nT n-'S -leiN 

* Jer. Megillah, 2a: firiD^JiJ 'it? nns? "nnia w nj? nnvni" a^nsm ,^)'7 'i s^nn 
D^^u bv! ntj?ji -jiDn 2-im ^''nnisi nr r^a ]iJ3 nrjit:2N 'itr nVn rn "? in ,i\-i. 

SUKENIK: The Ancient City of Philoteria {Beth Yerah) 107 

Polybius, who mentions Philoteria and Scythopolis together, while 
Josephus says that Yespasian passed by Sennabris on his way to 
Tiberias from Scythopolis. 

The second passage shows that the two sister-cities Beth Yerah 
and Sennabris were designated as autonomous cities. Now in the 
Talmud the terms nVi1t53i< and nv'^ta^S are always used to denote 
Hellenistic cities, corresponding to the Greek terms aurovo/xoe and 

auTOTeAets. 1 

In other passages Beth Yerah appears as Yerah and Ariah; the 
environs of Ariah (n"'"iN Dinn) are specially mentioned, which is 
otherwise only the case when a town is of some importance. In the 
neighborhood are also mentioned such places as the Gubata d'Ariah 
and the Hammat Ariah. Apparently the hot springs of Tiberias 
were mentioned in connection with Ariah before the founding of the 
Hellenistic Tiberias. 2 

The Romans fortified Beth Yerah, and the importance of the 
place as a fortress outlasted its significance otherwise, so the 
Aramaean population called it simply Kerdkh, "fortress," (see above), 
whence the modern Arabic name Kerak is derived. That this 
conclusion is correct is proved by the fact that the Talmud employs 
Kerdkh as a name of the place. 

In connection with Sennabris the Arabic historians describe the 
defeat of Baldwin I in 1113. On his march to reconquer J erusalem 
from the Crusaders Saladin encamped at Sennabris (Sinnabrah). 

At the close of the summer of 1921 I was invited by the Commission 
for Educational Work among the Jewish Laborers in Palestine to 
deliver some lectures on the Sea of Galilee and its surroundings 
before the agricultural cooperative societies and the Jewish pioneers 
who were building the road between Semakh and Tabghah. I arrived 
at Chinnereth while they were engaged in road-construction near 
Khirbet Kerak. Since the road grazed the edge of the tell I had 
an opportunity to examine the debris, and discovered pot-sherds of 
the Arabic, Roman-Byzantine, and earlier periods. Some of these 
fragments are now in the rooms of the cooperative society in 
Chinnereth. I also found fragments of Greek and Arabic inscriptions, 
and a Jewish tomb-stone of a later period. The most interesting 

Krauss, iiti'jnn nmmp, Vol. 1, p. 28, 

2 Klein, Beitrdge zur Geographie unci Geschichte Galildas, p. 90. 

1U6 Journal of the Palestine Oriatal Society 

aud under their rule, other similar town^were founded, while older 
cities took Greek or Roman names, .eside Beth Yerah, whose 
Greek name seems by this time to hae fallen into disuse, there 
was founded another Hellenistic town \th the name of Sinnabris, 
or Sennabris.^ The Hellenistic cities jd not participate in the 
wars between the Jews and the Roman's and Josephus relates that 
when Vespasian led his army from Scytbpolis to subdue the rebels 
in Tiberias and Taricheae he pitched hi camp at Sennabris,^ which 
with its sister town, Beth Yerah, remaird friendly to the Romans. 
Josephus mentions Sennabris, but omit^ the Hebrew name of the 
adjoining town. 

In the Talmudic literature, Beth ^erah and Sennabris are 
mentioned several times in connection w:h the name "Chinnereth" 
of the Bible; with reference to Deut. 3i "From Chinnereth to the 
Sea of the Arabah," Rabbi Eleazar exphned Chinnereth as "Yerah," 
and R. Samuel as "Beth Yerah," while tt. Judah son of R. Simon 
identified it with Sennabris (Sinnabrai and Beth Yerah together. 
R. Levi said that Chinnereth referred to he boundary of Beth-shan.3 

In another passage of the Jerusalemlalmud we have: "R. Levi 
asked: In Joshua it is written, and froi the plain to the sea of 
Chinneroth (pi.). Were there two Genesarets? No, there were 
two autonomous cities (m''J^t^::^5) like eth Yerah and Sennabris 
(^"""l^iS) and the walled city (']"13) was ruied and became heathen." ^ 

From the first passage it appears tha both places were mentioned 
in close connection with Beth-shan. ^e find the same thing in 

1 The name is Semitic; the forms Sinnabrtand Sinnabri are doublets of a 
type frequently found when tliere is a S and n in the same word, owing to 
partial assimilation. The etymon is obscure; oi thinks of Heb. senappir, tin," 
but the name is more probably derived from te stem 13^, with a compensatory 
nasalization: cf. Ar. sahbdrah, "rugged tract crered with fragments of basalt" 
(W. F. A.). 

2 Bell. Jiid. Ill, 9, 7. This is the cleares proof that Taricheae was not 
Khirbet Eerak, since Vespasian could not hav<camped under the very walls of 
the former without some mention of the fact jing made by Josephus. If the 
identification were correct, the passage in Josphus would become wholly un- 

3 Ber. Babba, 98, 18: ^xittB* 'n ;nT "lois "iiy'; 'i ,"m330" n3-iJ?/T D^ ni n-i33D 
]i<w n^n ninn :N\nn bv 'ib 'i -dsn .m-' n"'3i 'n33D sin po-D '-o mi,T 't ;m^ n^a idix 

Jer. Megillah, 2a: rino^ju ^iii? nnsJO "nn d^ ns? naiyni" n^nsni ,"'i'? 't 3'nn 
D"u h^ nti^yji inan aim ^^^2i^ ht nn iiJ3 nviUN -iB' s^n rn vh in ,vn. 

SUKENIK: The^ncieut difcy of Philoteria (Beth Yerah) 107 

Polybius, who mentions Philoteria and Scythopolis together, while 
Josephus says that Ye:)asian passed by Sennabris on his way to 
Tiberias from Scythopos. 

The second passage hows that the two sister-cities Beth Yerah 
and Sennabris were defgnated as autonomous cities. Now in the 
Talmud the terras nViltaX and DV'ptslK are always used to denote 
Hellenistic cities, correoonding to the Greek terms avTovofwi and 

In other passages Bdi Yerah appears as Yerah and Ariah; the 
environs of Ariah (rT'l^ Dinn) are specially mentioned, which is 
otherwise only the case hen a town is of some importance. In the 
neighborhood are also mntioned such places as the Gubata, d'Ariah 
and the Hammat Ariah Apparently the hot springs of Tiberias 
were mentioned in connetion with Ariah before the founding of the 
Hellenistic Tiberias. 2 

The Romans fortified Beth Yerah, and the importance of the 
place as a fortress oulasted its significance otherwise, so the 
Aramaean population cafed it simply KerakJi, "fortress," (see above), 
whence the modern Aibic name KeraJc is derived. That this 
conclusion is correct is joved by the fact that the Talmud employs 
Kerakh as a name of tht place. 

In connection with Senabris the Arabic historians describe the 
defeat of Baldwin I in 113. On his march to reconquer J erusalem 
from the Crusaders Salacn encamped at Sennabris (Sinnabrah). 

At the close of the sumier of 1921 I was invited by the Commission 
for Educational Work aiong the Jewish Laborers in Palestine to 
deliver some lectures on the Sea of Galilee and its surroundings 
before the agricultural coperative societies and the Jewish pioneers 
who were building the rod between Semakh and Tabghah. I arrived 
at Chinnereth while theywere engaged in road-construction near 
Khirbet Kerak. Since th road grazed the edge of the tell I had 
an opportunity to examin(the debris, and discovered pot-sherds of 
the Arabic, Roman-Byzanne, and earlier periods. Some of these 
fragments are now in th rooms of the cooperative society in 
Chinnereth. I also found figments of Greek and Arabic inscriptions, 
and a Jewish tomb-stone f a later period. The most interesting 

1 Krauss, no'pnn nvaionp, Vc 1, p. 28. 

2 Klein, Beitrdge zur Geogrohie und Geschichte Galildas, p. 90, 


Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

find is a marble head of a Greek Tyche, or Fortune, of the first 
centuries A. D,, which points again to a Hellenistic settlement here. 
It would be most desirable to have an archaeological society take 
up the task of excavating Khirbet Kerak. In this way only will it 
be possible to know whether the ancient Canaanite town of Chinnereth 
is buried under the debris of the later Beth Yerah or Philoteria. 

* * r 

(Mr. Sukenik has secured several fragmentary inscriptions from 
Khirbet Kerak, which are appended here. First there is a very 

Fig. 3. Kufic inscription from Khirbet Kerak. 

archaic Kufic inscription, which, as Dr. Mayer assures me, must date 
back to the first or second centuries of the Hijrah. The present 
fragment measures 16xi4x,5 cm., but the original text was about 
40 cm. long, and at least 20 cm. wide. Unfortunately only the pious 
introductory formula has survived, but another fragment may turn up. 
The stone is marble. I have to thank my friend 'Omar Eifendi for 
assistance in establishing the exact formula employed. 

[ ^, VI] 

SUKEKIK: The Ancient City of Philoteria {Both Yerah) 109 

"In the name of God, the compassionate, the merciful, 

Praise be to God, the only One, in Whose hands is the dominion; 

He has no companion; there is no might nor power 

Except in Him . . ." 

A fragment of a marble inscription, which probably once was 
inserted in an ornamental frieze above a door, runs as follows: 

[. . . ro\v OLKov S[. . .] 

From Beth Gan, a small Jewish colony south of Yemma, and a 
few miles southwest of Chinnereth, there comes this fragment of a 
tomb inscription, copied from a good photograph. 

['Ei'^^aSe Kurai (?) Ma^j^aro[s . . .] 

[ ]6 apy\ijmv^pir>js (?)] 

[ ]^ /^[ ] 

[ ]TOd[s . . .] 

["Here lies (?)] Matthew [ ] the arch[imandrite (or archdeacon, 
etc.) . . .] [who lived . . .] years [ ]." ~ VY. F. A.) 





PALESTINE does not come into the full light of history until 
the Egyptian occupation, which lasted intermittently from about 
1550 B. C until 1170, when the last great conquering Pharaoh, 
Rameses III, died. The first generation to emerge clearly from the 
shadows lived in the first half of the fifteenth century, when 
Tuthmosis III subjugated Palestine, repeating the little -known 
expeditions of his grandfather, Tuthmosis I. A century later, under 
the Pharaohs Amenophis III and lY, a flood of illumination bursts 
upon us, thanks to the rich information contained in the Amarna 
Tablets. A little more than a century after the close of the Amarna 
period, probably about 1230 B. C.^ the, history of the Israelite people 
begins with the entrance into the Promised Land. 

Yet yfe can no longer speak of the fifteen hundred years which 
elapsed before the rise of the Eighteenth Dynasty in Egypt as 
belonging to the prehistory of Palestine, since the number of 
references to the land and its immediate neighbours in hieroglyphic 
and cuneiform literature of the third millennium is slowly but steadily 
increasing. Moreover, the excavations of Gezer, Lachish, Taanach, 
Megiddo, and Jericho now also of Beth-shan enable us, when they 
are properly interpreted, to form a clear and even vivid picture 
of the vicissitudes of early Palestinian culture, and of the foreign 
conquests and influences to which it was subjected. We will, there- 
fore, in this paper, survey the evidence at our command for the 
period lying between 3000 and 1600 B. C. the morning twihght of 
Palestinian history, considering first the external monumental 

> See the discussion in the Journal, Vol. I, pp. 62 (i6. 

ALBRIGHT: Palestine in the Earliest Historical Period 111 

evidence, and secondly the conclusions to be drawn from the local 

Since Palestine lies athwart the road of commerce and communica- 
tion from Mesopotamia to Egypt, it must have been profoundly 
influenced by these two centres of our earliest civilization, and we 
should expect to find traces of this influence well back in the 
aeneolithic age. The time has long since passed when Egyptologists 
and Assyriologists could live in separate compartments, each 
unaffected by the work of the other. It is now certain that a 
profound Mesopotamian influence was exerted on Egypt in the fourth 
millennium, and probable that in the first centuries of the third 
millennium the phenomenal development of Egyptian art was echoed 
in Babylonia.' We should expect some explicit testimony to the 
relations which undoubtedly existed between the two countries during 
the age -of the Dynasty of Akkad (c. 29.502750). The long reigns 
of the first and fourth kings of this dynasty, Sargon I and Naram- 
8in, brought about a great expansion of Mesopotamian political 
power, as we know now from numerous inscriptions of these monarchs, 
as well as documents of a later date, describing their exploits or 
glorifying them. 

The conquests of Sargon, during the fifty-five years of his reign, 
extended far and wide in all directions; he claims to have conquered 
the West from the Silver Mountains (the Taurus) to the Cedar 
Forest (Mount Lebanon). However, these districts, though valuable 
economic assets to Babylonia, by no means represented the actual 
limits of his raids. In central Asia Minor, Sargon founded the 
Babylonian commercial colony of GaniS or Kanis (Kiil Tepe) on the 
great Anatolian trade-route. His activities in connection with his 
conquest of Cappadocia and the foundation of the colony of merchants 
{mare tamJmri) in Ganis are celebrated in an epic entitled "The 
King of Battle" (sar tamhari), portions of which have been found at 

1 Hommel has long stressed the fact that sporadic Mesopotamian influences 
existed in eai-ly Egypt, but his tendency to overrate their importance, and even 
to derive Egyptian civilization from Babylonia created an opposition which led 
I to the opposite extreme. Now we have, in Langdon's valuable paper in Jour, of 

Eg. Arch., VII, 133 155, an excellent resume of the subject, with many new 
contributions. After Langdon's work, it cannot be doubted that Mesopotamian 
influence on predynastic Egypt was very strong, and that the brilliant development 
of Egyptian art in the early dynastic period had a reflex in Babylonia. 

112 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

Assur, as well as at Tell el-Amarna (in Hittite orthography), thus 
appearing to have made a tremendous impression on contemporaries. 
The city of Bursahanda, mentioned frequently in the tablet from 
Tell el-Amarna, appears constantly in the business documents of 
the colony at Ganis from the second half of the third millennium as 
Burushatim, the Burushanda of the history of Naram-Sin (CT XIII, 44) 
and the J^arsuhanta of the Hittite chronicles, i In the southwest, 
also, Sargon's campaigns extended beyond Mari, or northeastern 
Syria, and Ibla, or northwestern Syria, over Lebanon to Yarmuti, 
the ancient name of Philistia and Sharon.2 Later traditions, preserved 
in the omen tablets, state that Sargon I also crossed the Western 
Sea (Mediterranean), but as the King Chronicle says instead that 
he crossed the Eastern Sea (Persian Gulf) it is unwise to stress 
these assertions. 

The conquests of Naram-Sin (c. 28752820) exceeded those of 
his illustrious great-grandfather in all directions. To the east they 
included Bahrein, 3 Elam, and the Zagros, where he set up his stele 
on Mount Tibar. In Asia Minor he came to the rescue of the 
beleaguered colonists at Ganis, and according to a Hittite text 

1 See Ehelolf, Orient. Literaturz., Vol. XXIV, p. 121. 

^ In an article to appear in the Jour, of the Am. Or. Soc. the writer has given 
new evidence for this location of Yarimuta, in addition to that presented 
JEA VI, 92, and VII, 81. Amarna, No. 296 seems to require the location of 
both Gaza and Joppa in Yarimuta, under the direct authority of its prefect, 
Yanhamu. Sayce's view, JEA VI, 296, that Yarimuta was in the heart of 
northern Syria is based upon a series of errors and misunderstandings which 
have been exposed in the paper to appear in JAOS. The "classical Armuthia" 
with which he combines Yarimuta does not even exist, but is based upon a note 
of Tompkins, Trans, of the Soc. of Bib. Arch., Vol. IX, 242, where the latter 
suggests the identification of Yarimuta with the little modern village of Armuthia 
(properly Armudja) an hour south of Killis. Langdon, JEA VII, 139, n. 2, 
states his agreement with the winter's position. 

3 Since Langdon still holds to his old identification of Tilmun with the coast 
of Persia, we may refer again to the treatment of the evidence in Am. Jour, of 
Sem. Lang., Vol. XXXV, 182185. Tilmun was certainly an island in the Persian 
Gulf, sacred from the earliest times. With this agrees the fact that Bahrein is 
covered with an extraordinary number of Babylonian burial mounds. Its distance 
from the old mouth of the Euphrates coincides exactly with Sargon Ill's statement 
that it was thirty double-hours, or sixty sailing (not marching) hours away, which 
would correspond to a distance of 250350 miles by water. Bahrein is now 
about 275300 miles from the Babylonian coast; 2600 years ago the distance 
was at least fifty miles greater. 

ALBRIGHT: Palestine in the Earliest Historical Period 113 

recently deciphered by Forrer, defeated a coalition of seventeen 
Anatolian kings who had "rebelled" against him. A tangible proof 
of his wars in Armenia is afforded by the discovery of his stele 
found in situ near Diarbekr in southwestern Armenia. His greatest 
victory was gained early in his reign, after consolidating his dominions 
in Mesopotamia. This was the defeat, and apparently capture of 
Manum or Manium king of Magan. As the writer has shown in a 
series of papers, it is probable that Magan denotes Egypt, known 
then, or a little later, to the Babylonians as Siddiri, probably a 
corruption of the same Egyptian word from which Semitic Misri, 
later Hebrew Misrayim, is derived. ^ The writer's additional view 

1 The writer's position has been stated and defended JEA VI, 8998, 295; 
VII, 80 86; and in a paper, "New Light on Magan and Meluha," to appear in 
JAOS. A number of scholars have come out in opposition, especially Sayce, 
JEA VI, 296; Hall, JEA VII, 40; Langdon, JEA VII, 133155 (with significant 
concessions). Important new material has vastly increased the complexity of the 
situation, while furnishing many new arguments for the writer's position. The 
text published by Schroeder, Keilschrifttexte mis Assur verschiedenen Inhalts, 
No. 92, line 30: 120 here siddu iStu mihri ndr Puratti adi pat mat Mehihha mat 
Mari, must naturally be rendered "120 fZo(We-hours distance (lit. length) from 
the Euphrates barrage to the border of Meluhha and Mari." The word siddu 
always means "length, distance," never "coast-line," as Langdon renders, 
JEA VII, 143. The preceding line, which mentions the border between Sumer 
(Babylonia) and Mari (at this period Syria, as shown by its being equated in 
Schroeder, No, 183, 11 with mat Haiti), shows that the barrage in question was 
located in the Middle Euphrates ; dams in this district are mentioned by Strabo, 
XVII, i, 9, and the Hindiyeh barrage, somewhat lower down, survives to the 
present day, as may be seen by reference to Willcocks' works on Mesopotamian 
irrigation, passim. The actual distance in marching hours by way of Palmyra 
between the Euphrates at Salehiyeh and Raphia, for thousands of years the 
Egyptian boundary, is 200 250, which agrees excellently with the 240 hours 
given. The inscriptions of the Sargonids jprove to satiety that Meluhha (properly 
Ethiopia) then meant Egypt, which an Ethiopian dynasty then ruled ; an express 
statement of this fact is made by Sargon III, in his Triumphal Inscription, 
line 102 f. As Langdon grants, the term Meluhha was employed in the Amarna 
Tablets as a literary designation for the more familiar Kasi; in the Rib-Addi 
correspondence Meluhha and Kasi interchange, and Ka\si'\ is once given as gloss 
to Meluhha (after the oblique stroke which always indicates glosses in the 
Amarna Tablets). The extension of the term Meluhha to cover Egypt in the 
Sargonid period naturally displaced Magan, which in the Esarhaddon texts 
therefore means Syria; when the king marches from Syria into Egypt he is said 
to go from Magan to Meluhha. This situation is further illustrated by the text 
Schroeder, No. 183, line 13, which gives the early Babylonian equivalent of the 
Sumerian Magan or Maganna as mat Siddiri, and identifies it with the late 
Assyrian mat Dumu or Adumu, Edom (including Sinai), In a letter to the 

114 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

that Manum (the m is merely the Babylonian nominative ending, as 
in Guthim, etc.) is no other than Menes, first king of the Thinite 
kingdom, who seems to have fallen into the hands of a hostile army 
at the end of his reign, is dependent upon the relative chronology 
of Egypt and Babylonia, which is not yet fixed in the early period. ^ 

writer, dated Dec. 11, 1921, Schroeder kindly states that the reading [mat] Dn-u-[ ] 
is certain from a new collation, and that there was nothing but nuit before the 
du, but the oblique wedge of the mu appears clearly in his published copy, and 
it is possible that there is room for a between mat and du, since the names in 
this column do not all commence in the same vertical line. There can be little 
doubt, then, that Edom is meant. As Esarhaddon's desert march to Egypt began 
from Edomite territory, Magan seems to have the same meaning in his 
inscriptions also. The equation is just as inexact as the scribe's other 
identifications of Amurru (Syria) with Assyria, and Mari (properly a disti-ict in 
northeastern Syria) with Syria as a whole. Elsewhere it will be shown that 
Siddiri is probably a corruption of the same Egyptian word from which Misri 
is later derived, a word referring presumably to the frontier fortifications (Heb. 
Sur, "wall"). 

In this connection it may be well to refute a number of the new arguments 
adduced by Langdon, JEA VII, 142145 and 149151. He states that an 
inscription of Naram-Sin refers to his conquest of Tilmun, Magan, and Meluhha 
with their seventeen kings and ninety thousand soldiers. The text in question, 
CT XIII (not XV), 44, mentions the conquest of Subartu, Gutium, Elam; Tilmun, 
Magan, and Meluhha, Obv. ii, 1117. In lines 18 ff. the defeat of the seventeen 
kings is mentioned, but, so far from their having any connection with the 
preceding countries, they all ruled in Asia Minor, as proved by the new Hittite 
version of a text of Naram-Sin, described by Forrer, MDOG 61, 29. According 
to this important text seventeen kings of Asia Minor (see above) including the 
kings of Hatte, Kanis and Kursaura (NW of Tyana) rebelled against Naram-Sin, 
but were defeated in a great battle. Laiigdon further quotes Nies, TJr Dynast// 
Tablets 58, iv, 133, to prove that a man from Magan bore a Sumerian name. 
The text simply reads Ur-Esir {KA-DI) dumu Lu-ma-gan-na, i. e. "Ur-Esir, son 
of Lumaganna." A man from Magan who immigrated into Babylonia and 
married a Babylonian wife would naturally give his son a Babylonian name. 
Another man in the Nies texts called Meluhha, who doubtless had been brought 
from Meluhha as a slave, gave his son the name Ur-Lama. 

Langdon {ibid. p. 150) stresses the question of the sdmtu stone, which the 
vocabularies derive from Meluhha. I have urged the identification of the 
sdmtu stone with malachite; Langdon's objections show that he had not 
looked up my discussion of the word. The word sdmtu belongs with soham, 
and has nothing to do with sdmu, "tawny red," which has a wholly distinct 
ideogram. I shall show elsewhere that the sdmtii stone was green, and hence 
refers to various kinds of malachite and turquoise, as may also be seen from the 
vocabulary published by Scheil, RA XV, 118. 

1 The uncertainty of Babylonian chronology is shown by the dates for Naram- 
Sin given by the latest investigators. Langdon places him 2795 B. 0., Clay 2770 

ALBRIGHT: Palestine in the Earliest Historical Period 115 

If the synchronism is correct, we may place the accession of Menes 
about 290(1 B. C, and that of Naram-Sin about 2875; the conflict 
l)etween the two mighty rulers of the ancient East would fall a few 
years later, perhaps on Palestinian soil. Be that as it may, the 
monumental record of raids into Palestine begins about the opening 
of the third millennium, with the invasion of the Philistine plain by 
Sargon I, and the expedition of Menes's successor, Athothis, into 
Asia.i We may safely assume that some of the many Egyptian 

and Weidner (revised) 2607. AYeidner's low date is produced by his theory that 
the Second Dynasty of Babylon was entirely contemporaneous; the writer has 
combated it in Rev. d^Assyriol. XVIII, 1 12 (unfortunately, the article is full 
of misprints, owing to the lack of a final proof-reading), defending the dates of 
Kugler and Thureau-Dangin. Valuable additional proof that the Second Dynasty 
came to a close at the beginning of the Third is furnished by the fact that 
Assur 4128 writes the names Eagamil and G[an]dus in the same line, contrary to 
its practise, while VAT 9-470 places [G]an[dus] after [Melam]mi-ku[rkurra], thus 
omitting Eagamil entirely. The King Chronicle should then be corrected to read 
"Agum son of Gandas (or Gaudus)" instead of "son of Kastilias"; the Sea Lands 
fell into Ulam-Burias's hands about 1720, whereupon the conqueror was attacked 
by Agum (17261704). While" the latter seems to have been at first successful, 
he was finally overthrown by Kastilias, brother of Ulam-Burias, who founded a 
new Kossean dynasty in Babylon. The compilers of the lists discovered somewhere, 
we may suppose, the statement that Gandas and Ea-gamil were contemporaries. 
If our reconstruction is correct, the Second Dynasty began with the death of 
Hammurabi; as we know from various sources, Samsu-iluna suppressed most of 
the revolts which broke out after his father's death, but failed to reduce Ilimailu, 
founder of the Second Dynasty. 

The other chronological difficulty, adduced by Langdon, who accepts Kugler's 
dates, is that the Fifth Dynasty of Erech can hardly have lasted over fifty years, 
whereas the writer's theory demands a duration of at least a century. But since 
the Legrain tablet, as will be pointed out elsewhere, allows for three-four kings 
in the dynasty, and Gudea was apparently contemporaneous with Lugal-kisalsi II, 
of this dynasty, a longer duration than fifty years is probable. It required some 
time for the peaceful conditions reflected in the inscriptions of Gudea to develop, 
after the long rule of foreign barbarians. 

No new material bearing on Egyptian chronology has come to light. The 
chief problem is that of the length of time which elapsed between the Sixth 
and the Twelfth Dynasties, which the writer has fixed at about a century and 
a half. The calendaric confirmations of the low dates for the Sixth Dynasty, 
which have been marshalled in my former papers, are strongly supported by the 
genealogical and archaeological evidence. Eisher's work has led him to believe 
that the interval in question was very short, and the explorations of the 
MetroxDolitan Museum Expedition in Upper Egypt are even more convincing. 
The earliest probable date for Menes is c. 3100. 

1 See Borchardt, Mitt, der Vorderas. Ges., 1918, pp. 342345. The term used 
for the defeat of the Asiatics is sqr Styt. 

116 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

kings of Upper and Lower Egypt before Menes,' and of the early 
Sumerian kings of Kis and Mari had raided Syria in their time, 
hut we have no monumental evidence for our supposition. 

From now on for nearly a millennium there is no direct monumental 
evidence for Mesopotamian contact with Palestine, but there is plenty 
for Babylonian relations with Syria. Gudea, a powerful ruler of the 
south-Babylonian city of Lagas, in the closing days of the Fifth 
Dynasty of Erech (c. 26002475) tells us at length of his commercial 
relations with Syria and Egypt (Magan), mentioning a number of 
districts in Syria, such as Ibla and Subsalla, Mount Amanus, etc. 
The name of Syria perhaps including Palestine at that time was 
Tidnum, or Tidanum, written ideographically MAB-TU^^, afterwards 
pronounced Amurii, when the Semitic Amorites had occupied the 


country. In the following Ur Dynasty we have no allusion to 
conquests in Syria, 2 but it is certain that commercial relations must 
have existed between Babylonia, Syria, and Egypt. The period of 
the Ur Dynasty represents the most flourishing period of Babylonian 
commerce in Cappadocia, as well as in Babylonia itself. A tablet 


from the Ur Dynasty speak of messengers being sent to various 
lands; among them is one sent to Egypt (Magan). 3 

With the close of the Ur Dynasty we begin to note signs of 
racial movements in the West. Gimil-Sin, the last king of the 
dynasty but one, had to build a rampart to keep the incursions of 
the Tidnu in check; by "Tidnu" here is probably meant the Amorites, 
who invaded Babylonia a century and a half later and established 

1 For wearers of the double crown of Upper and Lower Egypt on the Cairo 
fragment of the Palermo Stone see Gardhaer, JEA III, 144 f., and especially 
Breasted, University of Chicago Record, Vol. VII, p. 7, who found no less than 
ten, during a prolonged study of the stone itself. Egyptian chronology began 
with the Introduction of the Calendar, B. C. 4241, but thirteen centuiies is not 
too much to assume for the long series of prehistoric dynasties before Menes, 
and fifteen hundred years is little enough time for the development of government 
in Egypt to the highly organized bureaucratic system of the Memphite period. 

2 Formerly some scholars, notably Sayce, identified some of the names of 
conquered places mentioned in the date-formulae of the Ur Dynasty with Syrian 
and Palestinian towns, but now all the places in question are known to belong 
east of the Tigris. Marhasi (Par'ase) has no connection with Mar'as, Assyrian 
Marqasi, nor has Humurti anything to do with Gomorrah, tempting though the 
association was. 

3 Nies, Ur Dynasty Tablets, No. 84, 6. 

ALBRIGHT: Palestine in the Earliest Historical Period 117 

the First Dynasty of Babylon (2225 1925), called by the Babylonians 
the Dynasty of the Amorites {FALA MAR-TU-KI^). It is probable 
that the Amorites had previously established a powerful state in 
Syria, since the title "king of Amfiru" is used as an honorific by the 
two greatest kings of the dynasty, Hammurabi ('Ammu-rawih) and 
'Ammi-ditana.2 Even Hammurabi, however, was politically far less 
powerful that Sargon and Naram-Sin; no trace of conquests in Asia 
Minor or western and southern Syria are found in his inscriptions. 
On the other hand, the inscriptions of Samsi-Adad I of Assyria 
(c. 2030)3 claim the conquest, not only of the Middle Euphrates 
country, but also of northern Syria, where in the land of Lab' an 
(perhaps a mistake for Labnan, Lebanon) on the shores of the 
Mediterranean he erected his stele. After 1950 the great dark age 
begins in Mesopotamia, and for five hundred years we have practically 
no contemporaneous inscriptions. Fortunately, however, we have many 
lists of kings, several chronicles, and a number of late copies of 
tablets from this period, as well as later allusions to rulers and 
events belonging to it, so it is not difficult to get a tolerably accurate 
idea of the course of history in Western Asia. 

A tablet published some twenty-five years ago gives an account 
of the invasion of Babylonia by Kudur-LagamaH of Elam with his 
allies the Umman Manda, or northern hordes, whose leader seems 
to have been a certain Tudhula. Since Babylonia is here called 
Kardunias, there can be no question that we are dealing with the 
Kossean period, and as the writer has shown elsewhere, we must 
probably refer the episode to the first half of the seventeenth 
century B. C.^ It is difficult to separate Kudur-Lagamal of Elam 
and his ally Tudhula from the biblical Chedorlaomer of Elam with 
his allies Tidgal king of the northern hordes (gdyim), Ari-Aku 
(Arioch) king of Alsiya (?) and Amraphel king of Sangar (Hana), 
who invaded Palestine in the course of a campaign against the 

1 Cf. Weidner, Die Konige von Assyrien, p. 40. 

2 Cf. the writer's note OLZ XXIV, 18. 

3 It is now certain that this Samsi-Adad was the first of the name, who was 
a contemporary of the weak kings of the First Dynasty between Hammurabi 
and 'Ammi-ditana. This explains why his inscriptions are entirely in the style 
of Hammurabi. Weidner's date for Samsi-Adad I is c. 1890. 

* For the reading cf. the Journal, Vol. I, p. 71. 

* See the discussion in the Journal, Vol. I, pp. 71 74. 


Jinirnal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

"West, We will take the matter up below in connection with the 
problem of the Hyksos. 

Let us turn now from Mesopotamia to Egypt. As noted above, 
the first mention of an Egyptian campaign in Asia is in the reign 
of Athothis (c. 2900),! as recently pointed out by Borchardt.2 The 
third successor of Athothis, Usaphais, also claimed to have defeated 
the &ttyiv. An ivory carving from the tomb of a later king of the 
same dynasty ("Qa") portrays for us a typical Syrian (Sttij), with 
an unquestionably Semitic countenance. The only geographical name 
known from Palestine at this period Yarimuta is susceptible of 
an excellent Semitic etymology, which shows, if correctly interpreted, ^ 
that the Canaanites already spoke Hebrew. 4 Semempses (Semerhet) 
of the First Dynasty occupied the copper mines of Sinai, and left 
his relief there, high up on the cliff, but we have no indication that 
he invaded Palestine, as Athothis must have done. The first king 
of the Fourth Dynasty, Soris, or Snefru (c. 26o0),5 built a fleet of 
Libanese cedar, and must have had close commercial, probably also 
political relations with Syria. Like Semempses he worked the copper 
mines of Sinai, which gave Egypt the prestige of being the source 
of copper (Magan is the mountain, i. e. foreign land of copper in 
Babylonian texts). Gudea of Lagas, whose vast commercial operations 
we have noticed, may have flourished about half a century after 
Snefru, in the time of Chephren, builder of the Second Pyramid. 
It is safe to say that contact, both commercial and cultural, between 
Egypt and Babylonia in the 26*'' century B. C. was very close. While 
stones and metals were transported to Babylonia in ships, the voyage 
lasting a year, according to Grudea, commerce doubtless ordinarily 
followed the land route through Palestine, which must have been 
enriched considerably. 

In the Fifth Dynasty we find representations of the siege of an 
Asiatic town called iVirr ("]Sleti'a"),6 with brick walls and towers, 
defended by bearded Semites, with long cloaks, who employ the bow 

1 Meyer's date is c. 3275. 

2 MVAG 1918, 342 ff. 

3 See the etymology proposed JEA VI, 92, n. 5. 

- Cf. below on the distinction between Hebrew 'and Amorite. 

5 Meyer : 2840 B. C. 

6 Petrie, Deshasheh, PI. 4. 

ALBRIGHT: Palestine in the Earliest Historical Period 119 

and sling. The nomarcli of Heracleopolis, in whose tomb at Desaseh 
the mural paintings are found, must have accompanied his master, 
the Pharaoh, on the expedition against NcC . Whether the town was 
in Palestine or Phoenicia is not clear; the possession of Phoenicia 
was highly prized, and we know that the monarchs of the Old 
Empire, who held the thalassocracy of the eastern Mediterranean, 
were quite able to send elaborate naval expeditions. Of such a 
character is the naval expedition portrayed on the walls of the temple 
of Sahure', which is represented as returning from Syria with captive 
Syrian chiefs and Syrian bears (c. 2440). i Byblos, Eg. Kb% was the 
focus of Egyptian power in Syria under the Old Empire; the cedar 
forests of Lebanon were the chief objectives of the Pharaohs, and it 
is doubtful whether Palestine was conquered definitely until the 
Sixth Dynasty. Then, according to the account left us by the royal 
general, Weni (Una), Phiops I (Pepi), who reigned about 2275,^ sent 
no less than five land expeditions under Weni's leadership to conquer 
the land of the "Sand-dwellers" (Hryw-S'), a contemptuous appellative 
for Asiatics, originally belonging to the nomads and merchants with 
whom the Egyptians first became acquainted. After a rebellion 
among the Asiatics in the land of the "Ibex-nose" (perhaps the 
Egyptian rendering of a Semitic place-name). 3 Weni conducted 
an expedition by sea to a point at the end of a chain of hills to 
the north of the "Sand-dwellers." As has been seen, he may have 
landed at 'Akka, north of Carmel, and invaded Mount Ephraim. 
Doubtless the Palestinians recovered their independence during the 

1 Meyer : c. 2670. 

2 Meyer: c. 2520. 

3 The curious name "Antelope-nose," or perhaps "Ibex-nose" (the hieroglyph 
iu question is used for "gazelle, oryx," etc.) cannot well be an Egyptian 
designation for central Palestine, but may be an Egyptian translation of a 
native Hebrew place-name. As a mere possibility, it may be suggested ^that we 
have here a popular etymology of the very ancient name "Ephraim," the oldest 
form Of which was *Iprai/im or *Aprayim, meaning fruitful, fertile." The 
element ap means as a separate word "nose," and a word for "antelope," or 
"ibex" (wild-goat) closely resembling ray(im) is preserved in the place-name 
(Gen. 16 14) Beer lahai roi, "Well of the jaw (cf. Jud. 15 19) of the roV The 
latter stands for *rau'i, *rawiy, which belongs with Arab, arwiyah, urwiyah, 
irwiyah, plur. aricd, "ibex". Babyl. arwfu(m) may mean "gazelle" (cf. the 
discussion JAOS XL, 329; the hero Arwium is son of a gazelle), in which case 
*arwiy or *rawty, with the meaning "antelope," was original. 


120 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

ninety-year reign of the faineant Phiops II (c. 2250 2160) i and it 
is hardly likely that they were disturbed again until the rise of the 
powerful kings of the Twelfth Dynasty. Though the latter must have 
controlled Palestine, we have no explicit record of Asiatic campaigns 
except for Sesostris III (1887 1849).2 

Commercial and diplomatic relations with Mesopotamia and 
Northern Syria must have continued actively during the Sixth and 
Twelfth Dynasties. In the Cairo Museum there is a limestone relief 
from the latter part of the Old Empire, showing iu its middle register 
a typically Egyptian scene, but in the top register, which is broken, 
two Mesopotamians with fringed robes, who presumably represent 
either merchants or ambassadors. 3 That envoys were sent back 
and forth with despatches between Egypt and Babylonia in the 
Twelfth Dynasty may be regarded as certain, in view of the passage 
mentioning messengers leaving Egypt with bricks, i. e. clay tablets, 
tied in their girdles.* The latest discovery of this sort is a lapis 
lazuli seal cylinder in the collection of the Earl of Carnarvon, with 
Egyptian and Old Babylonian mscriptions side by side, undoubtedly 
contemporaneous. 5 The Egyptian text reads [ny^wt] hyty Stp-yh-r' 
[mry] Hthr nbt [Kbn] (so Newberry, very plausibly) = The king 
of Upper and Lower Egypt, Amenemmes I (Amenemhet), [beloved] 
of Hathor lady of [ByblosJ.^ There are two ephemeral rulers of the 
Thirteenth Dynasty with the same prenomeu, but we may safely 
disregard the possibility that one of them is intended. The Babylonian 
text has Ya (Pinches pi, which is, of course, impossible) -Id-in-ilu 
ivafrad . . .7 = Yakin-ilu, servant of [ ]. Yakin-ilu is a Hebrew 
proper-name of a very common, though somewhat archaic type, 

1 Meyer: c. 2485 2390. 

2 The dates of the Twelfth Dynasty are astronomically fixed; even Borchardt 
does not venture to oppose the evidence of the Sothic Cycle. 

3 Max Miiller, Egyptological Researches, Vol. I, pp. 911. 

4 Miiller, MVAG XVII, 8f. 

5 See Pinches and Newberry, JEA VII, 196199. . 

6 Ba'alat of Byblos was before the Middle Empire identified with Hathor, 
both in Byblos and in Egypt. When Hathor was merged into the all-embracing 
figure of Isis, Ba'alat followed suit. Traces of an Egyptian temple of Isis- 
Ba'alat from the Eighteenth Dynasty are described by Woolley, JEA VII, 200 f. 
Late Phoenician syncretism became so interwoven with Egyptian influences tha 
Phoenician theology may almost be treated as a chapter in the history of 
Egyptian religion. 

ALBRiaHT: Palestine in the Earliest Historical Period 121 

meaning "Grod establishes." Yakinilu may have been the local 
governor of Byblos (awU Ouhla) like Rib-Addi in the Amarna 
period. Byblos was probably an Egyptian dependency under 
virtually every strong Pharaoh of the Old and Middle Empires, and 
long before Rib-Addi stresses the fact that Gubla was as Egyptian 
as Memphis, Khn was felt to be an integral part of the Egyptian 
Empire by the Egyptians themselves. 

A century after Amenemmes I (2000 1970) we find Sesostris III 
waging war in central Palestine, where he captures the city of Skmm, 
probably a dual of the Biblical name Sekem, i. e., Shechem, capital 
of Mount Ephraim. There seem to have been two ancient strongholds, 
one at each end of the pass on the watershed which gave the place 
its name. To judge from evidence brought forward by Blackman 
(Jour. Eg. Arch. II, 13f.) the Egyptians captured much cattle, which 
they carried with them to Egypt. We may therefore be assured 
that the kings of the Twelfth Dynasty controlled Palestine as well 
as Phoenicia. Conditions are well illustrated by the Siniihe Romance, 
which certainly has some historical nucleus, like the tale of Wen- 
Amon. Siniihe (original pronunciation approximately Sendliet) fled 
from Egypt upon the death of Amenemmes I, about 1970 B. C, and 
traversed Sinai, Palestine, and Phoenicia, not daring to stop until 
he was safely outside of Egyptian territory, in Qdm, that is, the 
district termed "East" by the Byblians, the land of the Amorites 
beyond Lebanon. Here, in the sphere of Egyptian influence, but 
outside the direct authority of the Pharaoh, he is harbored and 
befriended by an Amorite chief, 'Ammi-anis.i According to the 
generally accepted chronology, 'Ammi-saduq was then the Amorite 
king of Babylonia. 

We now come to that most eventful period in the history of 
Palestine, and of the whole Near East, the period of the Hyksos, 
Hittite, and Indo-Iranian irruptions. The provenance of the Hyksos 
and the character of their invasion have been among the most 
obscure problems in ancient history, but now beams of light are 
penetrating the gloom. After the brilliant work of Eduard Meyer 
there can be no doubt as to the approximate date of the Hyksos 

1 Lit. "My people is social;" in South Arabic we have the same name, toiX^OJ?, 
where the )S rei^resents Ar. ^. While the sibilant in Eg. 'myns is anomalous , 
there can be no doubt that this explanation is nearly correct. 


122 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

conquest of Egypt, which took place in the gap between the SB*'^ and 
the 57"' kings of the Thirteenth Dynasty, or between 1625 and 
1575 B. C. The identification of Tutimaeus, in whose reign Manetho 
places the catastrophe, with one of the three ephemeral rulers named 
Dydyms is possible, but phonetically unlikely. The 58"' name is that 
of Nehtisey ("the Nubian") who was a Hyksos vassal. The date of 
the occuption of Tanis by the Hyksos is given by the Tanite era 
of the king 3t-'i-phty Nhty, which began about 1690; i later Hyksos 
kings took throne-names formed with Be, but Nbty, who adopted 
the cult of Tanis, took the name of its god, Set. Nbty is perhaps 
to be identified with the first Hyksos king, Salitis.2 

Most important light has recently been shed on the Hyksos question 
by Ronzevalle's discovery of two fortified enclosures in central Syria 
of exactly the same type as the Hyksos fort discovered by Petrie 
at Tell el-Yehudiyeh near Heliopolis.3 The fort at Misrifeh, studied 
carefully by K-onzevalle, is located about three and a half hours 
northeast of Homs, the ancient Qatna. It is an immense square 
enclosure, more than a thousand metres long on each side, surrounded 
by a bank of earth about 15 metres high, on the average; the width 
of the base varies betwen 65 and 80 metres. Presumably the winter 
rains have reduced its height and increased its width at the base 
of the rampart very materially. The other fort, now called Tell 
Sefinet Niih, "the Mound of Noah's Ship," is about 350400 metres 
on a side, according to Ronzevalle, but remained incomplete. The 

1 Of. the discussion in the Journal I, 64 f. 

2 Nbti/ may be an ideographic writing in hieroglyphics of the name Salitls, 
in which case sal or the like meant "gold" in the Hyksos tongue. In Hittite 
we have similar cases of ideographic writing of proper names; e. g., the name 
MuwattaliS is written NEB-GAL, since this cuneiform group had the Babylonian 
reading muttallu, lit. "exalted." A different principle is found when Hatte is 
written with the cuneiform ideogram for "silver" because this was the meaning 
of hat in Cappadocian, or Arinna is written PU-na, because arin was the word 
for "well" in Cappadocian. 

3 See Ronzevalle, in Melanges de la Faculte Orientale (Beyrouth), Vol. VII, 
pp. 109126, Ronzevalle pointed out the similarity of Misrifeh to the Hyksos 
fortress at Tell el-Yehudiyeh (Petrie, Hyksos and Israelite Cities) but unfortunately 
concluded that Misrifeh represented one of the camps which the Sea-peoples 
established in the land of Amor (Syria) during the reign of Rameses III. This 
is quite impossible; the latter were Anatolians and Aegeans, to whom such 
"camps" were entirely foreign; moreover, they can hardly have maintained 
themselves in central Syria long enough to build such a colossal work. 

ALBEIGHT: Palestine in the Earliest Historical Period 123 

fort studied by Petrie at Tell el-Yehudiyeh is unquestionably Hyksos, 
as shown by the quantities of Hyksos scarabs (Hayan, etc.) and sherds 
of black incised pottery found in it. It is a great enclosure of sand, 
mixed in places with lumps of marl and basalt as well as scattered 
adobe bricks, which was held in place by an outer coat or lining of 
white plaster. In form it is nearly square, with sides of 450 to 
475 metres. The rampart is 15 to 20 metres in height, and 40 to 
60 metres wide at the base. We may consider it as practically 
certain that the rampart at Misrifeh had originally the same pro- 
portions, of one to three. As Petrie has pointed out, the builders 
of the fort must have been archers; we may also observe that the 
mode of ingress by a long inclined road-way, leading over the top 
of the rampart, shows unmistakably that they had horses and chariots. 
Since fortified camps of this nature were wholly unknown to the 
civilized peoples of ancient AVestern Asia, there is no escape from 
the conclusion that the Hyksos came from a land of tumuli and 
earthen ramparts, that is, from the plains of Eurasia. With this 
agrees the fact that they were archers and possessed horses and 
wagons, which they introduced into Egypt. After the writer had 
reached this conclusion, he began to look for evidence from Russia 
or Central x\sia. At this stage Mr. Phythian -Adams pointed out 
that Ellsworth Huntington i describes ancient square or rectangular 
forts, with thick and lofty earthen ramparts, in the region of Merv 
in Transcaspia; Kirk Tepe, for instance, is a square enclosure, over 
three hundred metres long and broad, with ruined earthen ramparts, 
which still are, however, six metres high in places. 

It may thus be regarded as certain that the nucleus of the Hyksos 
hordes consisted of nomadic peoples from the plains of Eurasia, 
probably from Transcaspia, whom the Egyptian, alluding to their 
nomadic character, and punning, it would seem, on the Hyksos 
imperial title, called "Shepherd -kings." It is not necessary to 
suppose that the Hyksos hordes belonged to one race; it is certain 
that they gathered up all sorts of elements into their mass as they 
swept through Western Asia. For example, there were undoubtedly 
many Hebrew clans, especially the Bene Ya'qob, among them, as is 

1 See Pumpelly, Explorations in Turkestan, Prehistoric Civilizations of Anau, 
Vol. I, pp. 219, 226 f. 

124 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

proved by such names as that of 'Anat-har,^ who wears the Hyksos 
imperial title (hq^ IjBsivt^ pronounced somewhat later approximately 
Mq sasoive) and Ya'qob-har. As has been observed elsewhere, we 
have here the historical nucleus of the Jacob and Joseph stories. - 
Other of the Hyksos names, however, are neither Hebrew nor do 
they belong to any familiar language of AVestern Asia. To this 
category we must refer the founders of the Hyksos monarchy, Salitis, 
Bnon, Apophis (pronounced at that time probably Apapi), Apachnan, 
Hayan and Smqn. The others often included in this series more 
probably belonged to one of the ephemeral local groups. Several of 
the names preserved by Manetho are apparently too corrupt to be 
of any use (Aseth, Staan, Archies); indeed when we compare the 
Manethonian forms of - native Egyptian royal names with their 
originals, it appears to be at best a dubious task to attempt the 
determination of the linguistic affiliations of the Hyksos. The writer 
cannot claim to have settled the question, but will limit himself to 
a number of suggestions. First let us take up the question of the 
racial elements which entered Palestine in the first half of the second 
millennium. That they are not of earlier date, so far as Palestine is 
concerned, is clear from the fact that Palestine seems so be pure 
Semitic, that is, Canaanite, or Hebrew-speaking, and Amorite,3 in 

1 'Anat-liar is probably identical with the 'Anat which appears in an 
abbreviated form as one of the Hyksos names on the Hyksos fragment of 
the Turin Papyrus. 

2 Cf. the writer's discussion in Jour, of Bihl. Lit, Vol. XXXVII, 137 ff., and 
Journal I, 65 f. 

3 As we now know the Amorite language from numbers of Amorite proper 
names, mostly from the period of the First Dynasty of Babylon, as well as from 
the names in contracts and letters from the Middle Euphrates, it was a tongue 
intermediate between Hebrew and Babylonian, with strong South Arabian 
affiliations. Its vocalic structure is the same as that of Babylonian and almost 
certainly of South Arabian, differing radically from the vocalization of Hebrew, 
which we can trace back to the Amarna Letters (see especially Leander, ZDMG 
LXXIV, 6176). Like Hebrew and Arabic it preserved the weak laryngeals, 
which Babylonian had lost before 3000 B. C, as shown by the earliest Akkadian 
inscriptions. Amorite agreed throughout with Arabic in its treatment of the 
sibilants, as may be seen from the following table: 

Arabic Hebrew Aramaic Babylonian Assyrian Egyptian Amorite 

s s s t 

S s s s 

s s s s 

s s s (?) 


S (B) 

t, t 

si J') 



s (^) 

s (c) 



S (D) 


ALBEIGHT: Palestine in the Earliest Historical Period 125 

the third millennium. Moreover, the foreign intruders who are so 
much in evidence during the Amarna period, and at the time of the 
Israelite conquest, are not able to impose their language upon the 
country, which remains Hebrew in speech, nor to introduce non- 
Semitic place-names; all the place-names in early Palestine are 
Semitic, and most are specifically Hebrew. The writer heartily 
endorses Clay's position that Palestine and Syria were Semitic lands 
from the earliest times i. e. from the late Neolithic; the Troglodytes 
of Gezer, with their diminutive stature and tendency toward pro- 
gnathism, carry us back into the early Neolithic. The legendary giants, 
associated by later ages with the megalithic works of the Neolithic 
and Aeneolithic periods belong to cosmogony rather than to history. 
Among the mingled tribes whose presence in Palestine in the 
middle of the second millennium makes Palestine seem a veritable 
Eabel, the Hittites easily take first place. These early Hittites are 
to be identified with the Hatte-speaking people of the Boghaz-keui 
tablets, whose language is preserved for us in a few passages in 
ritual texts, as well as a number of bilingual inscriptions (Cappadocian 
or Nasi and Hatte). This tongue is entirely distinct from the 
language in which the vast mass of the Boghaz-keui texts are written, 
which is closely related to Cilician (Arzawa), Luyya or Lydian,i and 
Helladic,2 ^^^ may therefore be termed Cappadocian, especially since 

This fact shows that Hommel was partly right in combining the Amorites with 
the Arabs, especially with the South Arabians, who share a great many proper 
names with the Amorites. On the other hand they were clearly a "West-Semitic 
people, more closely related to the Canaanites and Aramaeans than to the 
Babylonians. The Amorite invasion of Palestine probably fell during the 
23r<^ century, before their invasion of Babylonia under Sumu-abum. They drove 
the Canaanites out of the highland of Judaea and Samaria, which was occupied 
by the Amorites when the Hebrews invaded Mount Ex^hraim before the Amarna 
Period (Gen. 48 22). Apparently, as Clay has pointed out, an Amorite empire was 
then established in Syria and Palestine; Miiller (MVAG XVII, 53 f.) has made 
it probable that this empire made its power felt in Egypt between the Sixth 
and the Eleventh Dynasties (B. C. 22002050). The brick architecture of the 
period shows how thoroughly under Babylonian influence the Amorites were. 

1 See the remarks in the Journal, Vol. I, p. 193, n. 1, and the references cited 
there. The language of the Lydian inscriptions found at Sardes is very similar 
to that of the Luyyan and Nasi (Cappadocian) tablets ; e. g., bira means "house" 
in both Lydian and Cappadocian. 

2 As proved incontrovertibly by the evidence of place-names in Greece and 
Anatolia. It is reasonable enough to suppose that Pelasgian (Philistine, 
Journal I, 57, n. 2) was a related tongue, but evidence is lacking. 

126 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

the non-Semitic names on the Cappaclocian tablets belong clearly 
to it.' Now it is most important to note (what seems to have 
escaped the notice of the investigators so far) that the royal names of 
the Hittite kings of Boghaz-keui belong to the Hatte language, and 
are not Cappadociau, though they receive the Cappadocian case- 
endings,2 The Hatte are therefore intruders in Asia Minor, and 
since their first appearance in history falls about 1925 B. C.,3 we 
must evidently place their irruption about 2000 B, C, just after the -" 

career of Samsi-Adad I of Assyria (of. above), who nowhere alludes f 

to them. It is not accidental that the Cappadocian tablets appear '[ 
to reach as far as the 21^*^ century, but no farther. It is still doubtful :^ 
whether the first group of Hittite kings, Tlabarnas (so Hrozny), M 
Hattusilis I, Mursilis I, Hantilis, Huzzias, Telibinus, etc., comes in 
the 20*'' and 19*'' centuries or in the 17*'' century, where it is hard 
to find a place for so great a conqueror as Mursilis, who captured 
Babylon. However this may be, we find the Hittites in Hebron, i| 

according to Hebrew tradition, in the time of Abram, that is, probably 
about 1700 B. C.^ As Hebron is said elsewhere to have been founded 

1 Cf. names like Histahsusar and NiwahSuSar, Araiva and Araivarhina, whose 
Cappadocian (Nasi) character is immediately clear. 

2 Cf. the Hittite royal name Tabarnas (Tlabarnas) and Hatte tabarna; 
Huzzii/a and huzziya; Telibinus and talibinu, etc.; HantiliS and hantipsuwa. 
Hrozny's efforts to etymologize Hittite royal names from Nasi have so far failed 
completely, though it is naturally jjossible that some of the kings bear 
Cappadocian names, just as Babylonian names are found sporadically in the 
First and Third Babylonian Dynasties. As for the case-endings, note that 
Babylonian gods and heroes also receive Nasi case-endings (e. g., Enkitus, 
Huivawais, Eas). 

3 When, according to the King Chronicle, the Hittites conquered Babylonia. 
Weidner dates this event about 1758. 

4 See Journal I, 65, 68 ff. It has long been a problem why Abram is connected 
by tradition so closely with Hebron, where his burial-place was shown at least 
as early as the ninth century B. C. The absence of the name of Hebron from 
the Amarna Tablets is probably due to the same cause as the al)sence of names 
from Mount Ephraim; it was in the hands of the Habiri, who from Hebron as 
a centre raided the lands of the neighboring Jerusalem and Keilah. The name 
itself, which the Hebrews introduced, means "town of the confederacy," or the 
like. The names Sesai, Ahiman and Talmai are all good Aramaean (i. e. Hebrew 
in the ethnic sense); Talmai occurs in Maacha and in the North Arabic 
inscriptions published by Jaussen and others, while Ahiman ("Who is my brother 
if not god X") is specifically Aramaean in its formation. When Jud. 1 lo includes 
the three among the Canaanites of Hebron, it is evidently confusing the early 
Hebrew conquest with the non- Semitic occupation. Doubtless the Hebronites 

ALBRIGHT; Palestine iu the Earliest Historical Period 127 

only a few years "before Tanis,i it is hard to avoid combining the 
Hittites of Hebron with the Hyksos who occupied Tanis, especially 
when we recall that the name Hayan occurs also as the name of a 
dynast of Sam'aP who preceded Kilammu. Like the Hyksos, the 
Hittites came from Central Asia, as is clear from the fact that the 
Hittite nobility is represented with a distinctly Mongoloid cast of 
features, and a typical East Asiatic queue. Their language (cf. above) 
is entirely different from any known tongue of Western Asia, including 
Sumerian, Elamite, and Chaldian, with its remarkable prefix formations, 
where the root is at the end of the word. While the Hittite tongue 
is not at all like the Turkic languages, it may be related, as Forrer 
points out, to the tongues spoken on the northeastern confines of 
Transcaucasia. Even if the Hyksos leaders were not Hittite, there 
can be little doubt that the Hittites were brought into Palestine as 
a part of the great racial movement which introduced various other 
non-Semitic peoples into the country. 

Another Anatolian folk which now appears in Palestine is the 
Jebusite people of Jerusalem. 3 The two certain Jebusite proper 
names which have come down to us are both Cappadocian, i. e. Nasi 
("Hittite" in the former sense). The name 'AMi(?)-Heha is formed 
with the name of the Cappadocian goddess Hebe or Heba (Hepa), 
while Araima, as Sayce has pointed out, is a typical Cappadocian 
name, meaning "bright, pure, free" (araim-is = ellu). 

Most interesting of all the peoples who settled in Palestine in the 
first half of the second millennium is the Indo-Iranian element. As 
has long been known, the names of the reigning dynasty of Mitanni, 
^aussatar, Artatama, Artasumara, Tusratta, Sutayiia, Sutatarra, 
Mattiivaza, etc., are entirely different in origin from the typically 
Hurrian names worn by the majority of their subjects, and are 
unmistakably Indo-Iranian, pointing to Indo-Iranian migrations from 
the period before the development of the distinct Iranian branch of 
the race. In Palestine, according to the Amarna Tablets, we have 

had given up Hebrew (Aramaic) long since in favor of Canaanite (He)jrewj. 
For additional proofs of the fact that the incoming Hebrews spoke Aramaic see 
my article in this Journal II, p. 68, n. 2. 

1 Num. 13 22. 

2 Hayan was a native of Bit-Galibar. 

3 Cf. Jirqu in ZDPV XLIII, 5861. 

128 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

a whole series of these names, all with excellent Sanskrit etymologies: 


Artamanya, Buzmamja, Namycavaza, BiridaHva, Suyardata, Yasdata, 
Biryamaza, JBiridiya, etc. When taken together with the names of 
Indo-Iranian gods on the Boghaz-keui tablets, and the document from 
Mitanni dealing with horse-breeding, which furnishes a number of 
Sanskrit numerals and loan-words, there can be no doubt that there 
were Indo-Iranian elements in the ,,Hyksos" hordes which overran 
Palestine and Egypt. Since these Sanskrit names are not limited 
to any part of Palestine, but occur both in Galilee and in Judaea, 
one is justified in expecting some mention of the nationality of their 
bearers in the Old Testament. It is possible that they are referred 
to under the head of Perizzites, who are mentioned (e.g. Gen. 13?) 
along with the Canaanites as an out standing element in Palestine. 
The Perizzites are properly, however, it would seem, Hurrians, to 
judge from the name Pirkzi of a Hurrian envoy of Tusratta (note 
the same ending also in the certainly Hurrian name Ahizzi, of the 
ruler of Qatna, modern Homs, near Misrifeh see above). It would 
seem that such names as Widia (Ashkelon) and Zimrida (Lachish, 
Sidon) are also Hurrian (Mitannian). 

The Hivites are another one of the more important of these 
peoples. Since the Shechemites and Gibeonites, who entered early 
into an alliance with the Hebrews, were Hivites, while in the Amarna 
Tablets Tagi, father-in-law of Milki-ilu, and Labaya appear also as 
allies of the Habiru, with whom they shared the central highlands of 
Samaria, one is tempted to regard Tagi and Labaya as Hivite names. 
Labaya appears, as Labayan, in the Arzawa letter from southeastern 
Cilicia, and the name Tagi has been plausibly identified with Toi 
(for ''Tagi) name of a Hamathite king of the 10*'^ century B. C.^ 
The Hivites may then be a north-Syrian branch of the Anatolian 
race though the evidence is too slight for definite results. 

In two passages the LXX has "Horites" instead of "Hivites," an 
alteration which is accepted by Eduard Meyer, 2 It is, however, very 
improbable, since the Hivites are mentioned so often, while the 
Horites appear only in Mount Seir, south of the Dead Sea. Since 
the Horites appear in Gen. 36 as an "Aramaean" people, with 
typical Semitic names, one must hesitate long before identifying them 

1 II Sam. 8 9. 

2 Israeliten und ihre Nachbarstanime, p. 331, 

ALBRIGHT: Palestine in the Earliest Historical Period 129 

with the Anatohan Hurrians, despite the identity of name. The 
Egyptian name for Syria, ffiriv, apparently had an Z,i and so must 
be regarded as also distinct. Coincidences often occur, and there 
must be excellent reason for identifying similarly sounding words 
before such a combination may be said to become probable. 

As the writer has elsewhere suggested, 2 it is hard to escape the 
conviction that the episode referred to in the Fourteenth Chapter 
of Genesis has some connection, direct or indirect, with the Hyksos 
movement. We may perhaps gather our threads together here, and 
point to a possible solution. The name Tidgal-TucUjul is very hard 
to separate from TiidJjalia(s),^ the original Hatte form of which, 
without the Nasi case-ending, was Tudhal, or the like. The leader 
of the northern hordes about 1700 B. C. was thus a Hittite, presumably 
at the head of a mixed aggregation of peoples. It is improbable 
that he had any direct connection with the Hittite Empire in 
Cappadocia, which had been founded by another branch of the 
horde. On the other hand, it is difficult not to surmise that the 
western expedition in which Tidal accompanied Chedorlaomer of 
Elam, about 1700 B. C, was a prelude to the irruption into Egypt 
some years later. While the true course of the barbarian inundation 
may have been quite as complicated as that of the Germanic irruptions 
two thousand years later, there are some isolated facts indicating 
that the Hyksos invasion came from the direction of the Zagros 
rather than from Asia Minor. 1 The Indo-Iranians, who probably 
came at this time into Syria and Palestine, appear in the fourteenth 
century in Mitanni, or northern Mesopotamia; before this they seem 
to have exerted a strong influence on the Kosseans of the Zagros, 
especially in religion. The Avvim (Gawwim) of Deut. 2 23, who seem 
to have been a Zagros people, and appear on the coast of the Negeb, 
along the Egyptian military road to Syria, at about this time,'' 
perhaps came with the Hyksos. It may also be noted that the 

1 Cf. Journal I, p. 189. 

2 Journal I, 76. 

3 Bohl, ZATW 1916, 68, has erroneously identified Tid'al with Tudhalias II 
of Hatte, but the name was a common Hittite one, and the author of Gen. XIV 
would then have termed Tid'al "king of Heth." 

* On the other hand, it is to be noted that a number of Anatolian peoples 
entered Palestine at this period. 
5 Of. Journal I, 187, n. 2. 

130 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

Hyksos fortified camp at Misrifeh, ten miles in a straight line north- 
east of Horns, on the edge of the desert, suggests by its location a 
movement from the direction of the fords of the Euphrates, i Our 
limited knowledge precludes us from speculating with safety upon 
further possibilities. 

With the Hyksos period we have reached the chronological limit 
of our study, which was to cover the period between 3000 and 1600 B. C. 
Let us then turn to consider the results of archaeological exploration 
in Palestine, in so far as it bears on this period. Beth Shemesh 
seems to have been founded about 1700 B. C, and yields no special 
information. The other mounds of the Shephelah, Tell es-Safi (Libnali) 
and Tell el-Judeideh (Keilah?),^ while older than Beth Shemesh, 
were only scratched. Ashkelon has so far yielded only one broken 
vase to attest an occupation in the period 2000 1800 B. C.; other 
sherds of black incised ware demonstrate that the site was occupied, 
as to be expected, in the Hyksos period. Jerusalem was occupied 
in the earliest historical period, but we have nothing tangible except 
potsherds to illustrate the culture of this age. On the other hand 
we have a rich material from G-ezer, Lachish, Taanach, Megiddo, 
and Jericho, to which Bethshan is now being added. In Gezer, 
unfortunately, Macalister was unable to find a clear demarcation of 
strata, so the results are rather nebulous. 

The excavations carried on by Petrie and Bliss at Tell el-Hesi, 
ancient Lachish, were of fundamental importance for the chronology 
of Palestinian ceramics. But since practically all Petrie had to go 
by was the fact that pottery of the type now called Cypriote, but by 
him, with equal reason, termed Phoenician, had been found in Egypt 
along with Eighteenth and Nineteenth Dynasty remains, it is not 
surprising that the lower strata were post-dated. It is remarkable 

1 The Hyksos may have established themselves for some generations in 
Northern Syria before extending their raids as far as Egypt. It is even possible 
that the Hittite invasion of Babylonia in 1925 came from Northern Syria, instead 
of from Anatolia, as generally supposed. Professor Alt has pointed out that in 
Sinuhe, line 98, the (Amorite) "Bedouin" are represented as fighting against the 
hqno hiswt, which seems to mean "Hj^ksos kings," since the royal Hyksos title 
was hqi hiSwt. It is true that hqi h}st meant simply "foreign prince," in which 
sense the term is applied to Abisai (Ybsj), but in Sinuhe the plural oihist is used. 

2 For the identifications see the writer's paper in the Annual of the American 
School in Jerusalem, Vol. II. 


ALBEIGHT: Palestine in the Earliest Historical Period 131 

enough that Petrie, who then placed Menes about 4777 B. C, should 
have put the first settlement at Lachish about 1700 B. C, more than 
three thousand years after the begmning of Egyptian history. The 
site seems to have been abandoned about the beginning of the Grreek 
period, when the brilliant careers of Marissa and Eleutheropolis 
began; Petrie's date c. 450 B. C. is too early, in view of the Greek 
remains discovered sparingly at the summit. Some twenty feet below 
was the foundation of a large brick building, above the layer 
containing the latest "Phoenician" potsherds. Petrie's date, 850 B. C, 
is too late; we must go back at least to the time of Rehoboam, who 
is said to have fortified Lachish, and perhaps still earlier. Bilbils 
and ladder designs on white slip, which are not found at Ashkelon 
after the Philistine occupation, continue here to five feet below the 
foundations of this building, or into the twelfth century. They begin 
about ten feet lower down, or early in the Eighteenth Dynasty. 
Fifty feet below the summit were the foundations of brick walls 
belonging to a city built after a previous destruction, marked by 
thick layers of field-stones and ashes between 302 and 307, that is, 
from twelve to seventeen feet above the foundations, which naturally 
were much lower than the city itself. Now we know from the 
Amarna Tablets that Lachish was then in existence, while envoys 
of Lachish (Ri-ky-h) are mentioned in a list from the middle of 
the reign of Tuthmosis III (c, 1475), published by Grolenischeff 
(Miiller, OLZ XVII, 202 f.) so the destruction must fall considerably 
before. Since Bliss found objects from the Middle Egyptian Empire 
below the burned level, we must probably ascribe this destruction 
to the Hyksos hordes, at the end of the eighteenth century B. C, 
and place the rebuilding of the city in the seventeenth century, about 
1400 years before the ultimate abandonment; the unusually rapid 
deposit (33 feet; 340 307) is to be explained by the use of adobe 
instead of stone, as at Gezer. Below the ash stratum is about twenty- 
four feet of debris, marking an occupation of not over a thousand 
years, from c. 2500 to c. 1700. Somewhere during the early or middle 
part of this age, were constructed the massive brick walls, twenty- 
eight feet thick, which underwent several reparations before their 
final overthrow. From other archaeological parallels in Palestine 
we may conclude that this brick walLwas built not far from the 
twenty-first century B. C, in the time of the Amorite invasions. 

132 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

Let us now turn to Taanach, excavated by Sellin and Schumacher. 
Sellin was unsupported by a trained archaeologist, so it is not 
surprising that his methods were superficial and scientifically 
unsatisfactory. Since the stratification appears to have been clear, 
and the mound is undoubtedly rich in ancient remains, it is greatly 
to be hoped that the work will be resumed by a competent 
archaelogist in the near future. Taanach was comparatively a recent 
foundation, and so little direct light came from it to illuminate the 
period under consideration, but a pardonable mistake of Sellin has 
had fateful results, leading Watzinger at Jericho to post-date an 
entire stratum by several centuries. In the palace of 'Astar(?)-yasur 
were found twelve cuneiform letters and name-lists, which were 
naturally enough placed by their discoverer in the Amarna period. 
Since (Sellin, Naclilese, pp. 30 31) no potsherds of the Aegeo- 
Phoenician (Cypriote) type were found in this palace, Sellin concluded 
that this ware did not come in until the thirteenth century, whereas 
Ashkelon proves that it went out in the following century. A careful 
study of the tablets, to be given in detail elsewhere, has convinced 
me that both script and language, especially the latter, are more 
archaic that in the Amarna Tablets, Consequently, it seems necessary 
to place our tablets during the Asiatic Empire of Amenophis I or 
Tuthmosis I, probably the latter, in the sixteenth century. With 
this assignment the fact that Cypriote wares first become common 
about the fifteenth century agrees fully. 

Megiddo and Jericho, while imperfectly studied, have revealed to 
the trained eye a beautiful stratification, which carries the beginnings 
of the history of these sites far back into the past, laying, when 
properly interpreted, a secure foundation for future work. Beth-shan, 
to judge from present indications, will be the touch-stone to solve 
the surviving mysteries in the classification of pot-sherds and cultures. 
Thanks to the extraordinary depth of debris in the mound of the 
citadel, to its compactness and its exposed situation, which has made 
it the victim of repeated destruction, we may expect the most 
brilliant results, which the sure scientific touch of Fisher will 
accui'ately classify. 

Before sketching the results of the excavations at Megiddo and 
Jericho, it is necessary to stress the fact, already noticed by different 
scholars, but not sufficiently emphasized, that the earlier strata in 

ALBEIGHT: Palestine in the Earliest Historical Period 133 

both are badly post-dated. In the Anhang to Tell el-Miitesellim 
Steuernagel saw that Schumacher had misunderstood the stratification, 
but in correcting the error he attempted to introduce a wholly new 
numeration, which has so confused scholars that few have continued 
their investigations in this direction. Native rock was reached in 
Megiddo at only one place, where it lay 6.20 metres (20 feet) below 
the pavement of "Hall t" in the northern castle of the third level, 
which extended down to before the time of Tuthmosis HI, and hence 
may have been destroyed by him in 1478. It is obvious that 20 feet 
is too great a thickness of debris for two strata only, since there 
can be no question here of accumulation of debris from higher levels. 
Besides, Sclj^jmacher himself (p. 11) states that the first two strata 
here had a total thickness of 3.10 metres, thus leaving as much 
again unexplained. We therefore must assume five strata before 
c. 1478 B. C; in order to leave Schumacher's numeration intact we 
may call the third and fourth 2 A and 2B. As Steuernagel pointed 
out, the foundations of the third level lay immediately over the 
stratum to which belong grave I, containing scarabs of the Middle 
Empire type, and the brick city wall, so we must refer these remains 
to 2B (his fourth). The strata may be classified as follows: 

Macalister {Oezer, I, 1.59) calculates rate of 
accumulation of debris at one in. in six years, 
which would allow a minimum estimate of 
I 1200 years for 20 feet. 
2B c. 21001700 Brick city wall, Eg. scarabs of Middle Empire 


3 c. 1700 1478 Cypriote pottery, Astarte plaques. 

4 c. 1478 1100 Cypriote ware, pilgrim flasks, seal of Tuth- 

mosis III. 

5 c. 1100 725 1 "Phoenician" palace, seal of Shema, servant 

of Jeroboam II (?). 

6 c. 700 400 Iron smithy, Neo-Babylonian seals. 

7 c. 400 200 Remains of Persian and Greek period. 

At Jericho Sellin and "Watzinger found seven strata, the first 
three of which they considered pre -Israelite. The cause of this 

1 Before 300() B. C. 

2 ? 2800 
2A? 2500 

1 Megiddo was probably captured and destroyed by Slialmaneser V, in his 
campaign against Israel. The Assyrians laid siege to Samaria about 724. 

134 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

mistake was ultimately the unfortunate brick wall of the third city, 
which they at once identified with the wall which collapsed before 
the Israelites, though inclined to a rationalistic explanation of this 
miraculous phenomenon. The fourth stratum, however, contained 
pure Canaanite ceramics of the type associated with Cypriote ware, 
which at Ashkelon always precedes the Philistine level (early twelfth 
century on), to say nothing of scarabs and jar-sealings of the Middle 
Empire and Hyksos type. We may date the strata approximately. 

1 ? 3000 B. C. 

2 ? 2500 

3 c. 2000 1700 Brick city wall as in Megiddo 2B. 

4 c. 17001230 1 Cypriote ware, Middle Empire-Hyksos scarabs. 
4AC.1230 870 Site unoccupied, Jos. 6 26; 1 Kings 16 34. 

5 c. 870 600 Early Jewish pottery. 

6 c. 550 200 Vase inscriptions in late Old Hebrew characters. 

At Beth-shan Fisher has devoted his attention so far mainly to 
the top levels of the Mound of the Acropolis (Tell el-Husn), where 
the first campaign brought to light Arab, Crusading, Byzantine, and 
Roman remains. In a vertical section on the tell scarp, he has 
descended fifteen metres below the Byzantine pavement; fortunately, 
the strata are nearly horizontal, so are in situ. At the very bottom 
he came upon a brick wall and a round construction, apparently a 
tower, all built of the same large sun-dried bricks which are 
characteristic of Megiddo 2B and Jericho 3. Above these con- 
structions were Canaanite burials, containing wares of the late "First 
Semitic" (to 1800 B. C.) or early "Second Semitic." A jar-handle 
bore the imprint of an Egyptian seal of Middle Empire type. 
Potsherds of burnished black and brown ware, associated in Egypt 
with the late Middle Empire and Hyksos periods were also found 
at this level. Above this level was a broad stratum containing 
many fragments of white slip ware (Cypriote, with ladder designs), 
after which all potsherds seem to be of the monotonous red, brown 
and black characteristic of periods of indigenous ceramic culture, 
such as the Israelite and Jewish were. This section accordingly 
carries us back to 2000 B. C; we may safely suppose that there are 

1 For the date of the Conquest see Journal I, 66. 

ALBRIGHT: Palestine in the Earliest Historical Period 135 

still at least five metres of debris below the lowest level reached. 
The evidence of Megiddo, Jericho, and Beth-shan shows clearly that 
the first cities in Palestine arose on the edge of the fertile plains of 
Esdraelon and the Jordan, and that the settlements in the Shephelah 
are younger. 

From the excavations in Palestine no cogent evidence for the 
race of the inhabitants of the land in the third millennium can be 
drawn. Yet there is nothing to contradict the view stated above, 
on other grounds, that Palestine became a prevailingly Semitic 
country in the late Neolithic, and remained so until the beginning 
of the second millennium. 

Owing to the fact that hardly any excavations of moment have 
been carried on in the strata belonging to the third millennium it 
is rather too early to make any confident statements regarding the 
culture of the people of that era. The data described in the first 
part of the paper indicate strongly that we ought not to jump at 
conclusions from our meagre archaeological materials. If Palestine 
was, even in the fourth millennium B. C, one of the most important 
commercial routes, the caravans which passed down the coast, 
carrying articles of use and luxury for trading purposes, must have 
influenced the towns along their route very greatly. A land which 
thus early became the trade route between the two centres of ancient 
civilization and one of the chief goals for the campaigns of their 
rulers cannot have remained in barbarism, even for a few centuries. 

It is possible, however, to state definitely that Palestinian 

civilization made a long step forward in the last quarter of the 

third millennium B. C. During this period the great city walls of 

Gezer, Lachish, Megiddo, Jericho, and probably also of Beth-shan 

were constructed. The remarkable tunnel at Gezer, by means of 

which the inhabitants of the city were assured of a water-supply 

from a spring in the time of a siege, and probably similar tunnels 

at Jerusalem and elsewhere date from the same age. The walls of 

Lachish, Megiddo, Jericho, and Beth-shan were built of adobe, while 

at Gezer, where stone was more abundant, brick was only used for 

towers. As Vincent has demonstrated (Canaan, pp. 83 ff.) the art of 

constructing brick walls with bastions was borrowed by the Canaanites 

from Mesopotamia; the difference between the Mesopotamian principles 

of fortification and the Egyptian is so great that there can be no 


136 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

question of Egyptian influence in this phase of early Palestinian 
culture. Though the walls so far known seem to have been built 
during the time of the First Dynasty of Babylon, when the Amorites 
adopted the civilization of Babylonia, it is doubtful whether we can 
connect the two phenomena. The town of Nd\ probably in Phoenicia 
(see above), is represented with bastioned brick walls as early as 
the 24*^ century, so it is more likely that there was a gradual 
extension of the Mesopotamian art of fortification through Syria, 
toward the south, perhaps under the influence of fresh Amorite 

Despite the great improvement in the method of fortification 
Palestine fell under the control of the Pharaohs of the Twelfth 
Dynasty. The evidence from Egypt is fully corroborated and 
supplemented by the discoveries in Palestine. Scarabs and jar- 
sealings of the Middle Empire type have been found in large numbers 
in all sites of this period, especially at Gezer and Megiddo. The 
remarkably large number found at Gezer is not, however, due to the 
relative importance of this town, but to the thoroughness of Macalister's 
researches and the singular good fortune which fell to his lot in the 
discovery of rich tomb-treasure, quite intact, from this period. Among 
the finds were two scarabs of Sesostris I (1980 1936). i Other 
indications of Egyptian occupation at this time were two funeral 
statues Qitp dy nyswt), with the names of Hqi-yl) and Ddy-Amdn.- 
The type of syncretism between Babylonian and Egyptian elements 
described above in the case of the seal of Yakin-ilu, probably of 
Byblos, meets us in Taanach, where we have from the same period 
the seal-cylinder of Atanah-ili, son of Habsum (mar Ha-ah-si-im). 
The Syro-Palestinian origin of the cylinder is proved by the Egyptian 
hieroglyphs (nlj, nfr, Si) which are carved on it, evidently for 
decorative or magical purposes. The name Atdnah-ili is not, however, 
Hebrew like TaMn-ilu, but Akkadian; it appears often in the 
Cappadocian tablets from the second half of the third millennium. 
It is therefore likely that Atanah-ili was a north-Syrian merchant, 
and not a resident of Taanach. His seal illustrates the movement 
of civilization from Mesopotamia into Syria and Palestine. Mesopo- 
tamian culture had two great advantages in its penetration into 

1 With the throne-name Hpr-ki-B'; Gezer III, PI. 205 a, 9 and 207, 4. 

2 See Gezer II, 311313.^ 

ALBRIGHT: Palestine in the Earliest Historical Period 137 

Palestine. First of all, there was no real barrier of language; 
Akkadian shaded almost insensibly into Amorite and Hebrew. The 
states of Hana and Mari on the Middle Euphrates, whose speech 
was Amorite, were intimately associated with Babylonia, whose 
civilization they shared. Secondly, the Babylonians were the 
merchants of the ancient world, and their trading caravans traveled 
far and wide, disseminating Babylonian goods and ideas. For these 
reasons the influence of Egyptian culture on Palestine, in spite of 
the much more intimate political relation between the two lands, 
remained superficial, hardly affecting the life of the people. 

Into this land, with its Egyptian allegiance and Babylonizing 
civilization, there poured, between the twentieth and the seven- 
teenth centuries, a veritable inundation of strangers and 
barbarians, which all but transformed Palestine into a non- 
Semitic land. In division, however, was weakness; among the Babel 
of different tongues not one was strong enough to impose itself upon 
the others, so Hebrew, the native speech of the land, maintained 
itself, and gradually suffocated the foreign jargons. The old culture 
was, however, not strong enough to withstand the flood of Anatolian 
influences, so we find, from the sixteenth century, that the old Oriental 
ceramic art is being replaced by Anatolian (so called Cypriote), i 
Anatolian and Aegean influences now become increasingly important, 
at least in the material culture of Palestine.^ 

Naturally this change did not take place peacefully ; the Canaanites 
did not yield without a struggle. The fallen brick walls of the third 
city of Jericho, referred erroneously by Sellin to the capture of the 
town by the Hebrews, are a testimony to the violence of the struggle. 
Megiddo 2B doubtless fell at about the same time, perhaps earlier. 

1 There can be little doubt that Cypriote ceramics will be found equally 
characteristic of the southern coasts of Asia Minor, where so far no excavations 
whatever have been conducted. Cyprus was always very closely connected with 
Cilicia, from which it was only fifty miles distant. "Cypriote" wares of a slightly 
later type have been found in the excavations at Gordium, the old capital of 
Phrygia. "Cypriote" pottery was also characteristic of Phoenicia in the second 
millennium , as results from the recent excavations there (Woolley, Syria II, 
pp. 177 194; Contenau, Syria I, p. 122). 

2 The religion and mythology of Palestine was in ancient times related both 
to the Aegean and Anatolian and to the Mesopotamian. Egyptian influences or 
analogies are also present. 



Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

Palestine seems to have remained the focus of Hyksos power. 
Hyksos scarabs, including those of the great conqueror, Hayan, are 
common in this period. When the Egyptians finally drove the 
Hyksos out, they maintained themselves for some time in Philistia 
and southern Judah, where their principal fortress appears to have 
been Silhon.^ 

In the foregoing paper we have sketched our subject in broad 
lines, but we have every reason to hope that the picture will be 
filled in by the excavations of the next few decades. Palestine is a 
land of great archaelogical potentialities. 2 

1 See Journal I, p. 188. 

2 Since this paper was written, additional material of importance has become 
available : 

Cf. p. 116 f. Legrain, Historical Fragments, Nos. 3, 6, 9, has published some 
valuable letters of Ibi-Sin, which prove that the Amorites entered Babylonia 
about 2360 as mercenaries of the last king of the Ur Dynasty, in his war against 
the Elamites. After his defeat by the latter, the Amorites remained in southern 
Babylonia, where in 2358 they founded the Dynasty of Larsa, more than a century 
before their seizure of northern Babylonia. 


Cf. p. 117 My identification of Sangar with Hana is proved by Forrer's 
discussion in Die Provinzeinteilung des assyrischen Reiches, pp. 15 17. The 
province of Singara (pron. Singar), called also Rasajjpa after its capital, included 
both the Jebel Sinjar and Suhi, Laqe, Hindanu, and Sirqu (=Tirqa: Forrer) on 
the Middle Euphrates. 

Cf. pp. 119, 121 That Byblos was the Egyptian capital of Syria has been 
proved by the remarkable discoveries there by Montet {Syria, II, 333 f.), of 
inscriptions of the Thinite and Memphite periods, including those of Mycerinus, 
Unas, and Phiops I. 

Cf. p. 121 It is not yet known to all that Gardiner has established the reading 
of "Byblos" in the Sinuhe story beyond a cavil {Notes on the Story of Sintihe, 
pp. 21-23). 




IF one makes a trip from Beer-Sheba southward into the peninsula 
of Sinai, one observes many things which do not correspond in 
any way to what is known in Palestine: climate, geological formation, 
hydrographic conditions, fauna, flora and even remains of the past 
differ enormously. I wish to call attention only to a few points 
which bear a direct relation to the subject of my paper. I shall 
restrict my description to that part which stretches from the southern 
mountains of Palestine directly southward ' as far as the limits of 
civilization, and from the 'Arabah depression in the east to the western 
boundaries of the 'Azazmeh region. The greater portion of the district 
in question (below Bir es-Sabi') belongs to this Bedouin tribe. 

This region is divided naturally by two water-courses running 
from east to west into three zones; Wadi es-Sabi" separates the 
northern from the middle zone. The latter is bounded in the south 
by two water-courses, one running from west to east, the Marra-Fikri 
valley, and the Wadi el-Abyad, flowing in the opposite direction. 
The Marra-Fikri valley rises in the mountains of 'Abdeh, not far 
from the origin of Wadi el-Abyad. Up to Rudjm el-Baqarah it 
bears the name Marra and from here onward Fikri. Wadi el-Abyad 
has a W. N. W. direction and empties into W. el-'Arish. At el- 

A A 

'Odjah it receives W. el-'Odjah and shortly afterwards is called 
W. el-Azraq. 

W. es-Sabi' receives its water from three branches. From the south 
comes W. 'Ar'arah, which unites at Khirbet es-Sabi' with W. el-Butum, 
flowing from the east ; and soon after their union they receive W. el- 
Khalil which comes from the north. Beyond Bir es-Sabi' it bears 

140 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

different names in different parts: AV. Martabah, W. es-Sini, Sel 
Shallaleh and W. Gliazzeh. 

The three zones differ enormously in soil and formation. The 
northern one has a very fertile soil, washed down from the mountains. 
The central region is composed of large fertile patches with much 
larger areas of sand dunes and rocky, flinty mountains, while the 
southern zone is barren and stony. 

Hand in hand with the geological formation goes the fertility of 
the Negeb. All the area to the north of W. el-Butum-es-Sabi' is 
very fertile and when the winter is rainy the crops are most excellent. 

The central zone is not nearly so fertile, but there are many 
valleys, plateaus and some plains which could well be utilized for 
agriculture. The most important plains of this sort are situated to 
the east of the mountain ridge which divides the region from north 
to south into two parts. This mountain ridge protects most of the 
eastern part of the central region from the flying sand which changes 
all places it reaches to inhospitable and barren deserts. The third 
part is a stony, flinty, sandy desert, absolutely worthless for agriculture. 

Hydrographic conditions in the Negeb are very curious. With the 
exception of the small spring of Kurnub I do not know of any 
perennial spring. When the rainfall is scanty, as is very often the 
case, the condition is still more hopeless. Therefore in many places 
deep wells have been dug to reach the subterranean flow of water. 
Such wells are still to be found in Bir es-Sabi', Khalasah, Ruhebeh, 
el-'Odjah. The springs Qusemeh, 'En-Qderat and 'En-Qadis lie to the 
south of our region. These water resources are not enough, and 
additions are necessary. Beduins subsist on the icdcM waters for the 
winter and spring months, but the spring is very short. In the 
beginning of winter these sons of the desert dig pits three to four 
metres deep and situated at the base of two hills. As the deeper 
strata of this region are composed mostly of clay soil, the rain water 
which has gathered in these pits can not seep through. Abraham's 
servants may have dug similar pits at Beer-Sheba and have called 
them "wells." At present they are known by the name hrabeh. In 
the last dry months of the summer the Beduins gather around the 
old Byzantine wells and around Qusemeh. 

After this short discussion of the geological formation, vegetation 
and water supply of the land of the 'Azazmeh, the questions arise: 

CANAAN: Byzantine Caravan Koutes in the Negeb 141 

How could these Byzantine colonies exist in this barren desert? Why 
were they built? On what did their inhabitants live? To solve them 
let us consider briefly the civilization of: 

1. The country to the north of Beer-Sheba, 

2. That between Beer-Sheba and the line el-'Odjah-'Abdeh 

(which corresponds to the central zone), 

3. The lands south of this line, 

4. The land of the 'Arabah depression. 

1. It is most striking to note how the plain south of Djebel el- 
Khalil is sown with ruins. In some places as, for example, the 
country to the west of esh-Sheri'ah nearly every hill shows some 
remains of old habitation. The hill to the northeast of the Tell 
esh-Sheri'ah station, just north of the bridge, shows different strata, 
which indicate superimposed towns. In no place of this region except 
in Khirbet es-Sabi', in Beer-Sheba, and the ruins on the coast are 
remains of large buildings to be seen. The enormous number of 
ruins in this district points to a conclusion which is very important 
for us, namely, that it was once densely populated and that the soil, 
which is naturally of an excellent quality, was well utilized and that 
political conditions were settled. 

2. In the second zone, which is, as we have seen, sandier, drier 
and much less fertile, we find, to our great astonishment, many 
ruins of what must once have been large and important villages. 
The houses are built of solid, well-hewn stones and many of them 
are finished in an artistic style. Nearly every town had a large 
basilica, and nothing was spared to beautify it; some possessed even 
more than one. Paintings, mural decorations, etc., were still to be 
seen in 1915. In Sbeta it almost seemed to me as if an earthquake 
had taken place only a few months before, forcing the inhabitants 
to leave their beautiful city. Many houses were still erect, and most 
had several walls more or less well preserved. What expense and 
what human energy were necessary to build such villages in the 
desert! But there are remains of a much older civilization to be 
seen here and there. On Djebel esh-Sherqiyeh, for example, an old 
altar of roughly hewn stones is still found. Traces of un-Byzantine 
work may be found elsewhere also. 

3. The region south of 'Abdeh-el-'Odjah is also desolate, devoid 
of buildings, barren of human traces. Some flint artifacts are to be 

142 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 


seen near Qusemeh. Remains of a castle are found near 'En-Qderat. 
Bir-Bircn (between el-'Odjah and Qusemeh), though just below the 
line 'Abdeh- el-'Odjah, belonged in ancient times probably to the 
central region. 

4. Quite different again is the Wadi el-'Arabah region with the 
adjoining districts on its eastern side. Here again we find, as a look 
at the maj) will show, a great number of ruins, and history tells us 
that civilization once flourished here, when the names Petra and Aela 
had a special significance to the world. 

After this survey we come to the solution of the question: How 
could these colonies in the Negeb exist? The answer is: They were 
the connecting link between the densely populated and well organised 
country of Palestine on the one hand and the land of the Nabateans 
on the other hand; they lay on the caravan road between Palestine 
in the north and Petra- Aela in the south. All caravans to Egypt 
from Petra-Aela and back had to pass by this road. The caravan 
road between Arabia, el-Arabah and the ports of Palestine was 
also the foundation of the prosperity of Petra. 

Supported by a flourishing, densely populated country, and attracted 
by the riches and the trade of the south, emigrants early went south 
from Palestine into the Negeb and established colonies. As com- 
munication between these lands increased, the necessity of establishing 
new stations on the caravan road arose. The further south these 
emigrants went, the further the nomads were pressed back into the 
desert; naturally these sons of nature looked wdth hatred at the 
intruders, and never rested until they triumphed over their enemies 
and drove them back into Palestine. 

A minute study of the ruins reveals their past history and supports 
our theory. I shall try to describe the most important items in this 

The ruins followed two caravan lines, an eastern and a western 
one. The western line connected Bir-es-Sabi', Khalasah, Ruhebeh, 
Mas'iidiyeh, el-'Odjah with Sbeta. The eastern road went from 
es-Sabi', 'Ar'ara, Byar Asludj, near Mashrafiyeh, to Sbeta. A short- 
cut from this caravan road went from 'Ar'ara directly to Kurnub 
and leaving Mashrafiyeh, Sbeta and 'Abdeh, followed the Fikri valley 
until it reached the 'Arabah. Both these roads, the eastern and 
the western, ran from Sbeta to 'Abdeh and on to the Marra-Eikri 

CANAAN: Byzantine Caravan Routes in the Negeb 143 

A A A 

valley, following 'En Hasib (or Bir Kharrar), 'En Webbeh, 'En 
Tayyibeh, Nuqb er-Rba'i to the 'Arabah. From Wadi Fikri the 
road went either directly past Naqb ed-Dakhl to Buserah, southeast 
to Wadi Musa, or directly southward to Aila. This caravan road 
was presumably not first built by the Byzantine authorities but was 
repaired and fortified by them. 

The caravan road connecting north with southeast was also the 
cause of the lack of colonies to the south of the line 'Abdeh-'Odjah. 
They would have been far too remote from their base and at the 
same time more exposed to the attacks of the Bedouins. This explains 
at the same time why no settlements were made in the beautiful 
plain around the large spring Qusemeh, though water, one of the most 
pressing needs, is found in great quantities. 

Owing to these continuous conflicts between the new colonists 
and the Arabs, the former were obliged to use every means to 
protect their lives and interests, and strong fortresses were erected. 
The northern colonies were fortified only by well-built walls, as they 
did not need elaborate defenses, being situated in the rear, while 
the southern stations were fortified strongholds built on naturally 
defensible mountains, more or less isolated from the ridge to which 
they belong. Mashrafiyeh, 'Odjah, 'Abdeh are examples of such 
strategic positions. Doubtless the nomads -of those times often tried 
in vain to surprise and take these castles. 

But even fields, vineyards and orchards were protected against 
assault by square watch-towers. In W. Rakhwat, W. Imm 'Irqan, 
W. Abu-Khenan, near Sbeta, el-'Odjah, and Euhebeh, in the plain 
'Asliidj, W. el-Wqer, etc., remains of such towers may be yet seen. 

The caravan road itself had to be well protected by fortresses, 
between different stations and at exposed points. Such strongholds 
were situated in Tell Shunnarah between Ruhebeh and el-'Odjah, 
on the Naqb ed-Dableh etc. The new inhabitants of the desert had 
besides the Beduin another enemy, perhaps more dangerous than the 
first: the desert itself with its lack of water, its sand storms, poor 
soil and hot climate. But their unbreakable will, combined with 
indefatigable industry, overcame these difficulties. Most settlements 
(Sbeta, Ruhebeh, Bir Biren) had a cistern in every house; pools- 
were constructed ; deep wells were dug to reach the underground 
waters (Odjah, Khalasah, Ruhebeh). The upper ends of many valleys 

144 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

were changed into reservoirs by building a massive w^all across their 
beds (E. of Ruhebeh, Kurnub). Every spot which could be utilised 
for agriculture was worked systematically. The walls which divided one 
piece of land from another are still to be seen all over this region. 
To keep the water of the wadis in check during winter and thus 
prevent the soil of their gardens from being washed away thick walls 
with a triangular section were erected. The base of one of these 
walls which I saw near El-'Odjah measured 23 feet. They were so 
well built that they have resisted the attacks of nature through all 
the centuries. 

The solitude of the desert with its beautifully clear sky and the 
ever-shining stars attracted the monks to the Negeb. Thus the great 
basilicas with their small adjoining monasteries were built. Most of 
our towns had more than one basilica. In the small church of 
El-'Odjah, situated inside the fortress, a tomb and a monk's skeleton 
with a papyrus roll were found during the war. 

As long as Palestine and the land of the Nabateans flourished 
the colonies in the Negeb flourished also, and their inhabitants 
became rich, since all the trade to and from Palestine, Egypt, and 
Petra-Arabia passed through them. This trade was the only source 
of their wealth and the very basis of their existence. Agriculture 
and sheep-raising were carried on only on a small scale. 

Finally the political importance of Palestine began to dwindle, 
commerce with the south and the southeast waned, and as the life 
of the colonies became very precarious the occupation of the oases 
was no longer possible, for the caravan road fell into disuse. The 
Beduins seized the opportunity and hastened the downfall of 
the intrusive culture; thus barbarians again won a victory over 
civilization . . . 


A Study iu Biblical Topography 


MOST Bible commentators and historians have located the battles 
which took place near Aphek in different, widely separated 
regions and have presented us with the identification not of one 
town but of three or four different places bearing the same name. 
The object of the present study is to show that the most important 
battles which according to the Bible have taken place in the vicinity 
of Aphek have really been fought in one and the same region, and 
in the neighbourhood of one and the same town of Aphek. 

After the completion of the initial conquest, which had given the 
Hebrew tribes possession of the hill-countries of Central Palestine, 
of Galilee and of Transjordania, but had not given them control of 
the plains, the wars of the Hebrews may be divided roughly into 
two classes: wars waged for the defence of the national territory, 
and wars waged for the reduction of foreign enclaves within the 
national territory. The wars for the reduction of foreign enclaves 
had for their scene the Plain of Esdraelon. The Hebrews, indeed, 
up to the time of David and Solomon never succeeded in getting a 
permanent hold over the plain; they held their own only in the 
mountains. The plains were held by hostile nations: the Canaanites 
first, and later their successors the Philistines. These peoples of the 
plain, who were provided with chariots, cavalry and heavy infantry, 
had resisted all the attempts of the Hebrews to conquer the plains 
at the time when the latter first overran Palestine. The low-land 

146 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

peoples remained in control not only of the maritime plain but also 
of the Plain of Esdraelon, thus driving a wedge between the Hebrews 
of Galilee and those of Central Palestine. It was only natural that 
from time to time the Hebrews should try to establish territorial 
connection between these two disconnected halves of their race, an 
object which could only be achieved by driving the Canaanite and 
Philistine garrisons out of the Plain of Esdraelon. The Canaanites 
and the Philistines on their side were bound to resist these attempts 
for a much more important reason than the mere possible loss of 
the fertile lands of the Plain of Esdraelon. By holding the Plain 
of Esdraelon they also held the country round Beth-Shean, (the 
present Beisan) and the Jordan fords which were situated near that 
fortress. There, as long as they held the Plain of Esdraelon, they 
had the means of preventing any common action between the Hebrews 
of Central Palestine, those of Galilee and those established to the 
east of the Jordan; the loss of their control over the Plain of 
Esdraelon would have as a direct result an active military cooperation 
between all these Hebrew tribes. This circumstance explains why 
in each and every case both parties sustained the fight until the 
almost complete annihilation of the vanquished. 

Apart from the battle of Megiddo, as far as our records go five 
big battles were fought in Biblical times in the Plain of Esdraelon. 
The first on record is that of Deborah and Barak against the 
Canaanite chief Sisera; as the Hebrew host participating in this 
battle was composed chiefly of warriors from Galilee it was only 
natural that they should, with a view to remain in communication 
with their homes, choose their battlefield in the north-eastern part 
of the Plain of Esdraelon, just south of Mount Tabor. 

The second battle mentioned is that fought by the tribes of the 
hill-country of Samaria, under the leadership of Gideon, against 
Midianite nomads who had crossed the Jordan near Beth-Shean and 
were encamped in the Valley of Jezreel leading up from Beth-Shean 
to the Plain of Esdraelon proper. In this case the logical position 
for the Hebrew army was on the northern slope of Mount Gilboa 
looking down into the Valley of Jezreel; the fight was not a regular 
battle between two organised armies, but only a surprise attack 
carried out under cover of night by a small band of three hundred 
determined peasants against a nomad camp at rest. 



148 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 


"And the word of Samuel came to all Israel. Now Israel went 
out against the Philistines to battle, and pitched beside Eben Ezer: 
and the Philistines pitched in Aphek" (1 Samuel 4 i). Historians 
and commentators have generally identified the Aphek mentioned in 
this passage with a place in the Plain of Sharon ^ or in the Plain 
of Philistia.2 But this identification cannot possibly be reconciled 
with V. 12 of the same chapter, in which it is said that, after the 
loss of the battle by the Hebrews, "a man of Benjamin ran away 
from the battle-line and came to Shiloh on the same day," where he 
announced the defeat. Shiloh, as we know, was situated in Samaria, 
that is to say, north of Benjamin and a few miles away from the 
chief high-road connecting Benjamin with the Plain of Esdraelon. 
If the battle had been fought to the west of Benjamin, there would 
have been no reason why the man from Benjamin, on his way from 
the battlefield to his home, should pass by Shiloh. It is not logical 
to argue that the man was sent as a messenger from the field of 
battle to the High-Priest Eli; because in the first place if a 
messenger was required, probably an inhabitant of Shiloh or of the 
surrounding country would have been chosen; moreover, the text 
clearly shows that the man's destination was not Shiloh, for it is 
said that he ran away from the battle-line "and came to Shiloh." 
It is indeed much more logical to suppose that the man was really 
returning to his home, and that on his way home he had to pass 
near Shiloh, where he arrived on the same day, at or near sunset, 
and turned in for the night. That would imply that Shiloh lay along 
the main direct road leading from the battlefield to Benjamin; in 
other words, that the battlefield was situated to the north of Shiloh. 
The man arrived at Shiloh on the very day of the battle which ended 
in the defeat of the Hebrews. It is clear from the text that the 
presence of the Ark in the midst of the Hebrews had inspired them 

1 C. Hauser, in Palestine Exploration Fund Quarterly Statement, 1895, p. 279. 
G. A. Smith, in Palestine -Exxtloration Fund Quarterly Statement, 1895, p. 252. 
Wellhansen: Israelitische mid jiklische GescJiichte, 1914, p. 50. K. Kittel: A History 
of the Hebrews (English Translation), 1896, Vol. II, p. 104. Charles Foster Kent: 
A History of the Hebrew People, Voh I, p. 85. Charles Foster Kent: Biblical 
Geography and History, p. 140. 

2 George Armstrong: Names and Places, 1908. 

TOLKOWSKY: Aphek 149 

with new energy, which is also obvious from the fact that the 
Philistines were in the beginning rather depressed by the news of 
the Ark's presence amongst their enemies. As, nevertheless, the 
Philistines ended by being the victors, it may be inferred that the 
battle was fought with great determination by both sides and that 
it lasted long; so that it is hardly to be supposed that the Benjamite 
fugitive, who actually saw the defeat of the Hebrews and the capture 
of the Ark by the Philistines, left the field of battle before nine or 
ten o'clock in the morning. Since he still arrived on the same day, 
that is to say, before sunset, at Shiloh, at an hour when there was 
still sufficient daylight for the old High-Priest to remain seated by 
the way-side waiting for news from the Army, he can have had 
hardly more than about eight hours for his journey. The distance 
which a light- armed warrior would be able to cover in these eight 
hours may be estimated roughly at about 30 miles; but 30 miles is 
just the distance which separates Shiloh from the southern end of 
the Plain of Esdraelon. For a battle in the southern corner of the 
Plain of Esdraelon, between an army occupying that plain and 
another holding the mountains of Samaria, the logical positions for 
their camps would be respectively the rocky defile south of Jenin 
for the latter, and the south-western slopes of Mount Gilboa just 
below the village of Fuku'a for the former. It is this village of 
Fuku'a which I believe to be the Aphek of the Bible. For Eben- 
Ezer I am not yet able to suggest a meaning or a definition ; it may 
be that this name was applied to some conspicuous rock near the 
entrance to the defile south of Jenin which to an array in danger 
would offer a safe shelter and way of retreat. 


The ambition of Saul, when he had driven the Philistines out of 
Benjamin, was to unite the Hebrew tribes in one state. A series of 
successful expeditions directed by him against the Moabites in defence 
of .Reuben and against the Ammonites in defence of Gad, increased 
both the national consciousness of the Hebrew tribes beyond the 
Jordan and the prestige which Saul and his Benjamites enjoyed 
amongst them. A similar successful expedition against the Amalekite 
Bedouin in the south, who had been periodically laying waste the 

150 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

southern portion of the territory of Juclah, led also the latter tribe 
to acknowledge Saul's kingship. The battle of the Valley of Elali 
and the subsequent expeditions against the Philistines along the 
western boundary of his kingdom kept these traditional enemies of 
the Hebrews so busy that they lost more and more their hold over 
the Plain of Esdraelon and the Jordan fords near Beisan, thus 
enabling Saul to establish his rule in Galilee and beyond the Jordan, 
a development evidenced by his edict against necromancers 
(1 Samuel 28 9), his promise not to punish the witch of Endor 
(do. V. 10), and his recognition by the men of Jabesh-Gilead as their 
lord (2 Samuel 2 5 and 7). Thus also it became possible for members 
of the northern and eastern tribes to settle in some of the towns of 
the Plain of Esdraelon. But as Saul grew old and his energy 
became relaxed under the influence of the recurrent insanity to 
which he was a prey^ and which was gradually taking a more and 
more acute form, the Philistines at last saw the opportunity of 
making an attempt to reconquer their lost position in the Plain of 
Esdraelon and on the Jordan fords, and thus to destroy the territorial 
unity of the Hebrew State. They collected their forces and marched 
in full strength into the Plain of Esdraelon, where they established 
their camp on the southern slopes of the hill called to-day Jebel 
Dahy, just below Shunem (the present Solam) and close to the main 
road leading from Samaria to Galilee. The Hebrews from Galilee 
and Transjordania, w^ho had settled in the cities of the Plain, 
abandoned these and withdrew into the hills of Lower Galilee and 
beyond the Jordan, there to await events; and the Philistines 
reoccupied all these cities, including their old fortress of Beth-Shean. 
Thus at the outset they cut off Saul from any possibility of military 
collaboration with the northern and eastern tribes. For the Hebrew 
king there were only two alternatives left: either to abandon the Plain 
of Esdraelon to the Philistines, which would mean to submit 
voluntarily to the disruption of his kingdom, the building up of 
which had been the object of his whole reign; or to accept battle, 
notwithstanding the fact that for a fight on the plain the enemy was 
incomparably better equipped and trained than his own mountaineers. 
The king took up the challenge and encamped opposite to the 

1 Dr. B. "VV. G. Mastermann: "Hygiene and Disease in Palestine in Modern and 
in Biblical Times" (Palestine Exj^loration Fund Quarterly Statement, 1918, p. 168). 

TOLKOWSKY: Aphek 151 

Philistine army on the northwestern end of Mount Gilboa just above 

the old fountain of Gideon (the present 'Ain Jalud). These are the 

positions of the two armies indicated in 1 Samuel 28 4. But looking 

from his elevated position upon the huge Philistine army, encamped 

in full strength on the other side of the narrow valley of Jezreel, ' 

and realising his meagre chances of overcoming them in a battle on 

the plain, the heart of Saul became dismayed (1 Samuel 28 5). He 

consulted the oracles and the prophets, but he received no answer 

to his queries (v. 6). Thereupon, in his anxiety, and notwithstanding 

his own severe edict against those "who had familiar spirits," one 

dark night he secretly crossed the valley, and, avoiding the Philistine 

sentinels, went to consult the witch who lived in Endor; but from 

this last attempt to consult fate he came back without any hope of 

success. A general of a less heroic stamp than the Benjamite would 

perhaps have withdrawn into his mountains and given up the hopeless 

adventure ; not so Saul, who made up his mind to await the Philistines 

on Gilboa and to accept an honourable death rather than retreat. 

The steep northern slope of Gilboa made it dificult for the Philistines 

to attack him from across the Valley of Jezreel, to the north of 

which they were still encamped. A glance at the map will show 

that the northernmost end of Mount Gilboa occupies almost exactly 

the centre of a triangle, the three sides of which are constituted 

respectively by the Valley of Jezreel, the Jezreel- Jenin road, and the 

Jenin-Beth-Shean road. By ordering their detachments stationed 

near the fortress of Beth-Shean to move up the latter road and to 

occupy Aphek (1 Samuel 29 i), and by moving their main army from 

Shunem southwards to the town of Jezreel, the present Zerin (v. 11), 

the Philistines, thanks to their chariots, could sweep these two roads; 

from Jezreel, which lies comparatively high and from which the view 

extends down the whole length of the Valley of Jezreel as far as 

Beth-Shean, they could at the same time control this valley, the 

third side of the triangle. It was a regular siege of Mount Gilboa. 

Saul's communications with the rear were cut, so that, should he 

come down the southwestern slopes of Gilboa in an attempt to cross 

the southern corner of the Plain towards Jenin in order to escape 

by the central mountain road starting from the defile situated to the 

south of this town, the Philistine chariots from Jezreel and from 

Aphek would be able, by moving upon Jenin, to forestall him and 


152 Journal of tlie Palestine Oriental Society 

to bar his route. But Saul had no mind to retreat, or to escape 
towards the north; he had ah'eady made his choice, and that was to 
die. Seeing that he did not move from his positions, the PhiHstines, 
leaving their chariots to guard the plain and the two roads, ordered 
their heavy infantrj^, composed of archers and slingers, to advance 
from Jezreel up the gentle southwestern slopes of Gilboa, and from 
Aphek northward along the ridge of the mountain. Saul's men put 
up a desperate defence; but they were no match for the superior 
archers and slingers of the Philistines. They were compelled to fall 
back and many of them were slain (1 Sam. 31 i), until at last Saul 
had only a handful of men remaining around him. But the proud king 
of Benjamin Avas not minded to give his life-long enemies the right to 
pride themselves on having killed him in battle. When he felt that 
the end was imminent, Saul at last threw himself upon his sword (v. 4). 
The tragedy was completed. Night fell upon the field of battle. 

When the morning came the Philistines dispersed themselves over 
the battlefield in order to despoil the dead; and when they found 
the bodies of Saul and his three sons, they cut off the king's head and 
took his armour, and sent them to the Philistine cities as trophies ; but 
his body they hung up on the walls of their fortress of Beth-Shean. 

The whole course of the battle clearly shows that the chief strategic 
point around the capture of which turned the whole battle plan of 
the Philistines, was the town of Aphek situated in the rear of the 
Hebrew army, and that the Biblical text closely follows the chrono- 
logical order of the various stages of the fight; whereas by locating 
Aphek in the plain of Sharon, as various commentators ^ have done, 
they have been led to emendations of the text, emendations which are 
not only unwarranted but unnecessary, as I think I have shown above. 


Ben-Hadad, king of Aram, had besieged Samaria, the capital of 
Israel, and had been beaten off with the complete loss of his camp 

1 Charles Foster Kent: A History of the Hebrew People, Vol.1, p. 130. 
G. A. Smith, in Palestine Exploration Fund Quarterly Statement, 1895, p. 252. 
C. R. Conder, in the Survey of Western Palestine, Vol.11, p. 84, says: "It is 
possible that Aphek, where the Philistines encamped before attacking Saul on 
Mount Gilboa, may be the present Fuku'a." 

TOLKOWSKY: Aphek l53 

and a large number of casualties; amongst the spoil captured by the 
Israelites was a large number of war chariots and horses, with which 
the king of Israel formed a corps of charioteers for his own army. 
But the King of Aram, although heavily beaten, did not give up his 
intention to conquer the Israelite Kingdom and began at once pre- 
paring for the renewal of hostilities in the following spring. This 
time his counsellors advised him not to venture again into the 
mountains of Israel. The reason was, of course, that the Aramean 
armies, accustomed only to warfare on the plains or on the plateaux 
of the East-Jordan country, where their chariots, horses and heavy 
infantry could manoeuvre freely, must naturally iind it difficult to 
fight among the hills of Israel, where, on the contrary, the light- 
armed infantry of Ahab were at home and found the best 
conditions for the sort of guerilla warfare in which they were past 

Naturally for the Aramaeans to admit before their king that they 
were not prepared to meet the Israelites on the latter's own ground 
was rather unpalatable; and so the reason they gave him for avoiding 
battle within the mountains of Israel was that the god of the 
Israelites was a god of the hills and that therefore at Samaria 
the Israelites had been stronger than the Arameans ; but that if the 
battle was to take place in the plains, surely the Aramaeans would 
be the victors (1 Kings 20 23). Moreover, as they attributed the 
defeat of the previous year partly to the lack of discipline shown by 
the thirty-two allied kings who accompanied Ben-Hadad to the siege 
of Samaria, each in command of his own troops, the Aramaean king's 
counsellors now urged him to assume sole command himself by 
"taking the kings away, every man out of his place, and putting 
captains in their room" (v. 24). Lastly, they recommended that he 
should reconstitute his army and make it similar in size to the army 
destroyed the previous pear, by replacing "horse for horse and chariot 
for chariot" (v. 25). The king listened to the advice of his counsellors 
and acted accordingly; and when the spring had come round again 
and with it the season in which troops used to take the field, Ben- 
Hadad mustered his army and "went up to Aphek" to fight against 
Israel (v. 26). The king of Israel, Ahab, had also not been idle. 
Foreseeing that sooner or later the Aramaeans would come back, 

he had spent the winter in preparing his army, and in organising 


154 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

his corps of charioteers so as to be able, should he be forced to do 
so, to accept battle in the plains. 

So, when the news arrived that the Aramaean army was encamped 
at Aphek, no doubt spoiling the surrounding country and terrorising 
its inhabitants, Ahab mustered and victualled his army and took the 
road in the direction of the Aramaean hosts: "and the children of 
Israel encamped before them like two little flocks of kids; but the 
Aramaeans filled the country" (v. 27). Now, where was the site of 
Aphek, near which the Aramaeans were encamped, and opposite 
which the Israelite army had taken up its position? The Biblical 
text (1 Kings 20 23) uses for the "plain" in which Ben-Hadad's 
counsellors advised him to await the Israelites, the term "W^tl. Now, 
apparently in view of the fact that "llti'^13, apart from the passage 
with which we are now dealing, is used only for regions situated to 
the east of Jordan, some commentators i have concluded that Aphek 
must also be situated to the east of Jordan and have searched on 
the road from Damascus to Samaria for a place which, being situated 
in open country and bearing to-day an Arabic name similar to the 
name of Aphek, would satisfy the conditions which they imagined 
the text demands, and have fixed their choice upon the village of 
Fik, situated about four miles east of the Sea of Galilee. Skinner 
places Aphek in the Plain of Sharon, 2 Kittel locates it in the Kishon 
Valley, 3 and Conder "on the way from Mizpah to Philistia.''^ 

In reality matters are quite different and the text itself provides 
us with a most definite and unambiguous answer. The Targum has 
in place of Hebrew llt:'''^, Aramaic nB'''i5, and if we compare other 
passages in which the Targum uses the same word, we shill find that 
the word S"lB>"'0 is really nothing more than the exact Aramaean 
equivalent of the Hebrew word pay (= plain). Now, pOJ^n, "the" 
Plain par excellence, is the ordinary Hebrew name used in the 

George Adam Smith: The Historical Geography of the Holy Land, 17th Edition, 
pages 427, 459, 580. Charles Foster Kent: Biblical Geography and History, 
pp. 170171. Charles Foster Kent: A History of the Hebreiv People, vol. II, 
pp. 4041. Hastings' Dictionary of the Bible (1910). H. B. Tristram: The Land 
of Israel; a Journal of Travels in Palestine, 1866, p. 437. G. Armstrong: Names 
and Places (1908). 

2 Skinner {Century Bible) places Aphek in the Plain of Sharon. 

3 E. Kittel: A History of the Hebrews (English Translation, 1896), vol. II, p. 271. 
^ C. R. Conder in Palestine Exploration Fund Quarterly Statement, 1883, p. 180. 

TOLKOWSKY: Aphek 155 

Bible for the Plain of Esdraelon. The whole difficulty which com- 
mentators have found in the word 1"ity''tt simply comes from the fact 
that the Biblical narrative reproduces the advice given to Ben-Hadad 
by his counsellors, in Hebrew translation, with the exception of the 
geographical term mtJ^'^O; which has been left in the Aramaic original. 
Now, if we realise that the burden of the advice given to Ben- 
Hadad was not to enter the mountains of Israel but to await the 
Israelites in the plain, it seems obvious that the plain in which the 
Aramaeans were to await the Israelites could not have been any 
other plain than that situated immediately in front of the mountains 
of Israel, that is to say the Plain of Esdraelon, and especially the 
southern corner of the plain, which is situated immediately north of 
the present town of Jenin and which is enclosed on the south by 
the mountains of Israel, on the west by the slopes of Mount Carmel, 
and on the east by the gentle slopes leading up to Mount Gilboa. 
As the Aramaean camp must of necessity have been placed on this 
westward slope of Mount Gilboa, the town of Aphek, which was 
their base, must have been situated higher up on Mount Gilboa, on 
the road leading from Jenin to Damascus. The only place which 
fits into these conditions is the present village of Fuku'a, the same 
we have met in the two battles previously described. Now as to 
the position of the Israelites, it is obvious that although Ahab now 
possessed a corps of charioteers, prudence would not allow him to 
venture too far away from the shelter of his mountains; therefore, 
the natural position for his army was on the slopes of the mountains 
overlooking the Plain of Jenin from the southwest. Moreover, he had 
to keep open his communications with the interior of the country. 
As there were two roads available, (1) the chief high road striking 
from Jenin south-southwest almost straight to Shechem (Nablus) and 
(2) the road starting also from Jenin but going nearly west through 
the Plain of Dothan to the Plain of Sharon, there to turn to the 
southeast towards the town of Samaria, the logical thing for Ahab 
was to divide his army into two parts and to occupy the entrances 
to both the roads just mentioned. Both these entrances were narrow 
defiles. This is the reason why, according to the Bible text, the 
Israelites looked "like two little flocks of kids." No other battlefield 
than that at the foot of Gilboa would necessitate such a disposition 
of the Hebrew troops. 

156 Journal of tlie Palestine Oriental Society 

There is, however, a further argument against locating Aphek to 
the east of the Jordan Valley. It is said in v. 26 that Ben-Hadad. 
"went up to Aphek." Now, Damascus is situated on a height of 
2340 feet above the Mediterranean, whilst Fik is situated only at 
about ]25<i feet; as Fik therefore is situated about 1100 feet lower 
than Damascus, the identification of Fik with Aphek does not fit the 
text just referred to. If however, we accept the location of Aphek 
on Mount Gilboa, then Ben-Hadad's army had to descend from 
Damascus into the Jordan Valley, to cross the latter, and then "to 
go up to Aphek." 

We thus see that a close study of the three important battles in 
which the place of Aphek is mentioned leads us to the conclusion 
that in all three cases we have to deal with one and the same place, 
situated on Mount Gilboa; and that it must be situated close to a 
road practicable for war chariots. These requirements are met by 
no other place than the present village of Fuku'a, and I do not 
hesitate to identify this village with Aphek. But if any doubt 
remains as to the correctness of this identification, it seems to me 
that the Bible itself will dispose of these doubts. In Joshua 13 4, 
in the list of districts which had not yet been conquered by the 
Hebrews, after they had occupied the whole hill-country of Judaea 
and Samaria, the as yet unconquered country in the north is 
described as follows: ,nj5Dt^-n>: U'^'l'^b n^ ny^^^ ,'iS^5|n ni?'^? T?'^^ 
'''\ti^T] b)2^ *1J?, which is ordinarily translated: "from the south all the 
land of the Canaanites and Mearah that belonged to the Sidonians, 
and to Aphek, to the borders of the Amorites." In this passage 
Aphek, according to the Century Bible, is to be identified with Afka, 
at the mouth of the river Nahr Ibrahim. This identification is not 
satisfactory, as Afka is situated much too far away,i to the north 
of Beirut, The text clearly shows that Aphek is situated on the 
frontier of the country of the Amorites. Now, in Deuteronomy 1 7, 
''"iD^n in, "the mountain of the Amorites," serves to designate 
the hill -country of Judaea and Samaria. Therefore since the 
northernmost end of this hill -country is represented by Mount 
Gilboa, it follows that Aphek, if it lay on the frontier, must have 
been situated on Gilboa. We have, besides, the testimony of 

1 As rightly pointed out by C. F. Burney : The Book of Judges (1908), p. 29. 

TOLKOWSKY: Aphek 157 

Robinson,! who says that "the inhabitants of Jenin now call this 
range Jebel Fuku'a" from the adjacent village, whilst Conder2 writes 
of Fukii'a: ". . .a large village on top of a spur. It gives its name 
to the Gilboa range, which is often called Jebel Fuku'a. It is 
surrounded by olive gardens, and supplied by cisterns east and west 
of the village." The passage in Joshua, of which we have just spoken, 
throws some further light upon the position of Aphek. Verse 3, 
which starts the list of unconquered countries, describes the great 
maritime plain of Palestine; v. 5 describes the country of Lebanon; 
the intermediate v. 4 refers to the country lying between the Lebanon 
and the hill-country of Central Palestine. In this verse the word 
niVD has been kept in some translations as the name of a place, in 
others it has been translated "a cavern." Both these explanations 
are wrong. In Isaiah 19 7, the word rnij?) plural of my, is generally 
translated "paper reeds," but it may just as well mean not only the 
paper reeds themselves but the stretch of land covered by them, or 
better still some town or village situated in a district rich in paper 
reeds and therefore named after them. Such a place may well have 
been situated in the marshes north of Lake Huleh, in the district 
of Laish, which was later on conquered by the tribe of Dan, when 
they drove out the Sidonians to whom it originally belonged. In my 
opinion the first four words of Joshua 13 4, in reality belong to the 
preceding v. 3; indeed, the first half of verse 3 explains that the 
Philistine and Avvite regions described in the second half of the 
same verse are contiguous on their northern frontier with the country 
of the Canaanites; and in my opinion the words 'iyiDH pt<"bD jD^ntt 
meaning "to the south of the whole country of the Canaanites" belong 
to the end of v. 3 and are simply a repetition of the idea already 
explained in the first half of this verse. Verse 4 in that case would 
read: "And from Arab belonging to the Sidonians unto Aphek, 
(that is) to the border of the Amorites;" Aphek is thus indicated 
simultaneously as the southern limit of the Sidonian territory and 
the northern limit of the Amorite country. It seems to me that this 
definition of Aphek settles any doubts that might still exist as to 
the location of the place. 

1 E. Robinson : Biblical Researches in Palestine, Mount Sinai and Arabia 
Petraea, 1841, Vol. Ill, p. 158. 

2 C. R. Conder: The Survey of Western Palestine, Vol, II, p. 84. 

158 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

That there may have been more than one Aphek in Palestine, 
is quite possible, and even probable. A priori, the word Ai)hek 
(pDK), meaning a fortress, may have been applied to different places. 
The Aphek mentioned in Joshua 12 18, 15 53, 19 so, and in 
2 Kings 13 17, as well as the Aphik (p"'D^5) of Judges 1 3i are 
difficult to locate, but they do not seem to refer to the same place 
as the Aphek of the battles I have described; except for the 
Aphek of 2 Kings 13 i7, which being probably situated on the road 
from Samaria to Damascus, may be the one on Mount Gilboa. 
Dr. Albright has called my attention to the following extra-Biblical 
Apheks, namely the I-pw-q-n (= Efeqon) of the great Asiatic 
list Thutmosis III, the Apqii mentioned by Esarhaddon in his 
account of his march Tyre to Egypt (Winckler, Keilinschriftliches 
Textbuch zum Alton Testament, p. 53), the Aphek of Josephus 
(Bell. II, 513), and the Afiq (commonly called Fiq) of the Arab 
writer Yaqut's geographical dictionary (I, 332). 1 am not prepared 
at this stage, to make any definite suggestion as to the location of 
these four places. 

But as far as the three above-mentioned great battles of the 
Bible are concerned, I have no doubt that the Apheks appearing 
in their various accounts are really one and the same place, namely 
Fukii'a on Mount Gilboa. 




THE ordinary Palestinian is nowadays far advanced beyond those 
Robinson Crusoe times when one counted the days, according to 
the pleasant tale of the Arabian Nights, by deducting every evening 
one pea from a numbered amount of peas, thus keeping pace with 
the hurrying time. At present we have a rather well regulated 

As far as the adherents of both religions are concerned, there 
exists at the same time an economic year on the one hand, and a 
religious and agricultural one on the other. The first one is solar, 
whilst the latter is a sort of Mlttelding, a solaro-lunar year. 

The most common division of the year is that into twelve months. 
The Christians use their month-names for their calendar, which is 
identical, to a certain extent, with the fiscal year. Generally speaking, 
the Mohammedans also follow this reckoning of time in fixing their 
agricultural and (partly also) their religious year. And as these two 
elements are inextricably entwined, either may pass for the other. 

The Christian names of the twelve months are of Syriac origin, 
as the Eastern Church, especially the Orthodox, has the Julian 
Calendar. The months appear in their usual order. The same calendar 
underlies the reckoning of the late Turkish fiscal year, with the 
difference, that the latter has substituted the names Mart and Agostos 
for Adar and Ah, and that the former month is the first month of 
the fiscal year. Consequently, the leap year in such a reckoning 
must necessarily fall on the preceding one, e. g., the fiscal year 1915, 
instead of 1916 as usual, was a leap year. 

The agricultural year begins in the autumn (Genesis 23 16 and 3422), 

thus following the Syriac year, which begins in October. Although 


16* Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

we consider it as solar, yet the names of the months are sometimes 
taken from the lunar year. Generally it agrees with the Julian 
calendar. The different names of the Mohammedan lunar months 
are merely of local character. 

Both in town and village the lunar and solar years consist of 
twelve months. But there seems to be an exception to this rule in 
Transjordania, where a sort of pre-Islamic kalammas, a special local 
"astronomer", so to speak, acts as a "judge" [qddi] and determines 
the beginning of the year for the herdsmen and shepherds. This 
year has only eleven months one time and twelve next. It is said 
that one year a month is added ^ and that one is deducted from the 
following year. 2 

Aside from this exception the solar system is throughout the basis 
for all fixing of the days. Only the Julian calendar comes into 
question. The Gregorian is of recent date, and, although in use with 
the authorities, not known widely to the people at large. Thus when 
we mention a certain event as having happened, say, at the feast of 
the Elevation of the Holy Cross, we naturally follow the Julian 
Calendar, unless otherwise stated. And this is the usual way of 
counting and fixing dates both with the Christians and Mohammedans. 
This fact can be easily accounted for. Since the Orthodox Church 
is the oldest and also numerically the largest of the different Christian 
confessions, its calendar has been widely adopted because of its 
exactitude compared with the lunar system. 

The meaning of the Mohammedan names of the months are as 
follows: Mohdrrain is the "holy month," apparently because it is 
the beginning of the year. Is this a trace of an ancient Semitic 
belief, according to which the first things were holy? All wars and 
tribal quarrels had to cease during this period. It is colloquially 
called kihr mvival is-sene, the month of the beginning of the year. 
According to Al-Buljdri its original name was '^sdfar dwivaV'- In 
Sdfar the towns and encampments become empty tasfdrr wa-tasir 
Mliya) because people continue waging war against each other. 
BabV means the time of springing forth, where men and animals 

1 Sahr bihlll u sahr hizill. 

2 The usual Beduin months are: el-ajrad, el-asamm, shut, addr, hamis (the 
fifth month), jumdda, three qed, which never fall in the winter season, and finally 
three safar months. 

STEPHA.N: The Division of the Year in Palestine 161 

enjoy themselves. Jumdda was originally the period of the year in 
which the water froze and the air became cold. Rajah {al-asamm) 
means the deaf one, because no clash of arms was heard then. They 
feared this month (as is shown by the classical expression rdjiha-s-sai'a, 
i. e., he fears the thing). Another appellation was given to this 
month in calling it the sacred one (sahr il-hatmn). Sa'hdn was the 
time when the tribes went on the war path to secure water for 
their animals. In Bamaddn the heat became almost unbearable, as 
in our "dog days." Then there is a tradition that Ramadan is also 
one of God's holy names, so that its correct name would be "the 
month of Ramadan.'' Al-Mas'udi in his Murfij-id-ddhah says that 
the camels used to flap or whisk their tails (tusdivtuil) during Sawivdl, 
which was a bad omen to the Arabs, who detested the solemnizing 
of marriages during this month. During the month of Du-l-qide they 
used to sit at home, abandoning war. The name of Dii-l-Mjje is 
derived from the yearly pilgrimages, Ijajj, which then took place. 

The Beduin calendar knows three sdfar, three qed and two kanun 
months, followed by shdt (February in the Julian calendar), addr and 
Jjanus, which is always identical with April, and jumdda. The word 
al-djrad for January means the bleak or barren month. According 
to another division of the year, which follows the seasons, we have 
only summer and winter (Genesis 8 22). The two other seasons, 
although mentioned in the Bible, are less known to the people 
as a whole. "Spring" (February, March, and April), or the 
equivalent word in Arabic (rahV) means "pasture" as well as the 
time of grazing; besides, it may be used for all luxuriant green 
vegetation. "Autumn," the "little summertide" (is-sejiyye -z-zylre) 
(iSeptember, October and November), is less known, with its name Ijar'if 
which means colchicum autumnale or urginea marltima (L. Bauer). 

The division of the year into two roughly equal halves has again 
its subdivisions. The winter is fully described, as it varies constantly 
and its rains are essential to the growth of the different crops. On 
the other hand summer with its monotonous sunshine has not given 
rise to much terminology. Most proverbs and common sayings 
therefore refer to the winter. 

The agricultural year begins with the first rain, which brings new 

hopes for the following year. And as Palestine has been from times 

immemorial, in spite of her partly barren soil, an agricultural land, 


162 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

the agricultural calendar is predominant, especially with feUdljin. If 
the rainfall happens to occur before the feast of the Elevation of 
the Holy Cross (November 3), the rainy season is an "early one" 
(mosam hadri), if a fortnight afterwards it is termed a "late season" 
{mbsam ivaljri). As the two kanun months are the most rainy ones, 
an adage warns against travelling.^ The month of February seems 
to be an unaccountable fellow, and as great interest is attached to 
such a month, it has a special gift in store for us. On, or two days 
before or after the 7*^, we have for one or two days a very brief 
period, called jdmrit il-hdiva (the live or burning coal of the air), 
which is supposed to warm the air. A week later, about the 14*^ 
we have a second "burning coal," in order to warm the water, 
(jdmrit il-mayy). And the third and last "live coal" which is bestowed 
upon us on or about the 21^* is the jdmrit il-ard, which is thought 
to warm the face of the earth. 2 So far dbdt seems to be "good 
humoured." But finally he gives us three "borrowed days" (al- 
mustaqraddt), (which are followed by another four days of March) in 
order to make "good." During this week the rain pours, the storm 
blows, and the cold tries to make itself felt. March comes in with 
storms and showers. 3 And as one expects the last rain in April, 
the following saying will show the high value assigned to it in-niiqta 
fi nisdn, l-tlsiva -s-sikke w-il-fedcldnJ This should be the end of the 
rainy season. 

1 The period between Christmas and Epiphany is called the tna'sariyye (the 
twelve day period). It is feared because of its rains. Sail-boats in Jaffa are 
always brought into safety some days before. 

2 I owe this to the courtesy of Dr. Cana'an. 

3 The verse runs as follows: 

adar, abu -z-zalazil iv-il-amtar, 
hitbid il-anga u bidahhi --simidr, 
hinball irrd'i 11 biddaffa bala ndr . . . 
u binddi: "yd m'allimti, kabbri -r-rugfdn, 
qlsir il-lel u tmoil in-nhdr ..." 
March, month of earthquakes and showers . . . 
(In it) the phoenix lays eggs and the partridge builds its nest. 
The shepherd becomes wet and warms himself without fire. 
He cries : "Oh, my lady, make the loaves bigger. 
For the night becomes shorter and the day is lengthening!" 
The boat-men at Jaffa fear the thunderstorm of March ninth (nawwit toqquz mart), 
which is known under its Turkish name. The sea is said to rage then. 

* I. e., One drop in April is worth the plough and the yoke of oxen. Or again, 
in-nuqta fi nis&n btlsiva hull selin sal (One drop of rain in April is worth all 
the streams of rain which have come down). 

STEPHAN: The Division of the Year in Palestine 163 

The summer begins with May. The fellah thinks then already of 
harvest. 1 The "dog days" at the end of July and in the first two- 
thirds of August are characterized in the following way: / tammiiz 
h-tlgli -l-mdyye fi-l-huz (in July the water boils in the jug) or this 
one: ab lahJidb (August flames). But this heat brings a pleasant 
variety of fruits which refresh and delight in taste and aroma, 
especially grapes.2 September is the time when the olives grow.s In 
October the grape and fig season comes to an end.* This is the 
time of the olive crop, when the days become shorter and shorter, 
and the fellah says that they are only as long as a length of thread.-^ 
Summer begins with Easter and comes to an end at the feast of the 
Elevation of the Holy Cross. The Christian peasant gives the advice 
to live outdoors between these two days. 6 

There are of course other less important mawdsim (seasons), such 
as that of the apricots, which falls about the first fortnight of May 
only, that of the melons, from the second half of July till the end 
of September, and last, but not least, the orange season from the 
second half of November to the end of April. The prickly pear 
ripens in July and lasts for about three months. 

All these periods are commonly used by the felldhm to indicate 
a certain date. Thus it may be stated that a certain event took 

1 li ayyar Ihmil manjalak u gar (in May take your sickle and cut with might). 
In June and early July is the third time when goats kid. These kids are called 
sefi (summer born ones), those boi-n in March are rbVi or lahluhl (Bauer), alluding 
metaphorically to the fresh green herbage and the tender grass. The kids born 
during the autumn are called zetuni, because the olive crop then takes place. 

2 Ft tammuz uqtuf il-Jcuz, sc. kuz is-sabr. (in July pluck the prickly pear); 
ft db kul 'Inab wald tahdb (eat the grapes in August and fear not); mosam it-tin 
fiS 'ajm (There is no bread [needed] during the fig period); mosam il battiJi fls 
tabih (There is no prepared meal [needed] during the melon season). 

3 Fi elul bitth iz-zet fi-z-zetun (in September the oil flows through the olives). 
[From Dr. Cana'an.] 

* Ft tisrtn biyabbir il- 'inab w-it-ttn. In October the grapes and figs fade 
away [Dr. Cana'an]. The Jaffa people call the sea in October and November 
(iymtaSrin i. e. "it is in tiSrtn," and mean by that expression that the sea is calm, 
"as calm as oil," because the scirocco is then blowing. 

^ Ayydm iz-zet tul il-het. [From Dr. Cana'an.] 

s "Ayyid ic-ltld sallib ic-idhul [Dr. Cana'an] , "celebrate the Easter feast and 
live outdoors, celebrate the feast of the Elevation of the Holy Cross and live 
indoors." Also: mata fallabat harrabat, "after the feast of the Holy Cross it 
(the rain) destroys." The fellah then does not leave a crop on the threshing 
floor, fearing the coming rain. 

164 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

place at the beginning, in the middle or at the end of the harvest 
or another season. 

From the religious point of view our calendar is mostly Julian, 
as used by the Orthodox Church. The feasts of the Elevation of the 
Elevation of the Holy Cross, '2d es-salib (September 14), Mar Elids 
(July 20), of Liidd (November 3) and the Greek Easter are fixed 
points for the determination of any date. Bearing this fact in mind, 
it is not strange to note that practically all proverbs, adages, weather 
rules, and household words dealing with feasts of a somewhat fixed 
date are of Christian origin. The reason for it is clear; since the 
lunar year is usually about eleven days shorter than the solar, it 
shifts gradually through a cycle of 33 years, so that Mohammedans 
may celebrate Ramadan in different years on Christmas or Easter 
or Pentecost. This disadvantage of the lunar year compels the 
Mohammedans to make use of the solar chronology when fixing 
certain dates and local feasts, as already stated. 

Thus the feast of en-Nell Mnsa falls invariably on the week pre- 
ceeding the Greek Passion. ^ Eight days after en-Nehi Ildsa, which 
falls always on Friday, the feast of en-Nebi Sdlelj is celebrated by 
the people of the coast, who gather at his tomb in Ra)iileh. The 
Nebi BiMn feast takes place in September (during the melon season) 
and that of the Weli \4li bin (lyidyyim at the end of it. 

A striking and most interesting fact is the division of the year 
into seven periods of about fifty days each.2 This reckoning begins 
with Easter and the first period lasts until Pentecost; being dependent 
upon the Easter fast itself. 2 During this first period comes the harvest 
and threshing of lentils and Mrsenne (vicia). It lasts exactly fifty 
days. The second one, in which the harvest and threshing of barley 
and wheat takes place, ends with the feast of Mar Elids (July 20), 
the time when watchmen begin to watch in the vineyards. 3 The third 

1 It was instituted by the Sultan Saldh ed-Din el Ai/yiiM, the Fatimid, to 
counterbalance the large number of Christian pilgrims in the Holy City at that 

2 An account of this appeared for the first time in Dr. Cana'an's "Kalender 
des palaestinischen Fellachen," ZDPV 1916. Min il-id la-l-ansar liamsin yom 
mqaddara (Fifty days are fixed for the period between the "(Easter) Feast" and 
Pentecost). The expression liamsin yom, mqaddara is repeated after every period. 

3 Min il -ansara la-l-mantara (from Pentecost to the time of watching sc. the 

STEPHAN: The Division of the Year in Palestine 165 

period practically covers the grape and fig season (54 days), and ends- 
on September 14. i The fourth period extends to the feast of Lildd^ 
(November 3) thus having exactly 50 days. During it the olive harvest 
and the preparing of oil take place. In taking the fifth period into 
consideration we have again two fixed dates, between which there 
are 52 days. 3 This is the time of ploughing, sowing and the first 
part of the early rain. The real winter is considered to lie between 
Christmas and Lent, thus making up the sixth period,^ the last one 
being Lent itself. ^ This division of the year gives a feast to every 

Another incomplete division is that which gives two periods of 
forty and fifty days each to both summer and winter. They are 
called mdrh'aniyydt {mh'1/aniyydt) and hdmsiniyyat. (Quadragesima 
and Quinquagesima.) The winter quadragesima mlrh'anlyyet eS-slta 
begins with the 10*'' of December and ends on January 19*^ followed 
directly by the lidmsimyyet eS-sltaJ-' The mirh'amyyet es-sef begins 
with the 10*^ of July and ends on August 19^^ followed also by the 
hdmsinlyyet es-sef. The two mirb'aniyydt have the greatest cold and 
greatest heat respectively. 

The week consists of seven days,' named by the Arabic ordinals 
from Sunday until Thursday. Friday, yom ij-jiiina, means the day 

' Min il-mantara la-l-masara (from the time of watching the vineyards to 
that of pressing the grapes). 

2 Min il-masara la 'id Liidd (from the time of pressing the grapes to the 
feast of Liidd, Nov. C). 

3 Min %d Liidd la-l-milddi (from the feast of Liidd till Christmas). 
* Min il-mildd la-s-sidm (from Christmas to Lent). 

5 Min is-sidm la-l-id (from Lent till Easter). 

'J The MarJj'dmyyet es-sita begins with the feast of St. Spiridon and ends on 
St. Aftimos Day. In Jaffa the jamrit il-hatva falls a fortnight before that of 

? There are weeks with special names, such as the juniit l-{i)mnadd the week 
of -'calling," where people gather for the pilgrimage to the Nebi Miisa shrine, 
the Friday a fortnight before Good Friday. Jumit in-ndzle, the Friday of tlie 
Descent, falls a week before Good Friday. Eight days later is the Jumit 
el-{i)'layyim, Friday of the little banner. It falls together with the "hot Friday" 
{ij-Jnni'a -l-hdmye), the feast of the Nebi Sdleh, whose maqdtn is the "white 
tower" of a crusader church in Ramleh. The same day has also the name of 
juni'it ir-raydyib, Friday of the "good wishes," or, alluding to the tomb of en- 
Nebi Sdleh, jhntit ij-jdmi il-hhyad, Friday of the "white mosque." It is also 
called juni'it in-nahat, Friday of the "plants" (sc. flowers, when maidens pluck 
all sorts of flowers, dry them in the moonlight, and make essences and scents 

1 66 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

of assembly and the name of yom is-saht (Sabbath) is traceable to 
the ancient Babylonian sahattu, which was taken over by the Syrians 
and Jews.i [This is not certain; cf. Rev. d'Assyr. W. F. A.] 

A calendaric day, dies naturalis, is a yom. The French word 
joiirnee covers the Arabic nJidr, dies civilis. In the Mohammedan 
calendar the day begins at sunset. 2 It has five divisions: morning, 
noon, afternoon, sunset, and late evening, at which five times the 
prayers are to be performed. The division of the day according to 
the Arabic calendar into 24 hours, Jiorae temporales or liorae ineqaales'^ 
beginning after sunset with one o'clock, is still in use with the 
Mohammedans, but generally it is loosing ground in the towns and 
the Roman horae aequinodiales {scCdt mu'tcidile or sd'dt miistdwiye) 

with them. Bauer has as first Thursday in sahr el-hamts or Ai^ril, hamis en- 
nahat; as the second the haniis el-amivat or haniis el-bed "Thursday of the Dead," 
or "Thursday of the eggs." It answers among Mohammedans to the Christian 
"All Souls Day." A week after the jum'it en-nebi Sdleh Mohammedans celebrate 
at Gaza the 'id il-munidr, a popular etymology of the arabicized Greek word 
"Metropolitan, muirdn, Porphyry, who destroyed the Venus temple in the fourth 
century, and who is buried in the Orthodox church at Gaza. 

1 Days of bad omen are Wednesdays falling on the 4th, 14th, 24tii or the 
fourth but last day of the month. The number "thirteen" is, by the way, replaced 
by "eleven" for superstitious porposes. 

2 See Genesis 1 5. "The day is reckoned, in principle, by the Church in her 
ecclesiastical feasts from one disappearance of the sun to the next" (Hastings, 
Dictionary of the Bible, Art. "time"). 

3 The hours of the night are called as follows: 

The first hour. Dort-is-srdj (going about with the candle) begins about half an 
hour after sunset, and is closely followed by daivy-is-srdj (the burning 
or lighting of the candle). 

One hour and a half after sunset is el-isa, the last time for prayer, the late 

Bettoeen three and four hours after sunset is the 'asa (in Transjordania), whei^e 
they place it after "having served supper for men" (galtet ^ asa-r-rjdl). 
The reason of this rather late hour of having supper is that the lierd 
is kept mostly over one hour's walk from the encampment. A man 
goes there and returns with a sheep to the waiting guest, for whom 
he prepares the meal. When supper is ready it is about four hours 
after sunset. 

'Jhe fourth hour is known as the "crow of the angry wife," whose husband is 
supposed to be still absent from home {sehit dtk il-harddne). 

The fifth hour has in Transjordania the name ba'd il-asa h-asayen (two suppers 
after the supper) or better 'iigb 'aSayen, i. e. after the time it takes to 

STEPHAN: The Division of the Year in Palestine 167 

are coming more and more into general use. The division of the night 
according to St. Mark. 13 35 is still in force. 

The hour and its subdivisions are also employed. Another meaning 
of the "hour" {sd'a) is an instant or moment. ^ As an inexact fraction 
of an hour may be mentioned the time it takes to smoke a cigarette 
{hirhit sigdra). 

Finally I will give some proverbial sayings relating to time in 
general. If somebody has cramp or fits, 2 he is said to have "his 
hour" {djat sd'to). If strange happenings take place the year may 

prepare two suppers. Has it anything to do with the biblical expression 
"between the two evenings?" Exodus 12 6. It is also called the "first 
cock's crow" (seht-id-dik-il-awic al). 

The sixth hour is midnight. It has also the name of dort-il-hardmi (the time of 
the "roaming aljout of the thief") which may l)e extended even to 

the seventh hour. 

The eighth hour is that of is-shur the "breakfasting" (especially in the month of 
Ramadan). Then comes in 

the ninth hour the "cock crow" or his "bidding," seht id-dik or addn id-dik. In 
months other than Ramadan the shfir period may include the time 
until the stella matutina, nijmet es-subh, shines, about 

the tenth hour. In the "dark morning" (subh il-'Ume) about the first dawning 
of the day awical il-fajr when one can "tell a wolf from a dog" (thigg 
il-kalb min id-dib, Transjordania) is the time when women begin grinding 
the wheat, giving fodder to the cows, milking the goats, etc. 

At the eleventh hour the "lights" {masabih) of the firmament grow paler and 
paler. It is also called dagse, "the peep of dayC:*)" [dagalis in-nhar). 
sa'a qabl i-sams, qabl is-sams b-sd'a (one hour before sunrise) is the 
"roaming" or "spreading of sheep" (to pasture) nasrit id-dabas (Trans- 
jordania). Sunrise is the 
twelfth hour. 

The twelve hours of the day (Joh. 11 9) are divided thus: sarhit el ganam 
takes place about the first hour (the driving out of the sheep), just after or 
about tat it is-sams, sunrise. The time from ttvo to four oclock in the morning 
is the "forenoon," id-daha. From five to nine the shepherds have their siesta 
{tagyilt -ir-riCydn). The sixth hour is the homt il-(i)grdb (hovering round of the 
raven), the seventh the "turning-point of the shade" or "of the sun" {dort is-zUl, 
dort i-ams). After nine is the afternoon (el-'asr), followed by el-asrlyye, vesper, 
at ten o'clock. Shortly after the eleventh hour is the "little afternoon" (il-i'ser). 
Then comes at tivelve il-migrib or gibt iS-sams, sunset, half an hour before which 
is the time of returning sheep and goats {tartviht il-ganam or tarwiht is-surrdh) 
the "coming home of the sheep." 

1 The word for "hour" admits also the meaning of "a while" (sd'it zamdn, 
sd'a); cf. Daniel 4 19. 

2 Cf. Mark. 9 22 and Matth. 17 15. 

168 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

be called after them.^ Sitthi sene sah'm yom (sixty years and seventy 
days) is said regarding carelessness. "Forty days" is the old Semitic 
expression for a long period- (cf. Moses, Elijah, Jesus, and Mohammed). 
Bissene mdrra^ (once a year) is used to denote a rare happening. 
Sene u Miren"^ (a year and two months) is used in poetry for a 
rather long time of separation; hh mtds'in (an old man of ninety 
years) is the symbol of frailty. Ad calendas graecas is represented 
in Arabic either by the term /i sard il-ffil'^ or better: hiiJira fi-l- 
mismis ("in the year of beans," i. e. never, or "to-morrow, in the 
apricot season"). A jimia mismfiyye^ means the "happy days of 
yore, which passed so swiftly," or also a rare opportunity. The grieving 
man is consoled by telling him, that "one day is against him and 
another one in his favour" yom ilak u yom 'aleli. A lazy, tiresome 
person is described as one "whose day equals a year" (yomo hsene). 
And if somebody is worried by a bore, he keeps smiling at the 
thought that everything must come at last to an end, or, as we put 
it, a la 'Omar Hayyam, "It is only one night, O driver." {M Me, 
yd mkdri). 

I wish to express my thanks to De. W. F. Albeight, Director of 
the American School of Archaeology in Jerusalem and De. med. 
T. Cana'an, for their kind advice and assistance. 

1 The latest year with such a name is 1920, the "snow year" {sent it-talj) 
owing to the heavy snowfall. (Lev. 12 4.) 

2 Is it not a vestige of an ancient belief, which did not allow the husband 
to exercise his connubial rights for a period of forty days after the confinement 
of his wife, which may have made a deep impression on the ancient Semites? 
Besides, "forty" (and also "hundred" and "thousand") is an expression for an 
uncertain number as with the forty martyrs. An expression with the same 
meaning is that a period is "longer than Lent" {som el-arh'in, fast of forty days) 
among the Christians, or som Ramadan (fast of Ramadan) among the 
Mohammedans; min 'dsar il-qom arb'tn yom sdr mlnhum (he who lives with 
people for forty days becomes one of them). [Ste^jhan's suggestion is identical 
with the theory recently proposed by Roscher to explain the origin of the forty 
day period. There is much in its favor. W. F. A,] 

3 It is just the opposite of the expression hull yom, "daily." 
^ Opposite to the word saa. 

5 Another expression which deals with the past is : m,in senit anastum hirahhikum 
(a misinterpretation of the Koran verse alastu birabbikum'^), which denotes now, 
"immemorial times," or "the days of auld lang syne." 

6 The apricot season is very short and lasts only one fortnight or three 
weeks in May. 

STEPHAN; The Division of the Year in Palestine 



Colloquial Syriac 

Classical Syriac i 

Classical Arabic 

The Turkish 
fiscal year ' 

kanun tdni 















Usr'm qadmdyo 

tisrin qadmdyd 

tisrin divwal 

tisrin dwival 

twin trayono 

tisrhi traydnd 

tisrin tdni 

tisrin tdni (sdni) 

Ji'dniin qadmdyo 

hdnbn qadmdyd 

Icaniin dwival 

kanun divwal 

komm trayono 

lidnbn traydnd 

kanun tdni (sdni) 














fhbhah , 




1 The Eastern dialect of Syriac, the so called Chaldean, has the following 
names of n\onih.: tisrin qadmdyd, tinn ahrayd, kanun qadmdyd, and kanun 
aJirdyd, . . . sebdt . . . ah. The months corresponding are shown in the same line. 


Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 








rcibV aivival 
7'abi tdm 
jimidda dwwal 
jiimdda tdni 





safar dwivcd 
sdfar tdni 
jamdda dtvwal 
jamdda tdni 

sdhr ramaddn 





hanfin dwwal 

kannn asdrmn 



h aims 

salir il-Id'qa^ 

Mhr ramaddn 
Sahr is-sUt- 

iyydm - 
sahr hen 

l(i)-ydd 3 
sahr il-id 

k}far el-her^ 
rahV divival 
rahV tdni 
jamdda divwal 
jamdda tdni 

sahr ramaddn 
fitr diuival^ 

fltr tdni 


sdfar divival 
sdfar tdni 
sdfar tdlit 
qed dwival 
qed tdni 
qed tdlit 
kanun divival 
kanim tdni 


1 In the third month list sahr il-la'qa "the month of the licking (?)" is called 
thus, because it is considered as a meal, i. e., it j)asses away befoi-e one realises it. 
The proverb says: h-tWaqo, ma btllhaqo, "You lick it, but you cannot hold it 
fast," as if it where composed only of joyous days. 

2 The sitt -iyydm (six days) in the month of the same name are alternative 
days for keeping fasts, instead of doing so in Ramadan (V). 

3 The ahr hen l-(i)'ydcl derives its name from the sacrificial feast {'id in-nahr) 
and that of the starting of the hajj (pilgrimage to Mecca) on the tenth day of 

1 In the fourth month list safar has the attribute el-her, the "fortunate" 

5 The feast of fltr aioival is the first day of hiivtvdl. 




THERE is an unusual scene painted on the architrave which 
surmounts the four square pillars along the axis of the outer 
chamber of Tomb 85 at Thebes, Egypt. 

Owing to its position and on account of bad lighting this scene 
has been noticed by few, but it has been published by Rosellini who 
has, however, made no remarks on it. It is somewhat roughly painted, 
in parts unfinished, and has suffered a certain amount of damage both 
from the hand of man and the attentions of the mason wasp. 

As will be seen from the illustration, there is on the left hand side 
of the picture the figure of a man, presumably the person for whom 
the tomb was made, Amenemhab, "Lieutenant-Commander of the 
soldiers," who held this office some time during the period Tuth- 
mosis III Amenophis 11. 

Amenemhab met with many adventures during his military career, 
but the scene being described appears to represent an episode of 
especial interest and for this reason he has given it special prominence, 
though in a badly lighted portion of his tomb. 

He tells us that he was an intimate friend of the King (Tuth- 
mosis III) and that he accompanied that king on his Syrian campaigns^ 

172 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

when he was repeatedly rewarded for acts of valour. He fought 
Avith the King against the King of KadesJi and travelled as far as 
Karkemish; he speaks also of having visited the land of Wan to the 
west of Aleppo. In the land of Niy,^ in company with the King 
he hunted 120 elephants for their ivory, and one of the largest having 
attacked the king, Amenemhab went to the rescue and cut off its 
trunk.2 Again in a battle against the King of Kadesh, the latter 
endeavoured to drive a mare amongst the Egyptian stallions w^ith 
the idea of causing a commotion amongst their ranks. Amenemhab, 
again to the fore, slew the mare, cut off its tail and presented it to 
the king, for which act he was specially commended. 

Amenemhab is attired in his picture in a long transparent tunic 
with short sleeves and tied around the neck with strings, underneath 
which he is wearing a loin-cloth of thicker material. These were 
the usual articles of apparel in the 18*'^ dynasty. He holds a spear 
in his right hand and in the left a stick with a forked end (throwing- 
stick) which he is brandishing before a large animal painted a medium 
grey shading to a darker colour along the back. This animal, 
obviously a female, the writer would identify by both form and 
colouring as a w^olf, an animal still to be - met with in the west of 
Asia and up to a short time ago in Palestine.^ The stripes which 
are faintly shown in the illustration are curious as the wolf of the 
Old World is not marked in this way, though similar markings are 
said to occur on wolves in North America.* 

The animal in this painted scene is nearly as tall a Amenemhab 
himself, doubtless an exaggeration to emphasize Amenemhab's prowess. 
The height at the shoulder of the normal wolf is rather under three feet. 

It is, however, the smaller objects of the scene which are the most 
interesting. The ground colour is light-grey and on it are painted 

1 Euphrates, in the region of Aleppo. 

2 Literally translated, "its hand." 

3 Cauon Tristram when on a natural history tour in the wilderness of Judea 
some 57 yeare ago came across a wolf which he describes as larger than a 
European wolf and of a much lighter colour. "A Journal of Travels in Palestine"' 
by H. B. Tristram, p. 367. 

* That the animal shown is clearly a wolf and not a hyaena is proved by the 
form and colouring and especially by the tail being bushy. I cannot call to mind 
a single example, with this exception, of a wolf being portrayed in a Theban tomb, 
though the hyaena is frequently depicted in hunting scenes. 

MACKAY: Note on a scene in Tomb 85 at Thebes 173 

various plant and animal forms, the most noticeable of which are a 
number of hemispherical objects dependent from each of which are 
three filiments or tentacles. These forms occur in groups of three 
with their filaments intertwined. They are painted blue with three 
rows of white spots and the tentacles are coloured red. 

I would suggest that these objects are crude representations of 
jelly-fish for they are shown as free-swimming and not attached to 
anything but each other. The fact that they are shown in groups 
of three is difficult to explain, but it must be remembered that the 
Egyptians were but superficially acquainted with the habits of the 
jelly-fish which is purely a marine animal and only travels a short 
distance up the mouths of rivers. 

Jelly-fish frequently have little areas of a brighter colour around 
the margin of the head or umbrella, but these never occur in more 
than one row. The three trailing appendages may be a convention, 
incorrect as to number, for the bundle of filaments which hang below 
the head. Blue is, of course, a common colour in jelly-fish. 

It is certain that these jelly-fish were drawn from memory owing 
to the impossibility of transporting the animals from their native 
habitat and this would account for obvious mistakes in drawing. The 
artist may even have never seen the animal himself but have relied 
on a description. 

In interpreting the scene in question we are met with an obvious 
difficulty. The usual method of representing water in Egyptian 
scenes was by a series of chevron lines in dark-blue on a light-blue 
ground. These are entirely absent from our picture which has a 
plain grey ground. A sandy beach, however, would be well represented 
by grey. 

The plant forms shown are also of especial interest. There are 
four groups each of three, with red undulating stems terminating in 
white buds. The buds might at first glance be confused with those 
of the lotus, but the leaves at the base are totally unlike those of 
the Nymphaeae. The undulating stems are also quite unlike any 
others in the tomb paintings of Thebes and are unique. They label 
the plants as being aquatic, whether fresh water or marine. There 
is another plant- form in the scene with red stems and green leaves, 
but it is not peculiar in any way. 

174 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

A probable explanation of this scene is that it depicts an adventure 
of Amenemhab during one of his expeditions with his King in Palestine 
or further north. During such an expedition he was attacked by a 
she-wolf, doubtless defending her whelps, and the scene of the adventure 
was probably the sea-shore, if the other objects in the scene are 
correctly interpreted as jelly-fish and marine plants. 


F.- M.ABEL 0. P. 


4 PRES Elie, il n'est peut-etre pas de prophete qui ait en Orient 
-^^ un culte aussi repandu que Jonas. Les etranges peripetias de 
sa mission, le symbolisme qu'ont su en retirer I'art et la liturgie 
ainsi que les reminiscences que nous en trouvons dans TEvangile ^ 
et le Goran- ont certainement contribue a cette popularity que 
plusieurs savants chercbent a expliquer par la simple evolution du 
culte de la colombe sacree si repandu jadis sur le rivage syro- 
pbenicien. On sait en effet que le nom de Jonas (nir) signifie en 
bebreu colombe, etymologie admise par les Onomastica sacra a cote 
de certaines autres moins plausibles.' Ce n'est pas sous ce rapport 
que nous voulons envisager cette question, notre dessein etant de 
recbercber comment il se fait que le fils dAmittai ait actuellement 
trois centres de culte en Palestine, le premier en Galilee, le second 
en Judee, et le troisieme en Idumee. Aussi bien laissons-nous de 
cote le Neby Yoimes qui s'eleve (et pour cause) sur les ruines de 
Ninive, face a jMossoul, de meme que le Khdn-Tounes, a 23 kilometres 
environ au sud de Gaza, dont le vocable n'est peut-etre que le nom 
de I'intendant du sultan Barqouq, fondateur de la belle mosquee que 
Ton y voit.^ En tout cas la genese de ce dernier lieu saint comme 

1 Matth. 12 39; 16 4; Luc. Il29ss. 

2 Sourates XXI et XXXII. 

3 Fk. Wutz, Onomastica sacra, p. 131 : 'Iwras Trepiarepd. Jona columba vel dolens 
(px). 'Iw irdvos ... S. JEROME, Prolog, in Jonam (PL., XXV, 1117): Si enim Jonas 
iuterpretatur columba, columba autem refertur ad Spiritnm sanctum. Cf. Clermoht- 
Ganneau, Etudes d^archeologie orientale, II, p. 7ss. Schmidt, Jona. 

4 La 'l7jwcr(5s d'Herodote III, .5, est cherchee par les geographes plus au sud, 
a el-'Aris de prefei'ence. 


176 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

celle du KJmi en-Nehy Younes que Ton recontre entre Sidon et 
Beyrouth non loin du rds Dcimour demeure obscure. 


Le village de Meshed situe a cinq kilometres environ a Test de 
Sepphoris possede une petite mosquee ou Ton montre un tombeau 
qui pretend reufermcr la depouille du prophete Jonas. C'est meme 
a la preponderance de ce souvenir que cette localite doit son nom 
arabe de MeShed, equivalent de martyrinm ou de n'importe quel 
sanctuaire dedie a un saint personnage.^ II est admis que ce nom a 
supplante I'appellation antique de Gath-Hepher, par laquelle la Bible 
designe le pays d'origine d'un prophete Jonas, fils d'Amitta;i, qui avait 
annonce I'extension du royaume d'Israel accomplie par Jeroboam II., 
et que I'on identifie generalement avec I'envoye de Dieu mis en scene 
dans le livre de Jonas.2 On ne voit nuUe part que ce personnage 
ait termine ses jours dans son village ni qu'il y ait ete enseveli, mais, 
suivant ce qu'il arrive d'ordinaire en pareille matiere, sa memoire 
(fCit-ce la memoire de sa naissance) s'est concretisee sous la forme 
d'un tombeau. Telle etait dejii la situation constatee par S. Jerome 
en 395, quand il signale a deux milles de Sepphoris dans la direction 
de Tiberiade, le hameau de Geth ou I'on montre le sepulcre de 
Jonas.3 Bien que revaluation de deux milles se trouve un peu au 
dessous de la veritable distance, il n'y a pas lieu de douter que nous 
ayons affaire ici au moderne 31(<hed. 

Peu importe que les Juifs du Moyen age offrent quelques variantes 
dans la tradition en indiquant ce tombeau soit sur une colline proche 
de Sepphoris, soit a Kafr Kenna.^ Ces nouveautes dues a des 
venerations locales ou a des interets particuliers gravitaient de fort 

1 Cf. la bonne desci'iption de Guekin dans Galilee, I, p. 165s. 

2 2 Reg. 14 25: "isnn nao ntrx x^aan 'notT-p nan\ Jon. li; Josue 19 is; 
Beresith rabba, cli. 98; Talmud de Jerusalem, Scbiith, VI, 1. Cf. Relakd, 
Palaestina ... p. 718 et Neubauer, GeograpMe du Talmud, p. 200s; van 
HooNACKER, Les Douze Petits Prophetes, p. 312. 

3 Prolog, in Jonam (PL., XXV, 1118s): Geth in secundo Saphorim tnilliario, 
quce hodie appellatur Diocesarcea euntibus Tyberiadem hand grandis est viculus, 
ubi et sejmlcriDii ejus ostenditur. 

J Benjamin de Tudele, Jeiv. Quart. Rev., 1905, p. 297. Carmoly, Itineraires . . . 
p. 211, 256 s. Le tombeau de Kafr Kenna est aussi mentionne par des voyayeurs 
arabes des XI et XII^ siecles. Cf. Gdy Le Strange, Palestine under the 
Moslems, p. 469. 

ABEL: Le culte de Jonas en Palestine 177 

pres autour de Meshed, auquel d'ailleurs personne alors ne contestait 
I'honneur d'avoir donne le jour au fameux prophete; elles n'ont pas 
reussi, du reste, a faire devier le cours de la tradition originelle 
puisque I'etat de choses actuel repond exactement a celui du IV siecle 
qui doit remonter beaucoup plus haut. II n'est pas temeraire, en 
effet, d'assigner a ce culte galileen une origine juive assez antique 
fondee sur le texte biblique lui-meme de 2 Rois 14 25. 


La SepJtelah ou partie basse de la Judee honore le souvenir de 
Jonas dans un oiiely qui s'eleve sur un monticule sablonneux dominant 
la mer vers I'embouchure du 7ia1tr Soukreir. Ce Neby Tonnes, situe 
h six kilometres au nord de Minet-el-Qala'a qui represente le port 
d'Asdod ou I'Azote maritime, evoque tout naturellement le debut de 
la notice que les <(Vies des Prophetess consacrent a Jonas. Celui-ci, 
d'apres la recension dite de saint Epiphane, etait de la terre de 
KariatJimaoum, pres d'Azote, ville des Grecs sur la meru.i Quoique 
la finale maoum puisse etre consideree comme une deformation du 
terme ma'iouma qui designait les marines des villes de la plaine, 
nous accordons la preference a la legon du Pseudo-Dorothee 
(III^ IV siecles) dont le Kariathmaous pent s'expliquer beaucoup 
plus normalement.2 L'Arameen possede un mot, emprunte a des 
langues plus anciennes, qui signifie un centre de commerce, un grand 
marche et aussi un port, mot qui presente, en somme, les diverses 
acceptions du grec em^orion\ c'est le terme mahoz ou mahouz que 
nous trouvons precisement employe pour denommer certaines marines 
du littoral palestinien.3 Les auteurs arabes connaissent encore 
Mafiouz-Yehnd et Mahouz-Azdoud, I'un repondant au 'la/xvtrwv \tni]v 
de Ptolemee, 1' autre a 1'"aCwtos irdpaXos des notices byzantines, mentionne 
en ces termes au I*^'' siecle par Pomponius Mela (I, 10): <((Arahia) 
^ortum admittit Azotum, suarum merckmi emporium.^* Ce port d'Azote 
est clairement indique par la Vie de Pierre l'Ibere en des termes 
analogues a ceux d'Epiphane.^ 

1 ScHERMANN, ProphcteJi und Apostellegenden, Texte nnd Unters. zur Gesch. der 
AltchHstl. Litcratur, XXXI, 3, p. 00. 

2 Pag. 56: 'Iwms ^v sk yijs Kapuid/xaovs irXTjalov 'Ai'wrov jr6\eus'EW-^i'(i)P Kara OdXacrcrai'. 

3 Cf. S. Krauss, Revtie des Etudes Juives, LVI, (1908), p. 33. 

* Raabe, Petnis der Iherev, p. 121 ss. Cf. Guy le Strange, Palestine undo- the 
Moslems, p. 24, 498. 


178 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

En definitive <(le territoire de Kariathmaous pres d' Azote, ville 
des Grecs sur la merw equivaut aux environs de Mdhouz-Azdoud, 
aujourd'hui Minet-el-Qala'a, qui pouvait fort bien s'appeler au temps 
de la composition des Vies des Proplietes Qiriath-Mahoiiz.^ 
L'indication de la proximite d'Azote s'imposait pour couper court a 
toute confusion, maJjouz etant un nom commun. Nous avons done 
tout lieu de croire qu'a la base du Nehy Tonnes du littoral asdodien 
se trouve la croyance que Jonas etait originaire de ce lieu. 

Cette croyance s'harmonise difficilement, il est vrai, avec I'opinion 
legendaire rapportee egalement par les Vies des Prophetes, que 
Jonas etait le fils de la veuve de Sarepta qu'Elie avait ressuscite. 
Au fait de ce trait bizarre issu d'un jeu de mot sur not? (verite) et 
''^lp^? (Amittai, pere de Jonas), saint Jerome lui attribue, et a bou 
droit, une origine juive.2 Pour donner de la cohesion a ces elements 
dis^^arates nous devrions faire emigrer de Judee en Phenicie la veuve 
de Sarepta, ou bien ne regarder Kariathmaous que comme la patrie 
adoptive de Jonas et de sa mere, ainsi que parait I'insinuer la notice 
du Pseudo-Dorothee.3 Mais il demeure tres probable que les deux 
renseignements accoles dans les Vies des Prophetes)> n'avaient a 
I'origine aucun point de contact. Constatons seulement ici une 
tendance des Judeens a tirer a soi des prerogatives galileennes 
suivant une pretention que saint Jean explicite en ces termes (VII, 52): 
Examinez et vous verrez que de la Galilee il ne sort point de 

C'est en vertu de la meme tendance que les Juifs proposerent 
d'identifier Oat}i-He;plier avec I'une des Gath que I'on pensait retrouver 
aux environs de Lydda-Diospolis ou sur la voie d'Eleutheropolis. 

1 La chute de la gutturale dans le grec est un phenomene connu: nno est 
devenu MaoOs comme ]3nv a donne lieu a 'Iwdwj??. L'identification de cette localite 
avec Hamdmeh pres d'Ascalon qu'ont proposee Sepp d'apres Guerin, Judee, II, 
p. 129 s., et Clermont-Ganneau, Etudes dhircMol. orient-, II, p. 7 s., se soutient 

2 ScHERMANN, op. 1., p. 56: Koi 6av6vTa tov vlbv avrris 'loivav dfeaTTjcrei^ 6 Qebs dia, toD 

'HXla S. Jerome, Prolog, in Jonam : Tradimt autem Hebraei hunc esse fiiium 

viduae Sareptanae, quern Elias projyheta niortuum suscitavit, matre postea dicente 
ad eum: Nunc cognovi quia vir Dei es tu: et rerbum Dei in ore tuo est Veritas; 
et ob Jianc causam etiam ipsum ])uerum sic vocatum. Amathi enim in nostra 
lingua veritatem sonat: et ex eo quod verum Elias locutus est, ille qui suscitatics 
est, filius esse dicitur veritatis. Cf. 1 Reg. 17 24. 

3 ScHERMANN, p. 57: KoL dj/aords 'Iw^'aj /xerd rijc Xl/xov fjKdev iv 7^ 'louS^. 

ABEL: Le culte de Jonas en Palestine 179 

Apres avoir signale la tradition de Galilee a laquelle il se range, 
saint Jerome ajoiite: Certains pourtant veulent que Jonas soit ne et 
enseveli pres de Diospolis, c'est-a-dire de Lydda, ne comprenant pas 
que I'addition Opher est pour marquer une distinction d'avec les 
autres villes de Geth que Ton montre aussi aujourd'hui soit pres 
d'Eleutheropolis, soit pres de Diospolis.i Nous devons mentionuer 
a ce propos la variante de Salomon de Bassorah qui fait Jonas 
originaire de Gath-Heplier, de Qouriath-Adamos , proche d'Ascalon 
et de Gaza, et du rivage de la mer.2 Qouriath-Adamos se presente 
evidemment comme une alteration de Kapca^/xaoOs, mais la proximite 
d'Ascalon et de Gaza parait avoir ete postulee par I'existence d'une 
Gath dans ces parages. Or, entre ces deux villes se trouve el-Djiyeh, 
I'une des DjUein des geographes arabes, la TeOdetfx que I'Onomasticon 
rappelle au sujet de Gath. 3 II est possible qvie cette localite ait 
revendique en vertu de son nom le privilege si dispute d'avoir donne 
le jour au prophete, fils d'Amittai. 

Ainsi, dans certains milieux, ce fut le nom de Gath (Geth) qui 
fit naitre le souvenir de Jonas. Un exemple caracteristique en dehors 
de la Palestine nous est fourni par la proximite d'un Neby Yomies 
et d'un village d'el-Djiyeh entre Sidon et Beyrouth. El-Djiyeh 
correspond sans doute a une ancienne Geth. Mais comme il eut 
ete par trop invraisemblable d'y situer la naissance d'un prophete 
palestinien, on se borna d'y marquer le lieu oii Jonas aurait ete 
vomi par le monstre marin. Nous arrivames, ecrit d'Arvieux en 1660, 
au village appele Romeyle, et suivant notre route dans des roches 
et des sables, nous trouvames aupres d'un autre Village appele Gie 
une petite Mosquee blanche, qui selon la tradition du Pais marque 
le lieu ou la baleine vomit le Prophete Jonas. Les Turcs ne 
manquent jamais de saluer profondement cet endroit, et de demander 

1 Prolog, in Jonani: Quamquam alii juxta Dios2)olim, id est, Liddavi, eum 
et natum et conditum velint: non intelligentes hoc quod additiir, OpJier, ad 
distinctionem aliarum Geth urbium pertinere, quae juxta Eleutheropolim, sive 
Diospolim, hodie quoqiie monstrantur. 

2 The Book of the Bee, ed. Budge, ch. XXXII, p. 70. La legon KapM9i.api/j. des 
Synaxaires gi'ecs, de la seconde recension d'Epiphane et de Michel le Syrien 
(Chabot, I, p. 76) sent trop I'adaptation pour prevaloir contre celle qui a ete 
admise plus haut. 

3 Cf. Clermont-Ganneau, Archceol. Researches, II, p. 196, note 1. 

I so Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

permission au Prophete de passer devant chez lui.i Ce sanctuaire 
existe encore au point indique par les cartes Khan en-Neby Yoitnes. 
Nous ne sommes pas en mesure d'affirmer que la position occupee 
par Touely du nahr Soiikretr fut celle d'une Geth de jadis. Peut- 
etre faut-il simplement assignor I'echouage de Jonas comme origine 
a ce lieu saint, car nous n'avons pas a dissimuler Timportance que 
prend dans la question le voisinage plus ou moins immediat de Jaffa 
(Yapho, Joppe), port d'embarquement du prophete decide a fuir vers 
Tharsis.2 En nous rapprochant de Jaffa nous trouvons a 6 kilom. 1/2 
au sud de cette ville 3 un tertre qui domine la cote sablonneuse 
d'environ 200 pieds et auquel on n'a pas jusqu'ici prete grande 
attention. C'est a Schick que revient le merite d'avoir signale ce 
point topograjihique omis jusqu'ici dans les cartes de Palestine et dont 
le nom est Tell-YoimesJ Malgre I'ensahlement, les mines couronnaut 
ce sommet offrent un plan general assez reconnaissable. Au milieu 
d'une plate-forme entouree de murs se dessine un edifice mesurant 
45 pieds en longueur d'ouest en est, et 40 pieds du nord au sud et 
presentant une repartition en trois nefs, ce qui ferait penser aux 
restes d'une petite basilique. Ce Tell-Yomies, a notre avis, repond 
exactement a la situation que la carte de Madaba, dans le fragment 
subsistant de la tribu de Dan, donne au sanctuaire accompagne de 
la legende TO TOY AFIOY lOONA .de (temple) de Saint- Jonas>>.5 

II se trouve a la hauteur de Diospolis du cote de la mer en face de 
cette Geth ou Gitta a laquelle fait allusion saint Jerome et qui est 
a placer non loin de Ramleh. 


Le village d'Halhoul a six kilometres au nord d'Hebron pretend 
posseder le tombeau de Jonas dans une mosquee qui attire de loin 

1 Memoires, II (1735), p. 329. Voir note precedente. 

2 Jonas, I, 3. Le prophete se leve j)our fuir a Tharsis et descend a Jafta 
(1BJ iy_\, eis 'Ibirirriv). Jete par dessus bord et englouti par le cetace, Jonas est 
finalement rejete a terre (ni2^3^n"^t|;, eirl tV iy]pdv) au bout de trois jours (II, 11). 

3 Et j)ar consequent a 21 kilometres au nord du Neby Younes situe a 
I'embouchure du nahr Soitkreir, dans I'ambiance de I'ancien port d' Azote. 

* PE Fund, Quart. Statement, 1888, p. 7 s. 

Voir BB., 1897, esquisse apres la page 164 ; La Carte mosa'ique de Madaba 
(Bonne Presse, 1897) photogr. nO 3; Palmer et Guthe. Les commentateurs de la 
Carte, meconnaissant I'existence du Tell Younes, ont generalement identifie ce 
sanctuaire avec le Neby Younes du port d' Azote. 

ABEL: Le culte de Jouas en Palestine 181 

le regard et que Ton designe sous le nom de Djdmi'a Nehy ToimesA 
Depuis 'Aly d'Herat (1173) les auteurs arabes s'accordent a preconiser 
cette tradition qui trouve un echo dans un ouvrage latin de 1320. 
Au deuxieme mille d'Hebron dans la direction de Bethleem est le 
lieu ou le prophete Jonas demeurait, quand il fut revenu de Ninive. 
II y mourut et y fut enseveli.)>2 En depit de I'inexactitude touchant 
la distance, Odoric de Frioul, dont nous tenons ce renseignement, 
doit sans doute avoir en vue Halhoul dans laquelle, au dire d''Aly 
d'Herat, se trouve le tombeau de Younes fils de Matta. Au sujet 
du sanctuaire, Moudjir ed-Din ecrit: Ce tombeau se trouve dans 
un bourg situe pres de la ville de notre seigneur el Khalil (Hebron). 
Ce bourg se nomme Halhoul et est sur la route de Jerusalem. Au 
dessus du tombeau, il a ete construit un masdjed et un minaret. Le 
minaret fut eleve par les ordres d'el Malek el-Mo'addam 'Ysa, sous 
Tadministration de I'emir Rachid ed-Din Faradj . . . dans le mois de 
radjab de I'annee 623 (juin-juillet 1226). Le tombeau de Jonas jouit 
d'une grande celebrite et Ton s'y rend en pelerinage. Matta (Amittai) 
est enterre tout pres, en un village appete Beit Oummar. C'etait 
un juste de la famille des prophetes.wS 

Beit Oummar situe a cinq kilometres au nord d'Halhoul montre 
encore anjourd'hui le tombeau de Neby Matta et il est fort possible 
que ce lieu saint soit celui que Willibald visita vers 725 et auquel 
il donne le nom de Saint-Matthias. 4 Mais rien ne s'oppose a ce que 
le veritable souvenir venere en cet endroit au VIII siecle soit celui 
d' Amittai, pere de Jonas. On s'est demande ce que venait faire Jonas 
en cette region et I'on croit communement que son culte en Idumee 
provient des Arabes. Les Juifs recents qui tiennent pour la localisation 
galileenne de Gath-Hefer, ont substitue a Halhoul le tombeau du 
prophete Gad a celui de Jonas,^ mais leur opinion ne saurait prevaloir 
centre celle des Arabes dont nous retrouvons le fondement a une 

1 Gderin, Judee, III, p. 284ss.; Mader, Altchristliche Basiliken und Lokal- 
traditionen in Sikljiidda, p. 35 ss. 

2 Laurent, Peregrinatores medii aevi quatiior, jj. 154. 

3 Sauvaire, Hist, de Jerusalem et d'Hebron, p. 32. Gdy le Strange, Palestine 
under the Moslems, p. 447. 

* Hodoeporicon, cap. XXIV. 

5 Carmoly, Itineraircs de la Terre Sainte . . . traduits de I'hebreu, p. 128, 
242, 388, 435. 

182 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

epoque aussi reculee que I'epoque oil nous avons constate ailleurs 
I'eclosion du culte de Jonas. 

C'est encore aux Vies des Prophetess que nous devons recourir 
pour ce nouvel aspect de la question et relever la fin de la notice 
sur Jonas negligee jusqu'ici par les critiques. Nous lisons en effet 
dans la recension d'Epiphane: Les Ninivites se convertirent a Dieu 
et obtinrent niisericorde. Jonas s'en etant afflige revint mais ne 
demeura pas en son pays; il adopta le pays de Sour, terre des 
etrangers, en se faisant ce raisonnement : Ainsi je me laverai du 
reproche de ni'etre trompe en prophetisant contre Ninive. Ayant 
done habite la terre de Saar, il y mourut et fut ensereli dans la 
caverne du fils de Qenaz, juge.i 

Le fils de Qenaz juge d'une tribu aux jours de ranarchie comme 
s'exprime le Pseudo-Dorothee, n'est autre qu'Othoniel, le frere cadet 
de Caleb, dont I'activite s'exerga sur les confins de la tribu de Juda, 
en territoire edomite.2 Les entites topographiques de "Sovp et de Saa/a 
contenues dans la notice nous reportent dans le voisinage d'Halhoul. 
Entre Beit-Oummar et Halhoul (a 1500 metres de cette derniere 
localite) se trouvent les ruines de la celebre forteresse de Beit Sour; 
de plus, a trois kilometres au nord-est d'Halhoul existe encore de 
nos jours le village de Sa'ir, ou Ton montre le tombeau d'Esaii. 
Halhoul appartient done excellemment a la region de Sour et de 
Saar oii Jonas aurait vecu ses dernieres annees et oii il serait mort 
et enseyeli, partageant la grotte funeraire du juge Othoniel. Consacre 
d'abord par le souvenir du fils de Qenaz, le sanctuaire y associa 
celui de Jonas qui finit par prevaloir et par eclipser toute autre 
memoire en ce lieu. Le texte d'Odoric rappele plus haut s'inspire, 
selon nous, de la tradition des Vies des Prophetesw: .Secundo 
miliario versus BeUeliem ah Ehron est locus, ubi Jonas propheta 
manebat, jjostquam venit de Ninive. Et ibi mortims est et sepultus.^ 
C'est ainsi que I'Idumee en fixant sur son territoire les derniers jours 
du prophete reussit a posseder de son cote un Neby Younes qui 
obtint chez les Arabes une vogue beaucoup plus grande que les 
autres sanctuaires palestiniens dedies a Jonas. 

1 ScHERMANN, op. I., J). 56: TrapaXa^wv ttjv 'Eovp x'^P"-'' '^^^ d.\\o(pO\otii' . . . Kal KaTOiKricras 
if yrj Sad/) iKei (XTreSa^e Kal Td(p7) ii> ry o-iryjXalcf rov Kevei'Lov KpiTOV, 

2 Juges, III, 7 11. La correction diAram en Edom s'impose dans ce passage. 
Cf. I, 13. Lagrange, Le Livre des Juges, p. 48. 

3 Laurent, Peregrinatores . . ., p. 154. 

ABEL: Le culte de Jonas en Palestine 183 

Que la diffusion du culte de Jonas soit due a la simple evolution 
de la veneration de la colombe et du poisson des mythes syro- 
pheniciens, c'est una supposition qui attend encore des preuves solides. 
Comme de nombreux ouelys de TOrient, les sanctuaires de Jonas ont 
leur origine dans un essai d'interpretation du recit biblique. Les 
uns evoluent autour de certaines localites tenues pour Gath-Hepher; 
les autres naissent sur la cute dans une relation plus ou moins 
etroite avec Jaffa, en raison de Tembarquement et de I'echouage du 
missionnaire. Seule la legende idumeenne presente des origines moins 
faciles a saisir. Mais on ne saurait douter qu'elle remonte au moins 
au debut de I'ere chretienne.i 

1 En recapitulant nous obtenons done la serie suivante: 1 Khan N. Younes 
entre Beyrouth et Sidon; 2" Tell Yoimes a une heure au Sud de Jaffa; 3 Nebi/ 
Younes du nahr Soukreir; 4 Khan N. Younes a 23 kilom. au sud de Gaza; 
5o a Meshed et aux environs; 6 a Halhouh Conder en signalant un ouely de 
Jonas a Sarafand-Sarepta parait confondre avec I'ouely de Mar Elyds. QS., 1888, p. 8. 



In his interesting paper on "Apliek" (Jo^trnaZ, Vol. II, pp. 145 158) 
Mr. Tolkowsky has skilfully defended the theory that the three or 
four Apheks mentioned in the Old Testament are in reality identical. 
While he admits that other Apheks may have existed, the admission 
becomes of no historical significance, because all the occurrences of 
the name in a narrative context are referred to a single hypothetical 
Aphek, localized by Tolkowsky, following Conder and others, at Fuqii' 
on the summit of Mount Gilboa. It seems to the writer that this 
position is hardly tenable, and that we must, instead, distinguish 
between no less than five Apheks in Palestine and southern Syria, 
two of which are mentioned in the historical sections. Before 
proceeding to argue against his position, let us summarize our 
knowledge from extra-biblical sources. Egyptian sources mention 
one Aphek, cuneiform one or two, Greek three, and Arabic two. 

Of these Apheks the best known is the Aphek situated at the 
northern end of the famous Pass of Fiq, eight miles in a straight 
line northeast of Semah. Eusebius mentions it in his Onomasticon 
as a large village (kwjuv; jjnydXr]) near Hippos, called A(^e/<a. Eight 
hundred years after Eusebius, Yaqut speaks of the place, describing 
its location accurately and tracing the references to it in Arabic 
literature from the seventh century on. His account commences with 
the following words: "Afiq is a town of the Hauran, on the road 
of the Ghor, at the beginning of the pass known as the Pass of 
Afiq, and generally called Fiq, a pass about two miles long down 
which one descends into the Ghor, that is, the Jordan (Valley)." 
This Fiq is usually identified with one of the biblical Apheks. The 
name Afiq is Hebrew, meaning "strong, fortified" (cf. Assyr. epeqii, 

Notes and Comments 185 

"be strong, firm, solid"), and accordingly there can be no doubt that 
an Aphek existed here in early Israelite days, before Aramaic became 
the tongue of the land. Its position, commanding the important pass 
of Aphek, on the road from Damascus to Beth-shan and the Plain 
of Esdraelon, was so strong that it could not have been neglected in 
the strategy of the wars between Damascus and Israel. 

The second Aphek lay near the headwaters of the Nahr el-'Auja; 
Josephus (Wars, II, 513) says that Cestius and his army occupied 
Antipatris, while the Jews gathered in a certain fortress called Aphek 
(eV rivi TTvpyo) A(f)eKov KaXovjxkvi^). For a long time the site of Antipatris 
Avas in doubt. Sanda (MVAG 1902, 51 60j in his discussion of the 
Aphek problem tried to identify Antipatris with Mejdel Yaba and 
Aphek with Qal'at Eas el-'Ein. In 1911 Guthe attacked the 
question, also in connection with Aphek (MNDPV 1911, 33 44), 
and showed conclusively that Antipatris lay at Ras el-'Ein, a view 
which is now the common property of scholars, and that Aphek must 
have been Mejdel Yaba, two miles southeast of Ras el-'Ein, on a 
very striking site, high above the plain, at the opening of the Wadi 
Deir Ballut, which leads up toward Bethel and Shiloh. The name 
Mejdel Yaba may be traced back to the Middle Ages (Yaqut, etc.), 
as pointed out by Hartmann (MNDPV 1912, 57-58), but this fact 
does not affect its identification with the older Aphek, which has 
been adopted by Dalman (PJB 1912, 2122, and 1914, 31) and 
others. The antiquity of the name at this spot is proved by the 
Tuthmosis list, No. 66. As was observed long ago, the names of the 
towns in this part of the list follow the route of the king in his march 
up the Philistine Plain to Yaham, from which he turned off to cross 
the hills to Megiddo ; the best discussion of the campaign is given by 
Alt (PJB 1914, 53-99). Of importance for us are Nos. 6468 in the 
list of Palestinian towns which submitted to Tuthmosis III: 

64. Rw-t-n, i. e. Luddon, Hebrew Lodd, Arab. Ludd. It must be 
noted that there is no I or d in Egyptian. The endings o and on 
interchange constantly, and are frequently lost or added. 

65. Tw-in-hv, i. e. Ono {kv was pronounced o), Heb. Ono. Ono 
probably lay at El-Yehudiyeh, a mile and a half northeast of 


Kefr 'Ana, "the village of Ono," and six miles north of Ludd. 

66. I-xiw-q-n, i. e. Efeqon, Heb. Afeq, probably Mejdel Yaba, five 
miles northeast of El-Yehudiyeh. 


186 Journal of tlie Palestine Oriental Society 

67. S^-w-k^, i. e. Sauka(o), Heb. nb'ity, modern Suweikeh, eighteen 
miles north-northeast of Mejdel Yaba. The three biblical 
Socohs are all represented by modern SuweikeJi, properly the 
deminutive of Sdkeh "thorn." See Alt, PJB X, 69, n. 1. 

68. Y-h-in, i. e. Yaham, which Alt has convincingly identified with 
Tell el-Asawir, ten miles north of Suweikeh. 

While one might place Aphek, in accordance with the list, further 
north, the fact that the Jews tried by occupying it to bar Cestius's 
advance from Caesarea to Jerusalem shows that this is out of the 
question. That it was in Sharon is shown by Jos. 12 18. 

The Apqu of Esarhaddon's campaign against Egypt (Winckler, 
Texthuch, pp. 53 ff.) lay on the direct road from Tyre to Raphia, and 
so must be identical with either the Aphek just mentioned, or the 
Aphek of Asher, mentioned Jos. 19 so between Accho (read HDj; = IDJ? 
for 7]^V) and Rehob (Tell Berweh?). Fortunately, Esarhaddon gives 
the distance as 30 double-hours (beru)\ the actual distance by road 
from Accho to Raphia is about 150 miles, or 60 hours for a large 
army with a baggage-train, so we must decide in favor of the northern 
Aphek. To be sure, if we follow Delitzsch and Langdon in main- 
taining that the Assyrians preferred a shorter heru, of only an hour, 
we obtain a distance agreeing exactly with the distance of sixty 
miles in a straight line (or about 75 by road) between Mejdel Yaba 
and Raphia, However, their position is almost certainly wrong. 

The most famous of all the Apheks in Syria is the Grreek Aphaca 
(AcfiaKa) modern Afqa, east-southeast of Byblos, at the source of the 
river Adonis (Nahr Ibrahim), where one of the most ancient temples 
of Tammuz was located. It is quite possible that this Aphek is the 
Apiqa^ of the list of towns of the Assyrian Empire in Schroeder, 
KAVI, No. 90, Rev. 13. The same form of the name is found in a 
fifth Aphek (npZi^) in southern Judah (Jos. 15 53); the form in question 
is probably derived from an ""Aplqat, which evidently interchanged 
with *Afiqon, the Egyptian Efeqon. The ordinary form of the name 
in Hebrew is Aftq or Aftq, for '^Aflq. The various vocalic alterations 
point to a very great antiquity of the name, whose original meaning 
was early forgotten. 

We have thus five certainly distinct Apheks in Palestine and 
southern Syria must we add a sixth, to be identified with modern 
Fuqii' on the top of Gilboa? Tolkowsky prudently gives up Condor's 

Notes and Comments 187 

original argument the phonetic similarity and substitutes a series 
of strategic considerations. It is true that the Arabic form, meaning 
"mushrooms" is doubtless a popular etymology, but Fuqu may easily 
represent a Hebrew *PaqqiCali, or the like, meaning "colocynth" 
(i. e. place of colocynths), and the combination with Afeq defies all 
philological law. Let us then consider briefly the arguments presented 
by Tolkowsky. 

The best treatment of the Battle of Ebenezer is that by Guthe, 
already referred to, but his argument may easily be made even 
stronger. We must remember that Judah, as appears from the story 
of Samson, was already tributary to the Philistines, and that their 
attack was therefore directed against the northern tribes, Israel 
proper. The Philistines naturally gathered on the border between 
them and the Israelites, that is, at a point southwest of Israel. The 
best route by which to invade Israel was the Wadi 'Azzun, leading 
up from a point a few miles north of Has el-'Ein to Shechem, the 
focus of the Israelite confederation. Directly east of Has el-'Ein is 
the mouth of the Wadi Deir Ballut, leading up toward Bethel and 
Shiloh (see above). Here was water in abundance for the horses 
and footmen, and a fortified town (Aphek = Mejdel Yaba) to which 
to retreat in case of defeat. No argument can be deduced from the 
tribal affinity of the messenger who bore the evil tidings to Shiloh, 
since the latter was quite as sacred to Benjamites as to Ephraimites, 
and swift runners were not likely to outdistance the rest merely in 
order to get home first, when they might be the first to bring news 
to the capital. 

All critical exegetes agree that we have in 1 Sam. 28 31 one of 
the displacements of the text found in this book; ch. 28 3-25 belongs 
between 29 and 31 (30 is an episode from David's career). With this 
rearrangement everything falls into place. The Philistine forces are 
marshalled at Has el-'Ein, just north of their own land, in the 
tributary region. When the contingent from Gath ('Araq el-Mensiyeh !) 
comes on the scene, David is found with Achish, and a protest 
against the presence of so suspicious a person is immediately made; 
of course, this occurs before the march into the hostile land begins. 
Ch. 29 11 shows that Jezreel was the goal of the Philistine march, 
which accordingly followed the Dothan route to Jenin and Zer'in. It 
is clear that, as Tolkowsky remarks, the Philistines were endeavoring 

188 Journal of the Palestine Oriental Society 

to occupy the Plain of Jezreel, the richest part of Saul's domain, 
thereby cutting his kingdom into two parts. The Philistines evide